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From  the  collection  of  the 

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San  Francisco,  California 
2007 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


VOLUME  xxxiv,  JANUARY-DECEMBER,  1945 


SUBJECT  AND  TITLE  INDEX- 


Agenda   for    the   American    people,    Clm.^-. 

13 

Air  age  transportation,  Ogburn,   55 
Aladdin's     wonderful     lamp,     Kaempffert, 

89 

Alcoholism,  roads  to,  Myerson,    49 
Allied   choices,   three,   Hill,   478 
American   choices,   Mlllis,    241 
American   invasion,   Mclver,   165 
Among   ourselves,    3,    35,    S3,    115 
Amphibious  medicine,  Brunner,  443 
Anti-discriminatory    legislation :      On    the 
calendar  of  our  consciences,  Polier,  Jus- 
tine and   Shad,  47 

Art: 

"Alert,  the,"  painting  by  Alex  Mac- 
pherson,  203 

"Atomic  power,"  cartoon  by  Fitz- 
patrick,  356 

"Attila,"  etching  by  Ralph  Fabri,  155 

"Bernard  M.  Baruch."  bronze  sculp- 
ture by  Max  Kalish,  401 

"Britain's  heritage,"  wartime  post- 
ers, 184 

"Bullets  and  Barbed  Wire,"  drawing 
by  Kerr  Bby,  289 

China  in  wartime,  130 

"China's  pursuit  of  light,"  Li  Hwa, 
cover  illustration,  Apr. 

"Common  Stream  of  Justice,"  murals 
by  Boardman  Robinson,  236 

"Communal  Feeding  Center,"  painting 
by  Leonard  Daniels.  204 

Cover  illustrations,  see  Cover  illus- 
trations 

"Ebb  Tide,  Tarawa,"  drawing  by 
Kerr  Bby.  288 

"Encamped  Britain,"  paintings  by 
David  Lax,  158 

"Franklin  Delano  Roosevelt,  1882- 
1945,"  portrait  bust  by  Jo  David- 
son, 169 

"Ghost  Trail,"  drawing  by  Kerr  Eby, 
287 

"Manufacturing  the  Larger  Size 
Bombs,"  painting  by  Leslie  Cole. 
205 

"President  Harry  S.  Truman,"  bronze 
sculpture  by  Max  Kalish,  308 

"Ruby  Luftus,  skilled  war  worker," 
painting  by  Dame  Laura  Knight, 

"Sandbag      Workers,"      painting      by 

Ethel  Gabain,   205 
"Small  Mortar  Loading,"  drawing  by 

Kerr  Eby,    287 
"Tarawa :    Deathless    Victory    On    the 

Island  of  Death,"  drawing  by  Kerr 

Eby,    288 
"V-splrit    of    the    people,"    paintings, 

203-205 
"Vannevar    Bush,"    bronze    sculpture 

by  Max  Kalish,   428 
"We    Couldn't    Have    Done    So    Good 

Without    Him,"    drawing    by    Kerr 

Eby,  289 

"Women's  Land  Army  :  Dairy  Train- 
ing," painting  by  Evelyn  Dunbar, 

204 

Atlantic  Charter : 

Four  freedoms  and,   Shotwell,   172 
Text  of,   168 

Atomic  bombshell,  the.  Gilflllan,  357 
Atomic    energy,    control    of,    Shotwell     407 
Australia:   Partners  in   the  Soutlh  Pacific 
Nevins,    228 


Babies  on  the  doorstep,  Davis,   438 
Book  reviews : 

Abend,   Hallet,    Treaty  ports,  132 
Adams.  James  Truslow,  Big   business 

in   a   democracy,   453 
Alland     and     Wise,     The     Springfield 

plan,   449 

Authoritarian  attempt  to  capture  edu- 
cation, 451 


Baker,  Ray  Stannard,  American 
chronicle,  136 

Bartlett.  Ruhl  J.,  The  league  to  en- 
force peace,  69 

Beals,  Carleton.  et  al.  What  the 
South  Americans  think  of  us,  454 

Becker,  John,  Negro  in  American 
life,  332 

Berge,  Wendell.  Cartels  —  challenge 
to  a  free  world.  72 

Beveridge,  Sir  William,  The  price  of 
peace,  448 

Binper,   Carl,   The  doctor's  job.   299 

Brandt,  Karl,  The  recontruction  of 
world  agriculture,  136 

Brogan,  D.  W.,   The  free  state,  488 

Bryson,  Finkelstein,  and  Maclver, 
Approaches  to  world  peace,  69 

Buck,  Pearl  S..  Tell  the  people,  132 

Chase,  Stuart,  Democracy  under  pres- 
sure, 298 

Chase,  Stuart,  Men  at  work,  348 

Chatto  and  Halllgan.  The  story  of 
the  Springfield  plan,  449 

Churchill,  Henry  S.,  The  c-ity  is  the 
people,  449 

Clark,  John  Maurice,  DemobWasation 
of  wartime  economic  controls,  298 

Cleghorn,  Sarah,  The  seamless  robe, 
416 

Colcord,  Carver,  Sea  language  conies 
ashore,  105 

Collins,  Frederick  L.,  Uncle  Sam's 
billion-dollar  baby.  455 

Daniels.  Josephus,  The  Wilson  Era : 
Years  of  peace — 1910-1917.  25 

Davis,  Harriet  Eager,  ed.,  Pioneers 
in  icorld  order,  448 

deHusxiu1.  George  B.,  New  perspec- 
tives on  peace,  104 

Du  Bois,  W.  E.  B.,  Color  and  democ- 
racy, 415 

Duffus.  R.  L.,  The  valley  and  its  peo- 
ple. 71 

Karhart,    Mary.    Frances   Willard,    74 

Eddy,  Sherwood,  /  have  seen  God 
work  in  China.  132 

Kmbree,  John  P.,  The  Japanese  na- 
tion, 415 

Ernst,  Morris  L.,  The  best  is  yet,  297 

Feis.  Herbert,  The  sinews  of  peace, 
104 

Finer,  Herman,  The  TV  A  —  lessons 
for  international  application,  71 

Finletter.  Thomas  K.,  Can  repre- 
sentative government  do  the  job 
332 

Fitzpatrick,  Edward,  McCarthy  of 
Wisconsin,  74 

Fleisher.  Wilfrid,  What  to  do  with 
Japan,  134 

Forman.  Harrison,  Report  from  Red 
China,  132 

Fry,  Varian,  Surrender  on  demand. 
349  , 

Ooldmann.  Franz,  Public  medical 
care.  488 

Gordon,  R.  A.,  Business  leadership 
in  the  large  corporation.  298 

Graham,  George  A.,  and  Reining-. 
Henry.  Jr.,  Regulatory  administra- 
tion, 28 

Gruber.  Ruth,  7  went  to  the  Soviet 
Arctic,  73 

Hansen,  Alvin  H.,  America's  role  in 
the  world  economy,  348 

Hansen.  Alvin  H..  and  Perloff,  Har- 
vey S.,  State  and  local  finance  in 
the  national  economy,  27 

Harvard  Committee,  General  educa- 
tion in  a  free  society.  376 

Hauser,  Heinrich,  The  German  talks 
back,  488 

Hinshaw,  David,  A  man  from  Kansas, 
487 

Jaffe,  Bernard,  Men  of  science  in 
America,  348 

Jensen,  Vernon  H.,  Lumber  and  la- 
bor, 454 

Juran,  J.  M.,  Bureaucracy:  A  chal- 
lenge to  better  management,  28 

Kingdon.   Frank,  An  uncommon  man  : 


Henry  Wallace  and  60  million  jobi, 
378 

T.a   Farge,   Oliver,   Raw  material,  347 

Ijasker,  Bruno.  Asia  on  the  more, 
135 

Lawrence,  Josephine,  Let  us  consider 
one  another,  331 

Lorwin,  Lewis  L.,  Time  for  planning, 
377 

MacNeil.  Neil,  An  American  peace, 
69 

Maki,  John  M.,  Japanese  militarism, 
its  cause  and  cure,  331 

McWilliams,  Carey,  Prejudice :  Jap- 
anese Americans,  symbol  of  racial 
intolerance,  415 

Miller,  Arthur.   Situation  normal,   138 

Milletl.  Fred  B.,  The  rebirth  of  lib- 
eral education,  137 

Mises,  Ludwig  von,  Omnipotent  gov- 
ernment, 104 

Morgan,  Arthur  E.,  Edward  Bellamy, 
26 

Mumford,  Lewis,  City  development, 
416 

Murphy.  Gardner,  ed..  Human  na- 
ture and  endurinij  pence,  416 

Niggi,  Josephina,  Mexican  village, 
464 

Norris,  George  E.,  Fiuhtino  liberal. 
295 

Ortega  y  Gasset,  Jose,  Mission  of  the 
university,  137 

Palencia,  Isabel  de,  Smouldering  free- 
dom, 450 

Payne,   Robert.   Forerrr  China,   450 

Perry,  Ralph  Barton,  One  world  in 
the  makintj.  447 

Richter,  Werner,  Re-educating  Ger- 
many, 415 

Pink,  Louis  H.,  Freedom  from  fear, 
an  author  replies,  75 

Rosenman,  Dorotihy,  Million  homes 
a  year,  296 

Rosinger,  Lawrence  K..  China's  crisis. 
348 

Roth.     Andrew,     Dilemma    in    Japan, 

RumI,  Beardsley,  Tomorrow's  busi- 
ness, 298 

Sands  and  Lalley,  Our  jungle  diplo- 
macy, 70 

Shaw,  Bernard.  Everybody's  political 
what's  what,  70 

Smith  and  Zucher,  A  dictionary  of 
American  politics,  75 

Snow,  Edgar,  Pattern  of  Soviet 
power.  490 

Staley,  Eugene.  World  economic  de- 
velopment, 70 

Stapleton.  Laurence,  Justice  and 
world  society,  72 

Stegner.  Wallace,   One  nation.  452 

Tillich,  Paul  J.,  et  al,  The  Christian 
answer,  448 

Tocqueyille,  Alexis  de.  Democracy  in 
America.  332 

Tong,  Hollington  K.,  China  after 
seven  years  of  war,  132 

Twentieth  Century  Fund,  The  pnti-rr 
industry  and  the  public  interest,  71 

Wales,  Nym,  The  Chinese  labor 
movement,  132 

Walton,  Frank  L.,  Thread  of  victory, 
456 

Warburg,  James  P.,  Foreign  policy 
br/iins  at  home.  69 

Ward,  Robert  S.,  Asia  for  the  Asi- 
afirs,  414 

Welles,  Sumner.  ed..  An  intelligent 
American's  guide  to  peace,  349 

White,  Walter,  A  rising  wind.  452 

Ziff.  William  B.,  The  gentlemen  talk 
of  peace.  70 

Zucker.  Morris,  The  philosophy  of 
American  History,  489 

Bridges    of    the    future,    Shotwell.    James 

T.,   37 

British    viewpoints,    symposium,    185 
By  their  French  bootstraps,  Roche,   476 


California's  health  insurance  drama,   Sar- 

tain,  440 
Canada :    Northern    neighbor,    MacCormac, 

225 

Cartoons :    Fitzpatrick    in    St.    Louis    Post- 
Dispatch,   Mar.   cover 

Charter  of  the  Golden  Gate,  Shotwell,  309 
Child    labor:    They    harvest    New    York's 

crops,  Close,  21 

China  in  wartime,  woodcuts,   130 
Citizenship,    trail-blazers    in,    Carlson,    362 
Clean  sweep  in   Puerto   Rico,   Clark,   63 
Close-up,  Gannett,  15'J 
Collective  bargaining-,   new  boundaries   in, 

Harris,   433 
Congress:     Will     Congress    clean     house? 

Kreighbaum,   409 
Conscription,   postwar,   why  now?  Thayer. 

314 
Cover   illustrations  : 

Bow     of     hospital     ship     "Solace,"     of 

Okinawa    ( photograph ) ,    Nov. 
Call   to  work    (photograph),   Oct. 
Cartoon    by   Fitzpatrick,    Mar. 
Crossed  flags,  Reiss,  May 
Helicopter,    Aviation    News,    Feb. 
Hungry,    stateless,    displaced    persons 

(photograph),   Dec. 
Liberty  alight  after  V-E  Day   (photo- 
graph), June 

Modern  research,    U.   S.  Rubber  Com- 
pany  (photograph),  Jan. 
"Pursuit  of  liglht,"  Li  Hwa,  Apr. 
Stettinius.    Edward    R.    (photograph), 

July 
Television  control  rfoom  (photograph). 

Aug. 

Victory,    Sept. 
Crops,    New    York's,   harvest   of,   Close,    21 


Delinquents,   they  can  be  made  over,  Mc- 

Cormick,   127 
Displaced      persons :      A      USA      close-up, 

Karpf,   282 
Dumbarton   hopes,   Mowrer,    3 

E 

Economic  bill   of  rights.  Murray.   397 
"Economic     high     command,"     Batt     and 

Mullen,   181 
Education : 

In   a   complex   world,    Hansen,    103 
Reconversion  on  the  campus,  Thomp- 
son,  366 
Veteran     goes    to    college,    Andrews, 

402 
Electron  tube  :  Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp, 

Kaempffert,    89 
Employment,  full : 
Act  of  1945,    395 
American    bill :    From    patchwork    to 

purpose,   Keyserling,    95 
British    plan :    What    Beveridge    pro- 
poses,    Stewart,     93 
Postwar  taxes  and,  Newcomer,  60 
Europe  and  the  Mediterranean,  Dean,  190 


Farmers   must   go  fishing,   Davis,   125 
Figlhting  against  time.  Lehman,   474 
Finch,  Earl  M.,   "An  ordinary  American." 

Close,  52 

Flanner  House    (photographs),   338 
Fortunate  city,   Riis  and   Waldron,   339 
Four  freedoms : 

Atlantic  charter  and,   Shotwell.   172 

Text  of,   170 

From  the  rubble  up,  Hagen,   477 
Full  Employment  Act  of   1945.   395 
Future   is  already  here,   Amidon,   6 

G 

Germany : 

Four   horsemen   over,   Hagen,    434 
Looking  in  on  the  Germans.  Hansen, 

24 

What  shall  we  do  about?  Shotwell.  99 
Ginger     in     the     British     medicine    chest. 

Davis,   212 

Go  political,  young  man,  Fischer,   322 
Great  Britain : 

American    invasion,   Mclver,    165 
British    viewpoints:    As    tihey    ft-    it. 

185 
Ginger  In  the  British  medicine  chest. 

Davis,   212 

Things   of    the   spirit,    Commager.    237 
United       Kingdom       since       Dunkirk. 

Browne,   206 

What  the  British  face.  Coyle.  213 
When  the  coalition  ends,   Barnes,   2"! 
Great  partnership,   the,  Reed.   178 


H 

Hatch.   D.    Sprncer :    Neighbor    in    n    Jlcxi- 

can  valley,   McEvoy,    290 
Health  : 

Babies  on  the  doorstep,  Davis,  438 
Better,  for  country  folks.   Glover  and 

Harding,    372 
California's     insurance     drama.     S;>r- 

tain,   440 

Care  for  all,  Davis,   280 
Farmers   must   go   fishing,   Davis,    }-'< 
Ginger   in  the  British  medicine  chi-si. 

Davis,    212 

Legs   of   the   hospital   bed.    Davis.    :!2S 
More  things   than  one,   Davis",    342 
Progress,   a   milestone   in,   Davis,    185 
Public    health    in    the    postwar    world. 

Winslow,   119 
Statesmen      discover      medical      care, 

Davis,    101 

Today   and    tomorrow,    Davis.    40 
When   doctors  disagree,    Davis,    412 
Housing,   public,   charts   its  course,    Klutz- 
nick,    15 


India,    Pacific   basin   and.   Carter,    199 
Insurance,       buying,       against       sickness. 

Klem,    483 
Interdependent   world,    Shotwell,    359 


Japanese-Americans : 

Ordinary  American,   an,   Close,    52 
We're  Americans  again.  Toriumi,  325 

Joe    Doakes,    patriot,    deFord,    43 


Labor : 

Problem  .with  a  future,   Lewar,   19 
They      harvest      New      York's      crops. 

Close,    21 
Land — and    the    Union    of    South    Africa, 

Bennett.    232 

Last  hundred   thousand.  Harrison,    460 
Legislation,    anti-discriminatory  :    On    the 
calendar  of  our  consciences,  Polier,  Jus- 
tine and  Shad,  47 

Legs  of  the  hospital  bed,  Davis,  32S 
Lend-lease,    two-way    (photographs),    172- 

177 
Letters  and  life,  Hansen  : 

Education  in  a  complex  world.    10" 
Looking  in  on   Germany,    24 
To  be  young,  poor,  and  black,  68 
West  and  the  Far  East,  131 
White  of  Emporia,  487 
Letters     to     the     editor:     About     "Juan," 

Garcia,   305 

Life  savers,  new.  Galdston.   292 
London's    burning.    Stuther    (poetry).    217 
Looking   in    on   the   Germans.    Hansen.    24 

M 

Maps :   Niger  and   its   territory,   9 
Medical    care,    statemen    discover,    Davis, 

101 

Medicine,    amphibious,    Brunner.    443 
Mediterranean,     Europe     and     the.     Dean. 

190 
Milestone   in   health  progress,   Davis,    485 

N 

National     personnel     department,     Corson 

432 
Negroes  : 

Fortunate    city.     Riis    and     Waldron, 

339 
"My    Happy    Days,"    these    make    up 

(photographs),  (ifi 

To   be   young,   poor,   and   black,   Han- 
sen,  Harry.    68 
Neighbor   in    a   Mexican    valley,    McEvov, 

290 

New  Zealand,   partners   in   the   South   Pa- 
cific. Ncvins,  228 
Niger  valley,   Rossin.   8 

Norris,    George    W.  :    Champion    of    popu- 
lar rights,  Hansen.   295 

O 

On   the   calendar   of  our   consciences,   Po- 
lier,  Justine  and   Shad,    47 
Our   "endless  frontier,"   Shotwell,    429 
Our  last  great  chance,  Agar,   153 


Pacific  Basin  and  India,  Carter,  199 

Palestine     as     a     refuge     from     fascism, 
Hirschmann,    195 

Palisades,  the — 3d  call,  Lament,   317 

Peace : 

Bread  and.  Dewey,   117 

Empty    pay   envelopes   and.    Hal!,    DIM 

Permanente     Health     Plan,     that     Kaiser 
built,  Garfield,   480 

Personnel    department,    a    national,    Cor- 
son,  432 


Photographs  : 

Aircraft  to  lit  varying  postwar  needs, 

56 

"Along  the  Palisades."  320 
Blitzed   cities   look  ahead,    218-220 
i  >ewey,   John,    116 
Flanner  House,   338 
Fortunate  few,   the,   468 
del  tins?  acquainted,    162-164 
"Lest    we   forget,"    392-393 
"My    Happy    Pays."    these    make    ui>. 

86 

"On    the   Niger   River."    2 
San    Quentin    prison,    war    production, 

44 

ShoUvell.   James   T.,   36 
Szoltl.   Henriftta.    18KO-1945,    84 
Two-way    lend-lea.se,    172-177 
"V"    that   does   not  stand   for   victory, 

388 

Wagner,  Robert  F.,   276 
Poetry:    London's   Burning,    Struther,    217 
Political:    Cli-an    sweep    in    Puerto     Rico 

Clark,    63 
Postwar  : 

Air  age  transportation,   Ogburn.    55 
('(inscription,   why   how?    Thayer,   314 
Future  is  already  here,  Amidon.  6 
Health — today    and    tomorrow,    l>avis, 

40 
Public    health    in    the    postwar    world. 

Winslow,   11!) 

Taxes    and     full     employment.     New- 
comer, 60 

Public    housing    charts    its    course,    Klutz- 
nick,    15 
Puerto   Rico,   clean   sweep   In,   Clark.    63 

R 

Race    relations :    Fortunate   city,    Riis   nnd 

Waldron,    339 
Reconversion  : 

Is  not  enough,  Haber,   389 

On    the   campus.    Thompson,    :ii;ii 
Roads  to   alcoholism,    Myerson,    49 


San  Quentin   prison  :   Joe   Dnakcs,   patriot. 

deFord,  43 

Security,    more   secure,   Corson.    277 
"Sixty   million   jobs"    if — ,    Amidon.    400 
Social    security,    ten    years    of,    Altmever, 

368 
Statesmen    discover    medical    care,    Davis, 

101 
Szold,   Henrietta,    1860-1945  (photograph), 

84 


Taxes,     postwar,     and     full     employment, 

Newcomer,    60 

Television  in   1960,  Kaempffert,   344 
Things  of  the  spirit,   Ciimmagor,    237 
Toward  a  bigger  pie,  Grant,    285 
Trail-blazers    in    citizenship.    Carlson,    362 
Transportation,   air  age,    iiuliurn,    55 

U 

Unemployment:  Empty  pay  envelopes  and 
peace,  Hall,  394 

Union  of  South  Africa,  land  and,  Ben- 
nett, 232 

United  Kingdom  since  Dunkirk,  Browne, 
206 


Veterans : 

As  uniforms  are  shed,  Buell,  401 
Goes  to  college,  Andrews;  402 

W 

Wagner,  Robert  F   (photograph),   276 
War     production,     San     Quentin     prison, 

deFord,  43 

West  and   the  Far  East,  Hansen.   131 
White,    William   Allen,    of    Emporia.    Han 

sen,    487 

Without  a   country.  Chamberlain,   85 
World   War  II : 

American    invasion,   Mclver,    165 
Common  tasks  and  common  purposes, 

Roosevelt,  170 
"Economic  hig'h  command."  Batt  and 

Mullen,   181 

Great  partnerships,   the   Reed.    178 
How     one     partner     prized     another 

Churchill,    167 
United     Kingdom      since     Dunkirk. 

Browne,   206 
What   the    British    face.    Coyle,    213 


Yalta   charter,   from,    to   the   Golden   Gate. 
Shotwell,    123 


-AUTHORS  INDEX 


Agar.  H.rbert.  <iur  last  great  chance.   153 
AJtmeyer,    Arthur   J.,    Ten    years   of   social 

security,   368 
Amidon,   BeulaJh  : 

"Best    is    yet,    the,"    Morris    L.    Ernst 

(book   review),    297 
Future   is  already   here,   the,    6 
"One  nation,"  Wallace  Stegner   (book 

review),   452 

"Sixty  million  jobs"   if — ,   400 
Andrews,    John    N.,    Veteran    goes   to   col- 
lege, 402 

Arnold,    Thurman,    "Cartels — challenge    to 
a    free    world,"    Wendell    Berge     (book 
review),    72 
Ascher,   Charles   S.  : 

"Bureaucracy  :    A    challenge    to    bet- 
ter    management,"     J.      M.     Juran 
(book  review),   28 

"Regulatory  administration,"  George 
A.  Graham  and  Henry  Reining,  Jr. 
(book  review),  28 

"Uncle     Sam's     billion-dollar     baby." 
Frederick     L.      Collins      (book     re- 
view).  455 
"Valley    and    its    people,    the,"    R.    L. 

Duffus    (book    review),    71 
Astbury,    B.    E.,    British    viewpoint,    189 
Barker,     Sir     Ernest,     British     viewpoint, 

189 
Barnes.  Joseph,  When   the  coalition   ends. 

221 
Batt,  William    I,.,   and   Mullen,   Robert  R., 

"Economic   toigh    command,"    181 
Bennett,   Hugh    H.,   Land — and   the  Union 

of  South  Africa,    232 

Beveridge,  Sir  William,  British  view- 
point, 185 

Bradley,     Phillips.      "McCarthy     of     Wis- 
consin."   Edward    Fitzpatrick    (book   re- 
view).   74 
Browne,    Mallory,    United    Kingdom    since 

Dunkirk,   206 

Brunner,     Endre     K.,     Amphibious     medi- 
cine.   443 
Buell,     Bradley.     As    uniforms    are    shed, 

401 
Burris,    Quincy    Guy.    "Mexican    village," 

Josephine   Niggli    (book   review),    454 
Buttenheim,   Harold    S..    "Million   homes  a 
year,"     Dorothy    Rosenman     (book     re- 
view),  296 

Carey,  Jane  Perry  Clark,  "Can  repre- 
sentative government  do  the  job," 
Thomas  K.  Ftnletter  (book  review), 
332 

Carlson,  Avis  D.,  Trail-blazers  in  citizen- 
ship, 362 

Carter,  Edward  C.,  Pacific  basin  and  In- 
dia, ,199 

Chamberlain.  Joseph  P.,  Wittiout  a   coun- 
try, 85 
Chase.    Stuart,    Agenda   for   the  American 

people,   13 
Churchill,      Winston.      How     one     partner 

prized  another,   167 
Clark.    Dean    A..    "Public    medical    care," 

Franz   Goldmann    (book   review),    488 
Clark,  Marjorie  R.,  Clean  sweep  in  Puerto 

Rico,   63 
Clark,     Sir     Kenneth,     British     viewpoint, 

186 
Close,  Kathryn: 

Ordinary  American,  an,  52 
They    harvest    New    York's    crops     21 
Commager.    Henry    Steele.    Things    of    the 

spirit,  237 
Constant,    Julie    d'Estournelles   de : 

"An  intelligent  American's  guide  to 
peace,"  Sumner  Welles,  ed.  (book 
review),  349 

"Price  of  peace,"   Sir  William   Bever- 
idge   (book  review),   448 
"The   gentlemen   talk  of  peace,"  'Wil- 
liam B.  Ziff   (book  review),   70 
Corson,  John  J.  : 

More   secure   security,    277 
National    personnel    department.     433 
Coyle,   David  Cushman.  What   the  British 

face,    213 
Dacey,    W.    Manning,     British    viewpoint, 

189 
Davidson,   Jo,  Franklin  Delano  Roosevelt 

1882-1945,  portrait  bust,    169 
Davis,  Kingsley : 

"Asia    on    the    move,"    Bruno    Lasker 

(book  review),   135 

"Japanese    militarism,    its    cause    and 
cure,"     John     M.     Maki     (book     re- 
view),  331 
Davis,   Michael  M. : 

Babies  on  the  doopstep,  438 
Farmers  must  go  fishing.  125 

Ginger  in  the  British  medicine  chest, 
212 

Health — today   and   tomorrow,    40 
Health  care  for  all,  280 


Legs  of  the  hospital  bed,   328 
Milestone    in   .health   progress,    485 
.More  things  than  one 
Statesmen  discover  medical  c;^ : 
"The      doctors      job."      Carl      Binger 

(book  review),   299 
Whi'ii   (inctor?  disagree,   412 
Iv.'in.     Yera     Alicheles,     Europe    and     the 

Mediterranean,    190 

deFord,  Miriam  Allen,  Joe  Uoakes,  pa- 
triot, 43 

Dewey,  John,  Peace  and  bread,   117 
Dickerman,    Judson    C..     "The    power    in- 
dustry   and    the    public    interest"    (book 

review).     71 

Dodds.  Harold  W..  "The  rebirth  of  lib- 
eral education,"  Fred  B.  Millett  (bonk 
review),  137 

Eby,    Kerr,   drawings   by,    287-289 
lOliel,   Paul,    "Lumber  and   labor,"   Vernon 

H.  Jensen    (book  review),   454 
Fabri,  Ralph,  "Attila,"  etching,   155 
Feibleman,     James,     "Justice     and     world 
society,"   Laurence   Stapleton    (book   re- 
view),   72 
Fischer,    Louis,    Go   political,    young    man, 

322 

Gaklston,    lago.    New    life   savers,    292 
Gannett.  Lewis  ,S..  Close-up,   159 
Garcia,   J.    D.,   Letters  about   "Juan,"    305 
Garfield,  Sidney   R.,  The  plan  that  Kaiser 

built,   480 

Gibson,    George,    British    viewpoint,    188 
Gilfillan,     S.     Colum,     Atomic     bombshell, 

357 
Glover,   Katherine  : 

Better   health    for  country    folks,    372 

"The   TVA — lessons   for   international 

application."    Herman    Finer    (book 

review).    71 

Granger,     Lester     B.,     "Rising    wind,     a," 

Walter  White    (book  review),   452 
Grant,   Ellsworth   S. : 

"Big  business  in  a  democracy,"  James 
Truslow  Adams    (book  review),  453 
Toward  a  bigser  pie.  285 
Giver,     Guy,     "The    city     is    the    people," 
Henry  S.   Churchill    (book   review).    44!) 
Gruenberg,   Benjamin  C.,   "Men   of  science 
in    America,"    Bernard    Jaffe    (book   re- 
view),   348 
Haber,      William,      Reconversion      is      not 

enough,    389 
Hagan.    Pan  1  : 

Four  horsemen  over  Germany,   434 
From  the   rubble   up,   477 
Hall,    Helen.    Empty    pay    envelopes — and 

peace,  394 
Han.sen.  Harry  : 

Back     into     the     democratic .  stream 

(book   reviews),    347 
Education  in  a  complex  world,   103 
"Fighting     liberal,     autobiography    of 
rjje   W.    Norris"    (hook   review) 
295 
Governing      a      troubled      community 

(book    reviews),    330 
Harvard's   sixteen    courses    (book   re- 
view),   376 

Looking  in   on  the  Germans,   24 
Morality   in   the  modern   world    (book 

review),   447 
Three    views    of   Japanese    life    (book 

reviews),    414 

To  be  young,  poor,  and  black,  68 
West  and  the  Par  East,   131 
White    of     Emporia     (book     review), 

487 
Harding,     T.     Svvann,     Better     health     for 

country    folks.    374 

Harris,  Herbert,  New  boundaries  of  col- 
lective bargaining,  433 

Harrison,  Earl  G.,  The  last  hundred  thou- 
sand,   469 
Hartley,     Sir    Harold,     British     viewpoint. 

Haynes,     George     E.,     British     viewpoint, 

Herrick,  Elinore  M.,  "Smouldering  free- 
dom," Isabel  de  Palenia  (book  review) 
450 

Hill,    Russell,   Three  Allied  choices,    478 

Hintz,  Howard  W.,  "Democracy  in  Amer- 
ica," Alexis  de  Tocqueville  (book  re- 
view), 332 

Hirschmann,  Ira  A.,  Palestine — as  a  ref- 
uge from  fascism,  195 

Hogg,   Quintin,    British   viewpoint.    187 

Holmes,  Oliver.  "Our  jungle  diplomacy  " 
Sands  and  Lalley  (book  review),  70 

James,  Earle  K.,  "What  the  South 
Americans  think  of  us,"  Carleton  Beals 
et  al  (book  review),  454 

Johnson,   F.    Ernest : 

"Christian  answer,   the,"  Paul  .1.    Til- 

lich,  et  al    (book  review),   448 
"The  seamless  robe,"  Sarah  Clegliorn 
(book  review),   416 


Jones,    Allan    Creech,     British    viewpoint, 

187 
Kaempffert,  Waldemar  : 

Aladdin's   wonderful  lamp,   89 
Television   in   1960,   344 
Karpf,    Ruth,    Displaced   persons :   A   USA 

close-up,   282 

Kellogg,   Richard  Patrick,   "Situation  nor- 
mal." Arthur  Miller   (book  review),  138 
Keyserling,  Leon  H. : 

From  patchwork  to  purpose,  full  em- 
ployment,   95 
"Time    for    planning,"    Lewis   L.   Lor- 

win    (book   review).   377 
Klem,     Margaret     C.,     Buying     insurance 

against  sickness,   483 
Klutznick,      Philip      M.,      Public      housing 

charts  its  course,  15 
Kreigihbaum,   Hillier,   Will   Congress  clean 

house?  409 
Laider,     Harry    W..     "Edward     Bellamy," 

Arthur  E.  Morgan    (book  review),   26 
Lament,  Corliss,  The  Palisades — 3rd  call 

317 
Lasker,   Bruno  : 

China  from  the  bottom  up    (book  re- 
views),   132 
"China's    crisis,"    Lawrence    K.    Ros- 

inger    (book  review),   348 
Laski,    Harold   J.,    British    viewpoint,    180 
Lasswell,    Harold    D.,    "Demobilization    of 
wartime  economic  controls,"  John  Mau- 
rice Clark    (book  review),    298 
Lax,    David,    "Encamped    Britain,"    paint- 
ings by,    158 
Lehman,    Herbert    H.,    Fighting    against 

Lewars,     Diana,    Labor    problem    with    a 

future,   19 

Lindeman.  Eduard  C.,  "City  develop- 
ment," Lewis  Mumford  (book  review), 
416 

Lindsay,    Kenneth,    British    viewpoint,    187 
Locke,    Alain  : 

"Color    and     democracy,"    W.     E      B 

DuBois   (book  review),   415 
"Negro      in      American      life,"      John 

Becker    (book   review),    332 
MacCormac.  John,  Northern  neighbor,  225 
MacDonald,    Lois,     "Wtorld    economic    de- 
velopment,"   Eugene    Staley     (book    re- 
view),   70 

Mallon,    J.    J..    British   viewpoint.    187 
McCormick,     Elsie,     They     can     be     made 

over,   127 
McDonald,  James  G. : 

"New  perspectives  on  peace,"  George 
B.     deHuszar,     ed     (book    review), 

"The   sinews  of  peace,"   Herbert  Feis 
(book   review),    104 

McEntire,  Davis,  "Prejudice :  Japanese 
Americans,  symbol  of  racial  intoler- 
ance," Carey  McWilliams  (book  re- 
view), 415 

McEvoy,  J.  P.,  Neighbor  in  a  Mexican 
valley,  290 

Mclver,  Honora  Bruere,  American  in- 
vasion, 165 

Mead,  Nelson  P.,  "Surrender  on  demand  " 
Varian  Fry  (book  review),  349 

Mickle,  Joe  J..  "What  to  do  with  Japan  " 
Wilfrid  Fleisher  (book  review),  134 

Millis,    Walter,    American   choices,    241 

Moorhead,  Helen  Hovvell,  "Pioneers  in 
world  order,"  Harriet  Eager  Davis,  ed 
(book  review),  448 

Mowrer,    Edgar  Ansel.  Dumbarton  hopes   3 

Mullen,  Robert  R.,  see  Batt.  William  L 

Murray,  Philip,  An  economic  hill  of  rights, 
397 

Myerson,  Abraham,  Roads  to  alcoholism 
49 

Neilson,  William  A,  "Mission  of  the  uni- 
versity." Jose  Ortega  y  Gasset  (book 
review),  137 

Neumann.  Sigmund.  "Re-educating  Ger- 
many," Werner  Riohter  (book  review). 
415 

Nevins,  Allan,  Partners  in  the  South  Pa- 
cific. 228 

Newcomer,  Mabel.  Postwar  taxes  and  full 
employment.  60 

Ogburn,  William  Fielding,  Air  age  trans- 
portation, 55 

Phillips.  Lena  Madsin,  "Frances  Wil- 
lard,"  Mary  Earhart  (book  review)  74 

Pink,  Louis  H.,  An  author  replies,  Free- 
dom from  fear,  75 

Polier,  Justine  and  Shad,  On  the  calendar 
of  our  consciences,  47 

Reading,   Lady,    British  viewpoint,    188 

Reed.  Philip  D.. 'Great  partnership,    178 

Reiss,   Winold,  cover  illustration  by.  May 

Riis,  Roger  William,  and  Waldron, 
Webb,  Fortunate  city,  339 

Roche,  Josephine,  By  their  French  boot- 
straps, 476 


Roosevelt,     Franklin     D..     Common     tasks 

and  common  purposes,   170 
Rosinger,  Lawrence  K.,   "Forever  China," 

Robert  Payne    (book  review),   450 
Rossin,    Maurice   Claude,    The    Niger   val- 
ley,  8 

Ryan,  John  M.,   British  viewpoint,   189 
Ryan  W.  Carson,   "Authoritarian  attempt 
to    capture    education"     (book    review). 
451 

Sartain,  Geraldine,   California's  health  in- 
surance  drama,    440 
Scandrett  Richard  B.,  Jr.  : 

"American      chronicle,"      Ray      Stun- 

nard   Baker    (book  review),    136 
"Everybody's    political    what's   what," 
Bernard    Shaw     (book    review),    70 
Shinwell,   Emanuel,   British   viewpoint,  188 
Shotwell,    James   T. : 

Bridges  of  the  future,  37 
Charter  of  the   Golden  Gate,    309 
Control  of  atomic  energy,  407 
Four    freedoms    and    Atlantic    Char- 
ter,   172 

From   Yalta   to   the   Golden  Gate,    123 
Interdependent    world,    359 
Our  "endless  frontier,"  429 
What    Shall    we    do    about    Germany? 

99 
Springer,    Gertrude : 

"Let  us  consider  one  another,"  Jose- 
phine Lawrence  (book  review). 
331 


"Sea  language  comes  ashore,"  Carver 

Colcord    (book   review),    105 
Stiger,  Andrew  J. : 

"I   went   to   the   Soviet   Arctic,"   Ruth 

Oruber    (book  review),    73 
"Pattern     of     Soviet     power,"     Edgar 

Snow    (book  review),   490 
Stevens,   Alden,    "The  Wilson   Era :   Years 
of     peace — 1910-1917."     Josephus     Dan- 
iels   (book   review),    25 
Stewart,   Maxwell   S.  : 

"America's  role  in  the  world  econ- 
omy," Alvin  H.  Hansen  (book  re- 
view), 348 

What    Beveridge   proposes.    93 
Struther,  Jan,  London's  burning  (poetry), 

217 

Studenski,   Paul,    "State  and   local  finance 
in   the   national   economy."   Hansen   and 
Perloff   (book  review),   27 
Summerkill,   Edith.   British  viewpoint,   187 
Tead,   Ordway : 

"Business  leadership  in  the  large  cor- 
poration."  R.   A.   Gordon    (book  re- 
view).  298 
"Democracy   under   pressure,"    Stuart 

Chase    (book   review),    298 
"Human   nature  and  enduring  peace," 
Gardner     Murphy,     ed.      (Book     re- 
view).   416 
"Men   at   work,"    Stuart   Chase    (book 

review),    348 

"Omnipotent  government,"  Ludwig 
von  Mises,  104 


"Tomorrow's      business,"      Bearsdley 

Rural   (book  review),  298 
Thayer,  V.  T. : 

"Springfield    plan,    the,"    Alland    and 

Wise    (book   review),    449 
"Story  of  the  Springfield  plan,"  Chat- 
to  and  Halligan    (book  review),  449 
Why   postwar   conscription    now?    314 
Thompson,    C.    Mildred,    Reconversion    on 

the  campus,   366 
Toriumi,      Sophie      and      Donald.      We're 

Americans  again,   325 
Trevelyan,    George   M.,    British   viewpoint, 

186 

Vansittart,  Lord,  British  viewpoint,  185 
Waldron,  Webb,  see  Riis,  Roger  William 
Walker,  Snyder  H. : 

"The     free     state,"     D.     W.     Brogan 

(book  reviews),   488 
"The    German    talks    back,"    Heinrich 

Hauser    (book  review),   488 
Waring,   P.   Alston,   "An  uncommon   man  : 
Henry    Wallace    and    60    million    jobs," 
Frank   Kingdon    (book   review),    378 
Weybright,  Victor,  British  viewpoint,   185 
Wilson,     M.     L.,     "The     reconstruction     of 
world   agriculture,"    Karl    Brandt    (book 
review),   136 
Winant,    John    G.,    British    and    ourselves, 

153 
Winslow,    C.-E.    A.,    Public   health    in    the 

postwar   world,    119 

Xeichner,  Oscar,  "Philosophy  of  American 
history,"  Morris  Zucker  (book  review), 
489 


JflNU^RV   IQ45 


SURVEV 


3O  CENTSfl  COPV 


GRAPHIC 


The  Future  Is  Already  Here 

Introduction  by  BEULAH  AMIDON  of  a  scries  for"l945 

Niger  Valley:  A  New  Colonial  Pattern— Maurice  Rossin 

)umbarton  Hopes— Edgar  Mowrer  •  American  Agenda— Stuart  Chase 

Western  Union  Election  •  Public  Housing  •  Migrant  Harvesters 


General  Electric  answers  your  questions  about 

TELEVISION 


Q.  What  will  sets  cost  after  the  war? 

A.  It  is  expected  that  set  prices  will  begin 
around  $200,  unless  there  are  unfore- 
seen changes  in  manufacturing  costs. 
Higher  priced  models  will  also  receive 
regular  radio  programs,  and  in  addition 
FM  and  international  shortwave  pro- 
grams. Perhaps  larger  and  more  ex- 
pensive sets  will  include  built-in  phono- 
graphs with  automatic  record  changers. 


Q.  How  big  will  television  pictures  be? 

A.  Even  small  television  sets  will  prob- 
ably have  screens  about  8  by  10  inches. 
(That's  as  big  as  the  finest  of  pre-war 
sets.)  In  more  expensive  television  sets, 
screens  will  be  as  large  as  18  by  24 
inches.  Some  sets  may  project  pictures 
on  the  wall  like  home  movies.  Natur- 
ally, pictures  will  be  even  clearer  than 
those  produced  by  pre-war  sets. 


Q.  What  kind  of  shows  will  we  see? 

A.  All  kinds.  For  example:  (1)  Studio 
stage  shows — dancers,  vaudeville,  plays, 
opera,  musicians,  famous  people.  (2) 
Mo  vies  can  be  broadcast  to  you  by  tele- 
vision. (3)  On-the-spot  pick-up  of  sports 
events,  parades,  news  happenings.  G.E. 
has  already  produced  over  900  tele- 
vision shows  over  its  station,  WRGB, 
in  Schenectady. 


Q.  Where  can  television  be  seen  now? 

A.  Nine  television  stations  are  operating 
today — in  Chicago,  Los  Angeles,  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  and  Schenectady. 
Twenty-two  million  people — about  one- 
fifth  of  all  who  enjoy  electric  service — 
live  in  areas  served  by  these  stations. 
Applications  for  more  than  80  new  tele- 
vision stations  have  been  filed  with  the 
Federal  Communications  Commission. 


Q.  Will  there  be  television  networks? 

A.  Because  television  waves  are  practi- 
cally limited  by  the  horizon,  networks 
will  be  accomplished  by  relay  stations 
connecting  large  cities.  General  Electric 
set  up  the  first  network  five  years  ago, 
and  has  developed  new  tubes  that  make 
relaying  practical.  G-E  station  WRGB, 
since  1939,  has  been  a  laboratory  for 
engineering  and  programming. 


Q.  What  is  G.  E.'s  part  in  television? 

A.  Back  in  1928,  a  General  Electric  en- 
gineer, Dr.E.  F.  W.  Alexanderson,  gave 
the  first  public  demonstration.  Before 
the  war,  G.  E.  was  manufacturing  both 
television  transmitters  and  home  receiv- 
ers. It  will  again  build  both  after  Victory. 
Should  you  visit  Schenectady,  you  are 
invited  to  WRGB's  studio  to  see  a 
television  show  put  on  the  air. 


TELEVISION,  another  example  of  G-E  research 

Developments  by  General  Electric  scientists  and  engi- 
neers, working  for  our  armed  forces  in  such  new  fields  as 
electronics,  of  which  television  is  an  example,  will  help 
to  bring  you  new  products  and  services  in  the  peace  years 
to  follow.  General  Electric  Company,  Schenectady,  N.  Y. 

FOR  VICTORY  BUY  AND  HOLD  WAR  BONDS 


Hear  the  General  Electric  radio  program:  "The  G-E  All- 
Girl  Orchestra."  Sunday  1O  p.m.  EWT,  NBC— "The 
World  Today"  news,  every  weekday  6:45  p.m.  EWT,  CBS. 


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Research  Council 

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BEGINNING  NEXT  MONTH 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES 

announces  a  new 

HEALTH  DEPARTMENT 

under  the  associate  editorship  of 

MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 

chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Research  in 
Medical  Economics,  who  will  write  a 
monthly  "column"  in  Survey  Graphic  re- 
viewing current  events  and  pointing  up  issues 
in  new  plans  for  medical  care,  new  programs 
for  legislation.  Major  articles  will  illuminate 
the  imminence  of  HEALTH  as  a  prime  factor 
in  POSTWAR  DEVELOPMENTS. 

Our  regular  section  in  Survey  Midmontbly, 
will  deal  close-in  with  the  working  relation- 
ships between  medical  services  and  social 
work,  with  the  spread  of  public  health  and 
the  widening  applications  of  psychiatry. 


The  results  of  the  Selective  Service  exam- 
inations have  dramatized  the  extent  of 
uncared  for  disease  and  defect  in  American 
life.  Shortages  of  doctors  has  accentuated 
this.  Meanwhile  the  physical  and  mental 
rehabilitation  of  discharged  service  men  is 
challenging  industry  and  the  professions. 
Preventive  and  curative  medicine  will  be 
factors  in  meeting  human  and  economic 
problems  bound  up  in  demobilization  and 
reconversion. 

On  every  hand,  there  is  mounting  recog- 
nition of  the  need  for  making  medical  care 
more  widely  available,  for  enhancing  post- 
war opportunities  of  the  professions  entering 
into  the  cast  of  characters  taking  part  in  the 
drama  of  American  health. 

The  war  itself  has  been  a  spur  to  scientific 
discovery  and  invention.  Returned  doctors 
and  returned  servicemen,  alike,  will  be  alive 
to  what's  ahead  both  in  medical  science  and 
in  the  organization  of  medical  practice.  Here 
at  home,  hospital  and  health  insurance  plans 
of  a  voluntary  sort  have  spread  rapidly. 
Proposals  for  public  programs  are  on  the 
agenda  of  state  legislatures  and  Congress. 


Our  new  associate  editor  is  thoroughly 
versed  in  this  field.  As  director  for  medical 
services  of  the  Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  he 
was  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  Committee 
on  the  Costs  of  Medical  Care,  under  the 
chairmanship  of  Dr.  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur. 

In  Survey  Graphic  for  December,  we 
brought  out  an  interpretation  of  the  signifi- 
cant report  in  which  physicians,  experts  and 
laymen  present  an  "American  Plan  for  Medi- 
cal Care  and  Health  Insurance."  The  article 
was  written  by  Michael  M.  Davis  as  chair- 
man of  this  Health  Program  Conference. 

Our  association  with  him,  however,  goes 
back  much  further.  It  was  in  1927-28  that 
we  brought  out  a  series  of  articles  he  wrote 
as  executive  secretary  of  the  Committee  on 
Dispensary  Development,  New  York,  which 
broke  ground  for  later  developments. 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  January.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  I.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1045  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES  INC.  Publication  Office.  34 
North  Crystal  Street.  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa.  Editorial  and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street.  New  York  3.  N.  Y.  Price  this  issue  3d  cents;  $3  a  year:  Koreijm 
postaue  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents.  Entered  as  second  class  matter  on  June  22,  1940  at  the  post  office  at  East  Stroudshurg  Pa  under  the  Act  of  March 
3.  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  3.  1917.  authorized  Dec.  21.  1921.  Printed  In  U.S.A. 


How  many  ways  can  you  build  a  globe? 

As  many  as  you  please— provided  the  parts  fit! 


The  communication  system  which  carries 
your  voice  across  a  continent  and  beyond, 
works  because  its  millions  of  interlocking 
parts  are  engineered  to  fit.  There  are  thou- 
sands of  switchboards,  26  million  telephone 
instruments  and  65  million  miles  of  circuits. 


Each  individual  part,  no  matter  how  inge- 
nious, is  merely  a  unit  in  the  whole  system. 
The  final  test  is— does  the  system  work? 
This  is  the  engineering  ideal  of  Bell  Tele- 
phone Laboratories.  It  has  helped  to  create 
the  greatest  telephone  system  in  the  world. 


BELL    TELEPHONE    SYSTEM 


Among  Ourselves 

THE  LATE  VICTOR  LAWSON,  PUBLISHER  OF  THE 
Chicago  Daily  News,  was  far  in  advance  of  his 
times  when,  in  the  early  years  of  the  century, 
he  spread  a  galaxy  of  star  reporters  over  the 
continent  of  Europe.  Two  young  Mowrers, 
Paul  Scott  and  Edgar  Ansel,  were  among  them. 

Edgar  Ansel  Mowrer  (page  5)  covered  the 
French,  Belgian,  and  Italian  fronts  in  World 
War  I,  and  between  the  two  wars  was  in 
turn  chief  of  the  Italian,  German,  and  French 
bureaus.  He  was  covering  Washington  at  the 
time  of  Pearl  Harbor;  and  thereafter  spent 
fifteen  months  in  government  service  as  deputy 
director,  first  of  the  Office  of  Facts  and  Figures, 
then  of  the  Office  of  War  Information.  Today, 
he  is  a  free-lance,  here  and  overseas,  with  a 
syndicated  column  in  a  score  of  newspapers. 

In  1939,  Mr.  Mowrer  contributed  from 
Paris  a  major  article,  "Minorities  of  Opinion" 
to  the  first  of  our  "Calling  America"  series  of 
special  issues.  His  lead  article  here  gives  the 
quintessence  of  a  speech  early  this  winter  be- 
fore the  Union  for  Democratic  Action.  The 
charge  he  made  to  listeners  on  that  occasion 
can  be  passed  on  to  our  readers.: 

"As  individuals  you  have  some  power.  As  a 
group,  you  are  more  powerful  still.  Get  these 
things  straight  in  your  minds  and  go  to  work. 
Newspaper  editors  and  radio  commentators  are 
sensitive:  prod  them  in  every  way  you  can. 
Your  President  and  your  Congress  are  vulner- 
able: remind  them  of  this  fact.  Hold  meetings, 
write  letters  and  telegrams,  influence  political 
parties  and  groups,  work  through  organiza- 
tions, give  money.  Now  is  the  time  the  game 
has  to  be  played." 

"If  We  Want  Small  Farming" 

To  THE  EDITOR:  CHARLOTTE  PRINCE  RYAN,  IN 
her  article  on  the  small  farmer  [December 
1944  Survey  Graphic],  is  hitting  squarely  at 
the  fundamental  cleavage  in  agriculture  and  its 
most  important  problem.  As  a  small  farmer 
myself  I  would  uphold  her  as  to  facts  and 
basic  interpretation. 

Mrs.  Ryan  is  perfectly  clear  on  the  point 
that  modern  agriculture  is  an  integral  part  of 
our  capitalist  industrial  society,  that  big  agri- 
culture has  made  its  adjustment  to  business 
and  industry,  and  that  small  farmers,  driven 
by  poverty  and  overwork,  are  playing  "follow 
the  leader,"  where  the  leaders  know  all  the 
tricks. 

If  small  farmers  constitute  so  sizable  a  chunk 
of  America  diat  they  cannot  be  ignored;  if, 
as  Mrs.  Ryan  indicates,  there  persists  in  Amer- 
ican farmers  a  will  to  independence  that  makes 
them  think  of  themselves  as  farmers  even  when 
they  become  dispossessed  workers  and  even 
when  adversity  has  produced  in  them  selfish- 
ness,  suspicion,  and  undesirable  character- 
istics for  good  citizenship — then  it  becomes 
necessary  for  us  to  think  about  our  farm 


In    December    Survey    Midmonthly 
So  You  Can  Retire  by  Milton  H.  Glover 
Army  Mental  Hygiene  by  S/Sgt.  Alfred  ]. 

Kahn  and  Sgt.  Evan  J.  Scott 
Employment  of  Veterans  by  Kathryn  Smut 
Education    and    Barbed    Wire    by    Eunice 

Glenn 
Taxes  and  Social  Work  by  Carl  P.  Herbert 


VOL.  XXXIV  CONTENTS 

Survey  Graphic  for  January  1945 

Cover:  Modern  Research;  Courtesy  of  U.  S.  Rubber  Company 

On  the  Niger  River:  Photographs 

Dumbarton  Hopes EDGAR  ANSEL  MOWRER  5 

The  Future  Is  Already  Here BEULAH  AMIDON  6 

The  Niger  Valley MAURICE  CLAUDE  ROSSIN  8 

Agenda  for  the  American  People STUART  CHASE  13 

Public  Housing  Charts  Its  Course PHILIP  M.  KLUTZNICK  15 

Labor  Problem  with  a  Future DIANA  LEWARS  19 

They  Harvest  New  York's  Crops KATHRYN  CLOSB  21 

Letters  and  Life 24 

Looking  in  on  the  Germans HARRY  HANSEN  24 

Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC 

Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCAHDRETT,  JR.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALME*  GAVIT,  ACNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BEHNHAJD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH 
P.  CHAMBERLAIN,  EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN,  EARL  G.  HARRISON,  RALPH  HAYES,  SIDNEY  HILLMAN,  FRED 
K.  HOEHI.ER.  BLANCHE  ITTI.ESON,  ALVIN  JOHNSON,  EDITH  MORGAN  KING,  WILLIAM  W.  LANCASTER, 
AGNES  BROWN  LEACH,  WILLIAM  M.  LEISERSOH,  THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIEE, 
WILLIAM  ROSENWALD,  BEARDSLKY  RUML,  EDWARD  L.  RYEESON,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL 
SHUMWAY,  HAROLB  H.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY  TEAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

Associatf  editors:  REULAH  AMTDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL,  HFLEN  CHAMBERLAIN, 
KATHRYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEX  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HARRY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOEB  KEL- 
LOGG, LOOLA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEON  WHIPPLE.  Contributing  editors:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KURTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MARY  Ross, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLI.IE  CONDON;  Advertitmt 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  Representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

Survey  Graphic  published  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Price  of  single  copies  of  this  issue,  30c  a 
copy.  By  subscription — Domestic:  year  $3;  2  rears  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c; 
Canadian  75c.  Indexed  in  Reader's  Guide,  Book  Review  Digest.  Index  to  Labor  Articles,  Public 
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Survey  MidmontMy  published  on  the  15th  of  the  month.  Single  copies  30c.  By  subscription— 
Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c;  Canadian  75c. 

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problem  not  only  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
economics  of  production  but  from  the  stand- 
point of  an  efficiency  by  which  society  best 
employs  its  citizens. 

The  present  economic  plight  of  small  farmers 
is  largely  caused  by  the  unequal  relationships 
whereby  a  small  sector  of  farmers  has  gained 
political  power  and  economic  control  of  the 
distribution  system  as  well  as  a  dominant  ac- 
cess to  capital  and  credit.  This,  of  course,  need 
not  be,  once  the  situation  is  understood  by 
enough  people. 

I  am  not  convinced  that  a  society  charac- 
terized by  monopoly  and  poverty  is  inevitable. 
I  am  convinced  that  small  farmers,  their  gov- 
ernment, and  the  American  people  can  so 
regulate  the  situation  that  we  will  employ  that 
large  section  of  American  citizens  engaged  in 
farming  in  a  socially  effective  and  satisfactory 
fashion.  Small  farmers  will,  unquestionably, 
have  to  learn  the  need  for  and  the  techniques 
of  organization,  and  government  must  secure 
that  right,  free  of  external  interference. 

Government  can  also  strengthen  the  small 
farmer  by  removing  the  present  hidden  sub- 
sidies to  industrial  farming  and  special  privi- 
leges now  enjoyed  by  certain  farm  organiza- 
tions. The  provisions  of  the  Social  Security  Act 
could  be  extended  to  small  farmers,  and  a 


great   many   more   things   could   be   done   to 
shore  up  their  economic  and  social  situation. 

It  is  only  because  I  feel  that  Mrs.  Ryan's 
excellent  analysis  lacks  sufficient  emphasis  on 
possible  solutions  to  a  difficult  problem  that  I 
write  this  letter.  P.  ALSTON  WARING 

Co-author  oj  "Roots  in  the  Earth" 

Two  Friends  Have  Gone 

WE  HAVE  BEEN  SADDENED  BY  THE  RECENT  DEATHS 

of  two  good  friends.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Endicott 
Peabody,  founder  of  Groton  School  and  for 
56  years  its  headmaster,  had  been  since  1914 
a  member  of  Survey  Associates.  Ten  years 
after  joining  he  became  a  $100  contributing 
member.  His  check  arrived  each  January  10 
for  twenty  years,  a  treasured  expression  of  his 
interest  and  faith  in  our  publishing  enterprise. 
Eunice  Fuller  Barnard,  former  education 
editor  of  The  New  Yor%  Times,  and  since  1938 
the  education  director  of  the  Alfred  P.  Sloan 
Foundation,  was  a  contributor  of  occasional 
distinguished  articles  and  book  reviews  to 
Survey  Graphic.  The  last,  published  in  the 
December  issue,  came  to  us  from  the  country 
home  where  she  was  trying  to  recuperate  from 
a  long  illness.  It  was  written  with  all  the 
insight  and  imagination  that  readers  long  have 
associated  with  her  name. 


French  Press  and  Information  Service 
Fountain  in  the  market  center  of  Bamako,  city  on  the  Niger 


ON  THE  NIGER  RIVER 

(See  page  8) 


Supply  Mission  for  France 


SURVEY 


GRAPHIC 


Dumbarton  Hopes 


WHETHER  WE  LIKE  IT  OR  NOT,  WE  HAVE 
entered  the  new  age.  Dominating  this  age 
is  the  fact  that  all  countries  are  interde- 
pendent. Security  and  peace  are  henceforth 
indivisible.  So,  probably,  are  freedom  and 
prosperity.  If  security  and  peace  are  at- 
tacked anywhere,  they  are  threatened  the 
world  over.  If  somewhere  freedom  is  de- 
nied, it  is  in  danger  everywhere.  Unless 
prosperity  spreads,  it  goes  by  the  board. 

This  is  a  startlingly  new  situation  and 
particularly  concerns  the  United  States — 
for  our  fundamental  aims  are  precisely 
freedom,  security,  peace,  and  prosperity. 

The  coming  victory  will  have  preserved 
our  freedom;  but  unless  it  preserves  peace, 
there  will  be  no  future  security.  No  people 
can  be  sure  of  winning  all  future  wars. 
Without  peace  there  will  hardly  be  lasting 
prosperity.  Preparation  for  war  will  grow 
monstrous.  Without  peace,  freedom  will 
shrink,  for  in  the  vain  process  of  seeking 
security  through  super-armament  we  shall 
move  toward  dictatorship. 

Nature  knows  but  one  unpardonable  sin: 
the  failure  of  a  living  organism  to  adapt 
to  a  changing  environment.  This  some- 
times results  from  deficient  intelligence  as 
with  the  vanished  dinosaur  whose  brain, 
according  to  H.  G.  Wells,  was  no  larger 
than  the  ganglia  of  its  rump.  That  inter- 
esting bird,  the  dodo,  simply  sat  and 
ignored  the  advent  of  the  Ice  Age.  Un- 
happily, these  creatures  have  reincarnated 
in  human  form.  Even  in  the  groves  of 
Capitol  Hill  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  a  nature 
student  can  find  splendid  examples  stub- 
bornly heading  for  extinction. 

"Winged  Peace  or  Winged  Death" 

The  New  Age  is  not  around  the  corner 
— it's  here.  In  his  recent  book,  Air  Marshal 
William  A.  Bishop,  a  Canadian  airman  of 
thirty  years  experience,  puts  it  bluntly: 
"The  air  age  faces  mankind  with  a  sharp 
choice — the  choice  between  winged  peace 
and  winged  death."  "Billy"  Bishop  asks  us 
to  choose  winged  peace.  At  this,  our  dumb 
dinosaurs  and  inattentive  dodos  hiss  and 
cackle:  "Isolation  was  good  enough  for  our 
fathers.  Through  it  we  became  the  greatest 
nation  on  earth.  Leave  well  enough  alone." 

They  have  not  grasped  the  coming  air 
age.  Today,  American  scientists  can  pro- 
duce rocket  bombs  with  which  New  York 
could  carry  on  trans-Atlantic  war  with 
London.  Mexico  might  engage  in  a  bomb- 


EDGAR  ANSEL  MOWRER 

— By  an  ace  American  correspondent 
and  columnist  (see  page  3). 

tossing  contest  with  Canada  over  the  heads 
of  New  Yorkers — unaware  of  them  until 
a  dud,  dropping  into  Times  Square  would 
bring  down  the  Hotel  Astor.  The  German 
vengeance  weapons,  V-l  and  V-2,  are  only 
first  crude  harbingers  of  winged  death. 

Clearly,  we  stand  at  the  beginning  of  a 
change  in  living  conditions  as  startling  as 
when  our  remote  ancestors  finally  found 
the  courage  to  creep  from  protecting  caves 
and  live  in  the  sunlight.  Yet,  if  we  fail  to 
stave  off  global  technological  war,  back 
into  the  caves  we  shall  go.  Doubtless  these 
will  be  de  luxe  caverns — guaranteed  bomb- 
proof and  insulated  against  poison  gas. 

They  will  be  air  conditioned,  central  heat- 
ed; will  gleam  with  marvelous  plastics  and 
twinkle  with  new  gadgets.  But  they  will 
be  caves  just  the  same — marking  not  an 
amusing  interlude  but  a  major  defeat  in 
the  history  of  man.  Unless  we  re-adapt  to 
changed  conditions,  the  new  age  will  be  a 
calamity.  Yet  it  could  be  the  most  glorious 
age  in  the  history  of  mankind,  with  the 
whole  earth  the  possession  of  its  children. 

War  or  Permanent  Peace 

The  choice  —  collectively  speaking  —  is 
ours.  The  problem  is  war;  the  solution, 
permanent  peace.  Nothing  less  can  guar- 
antee us  against  the  caves  and  a  new  ice- 
age  of  the  human  spirit.  Only  when  we 
face  this  can  we  see  the  transcendent  im- 
portance of  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  pro- 
posals for  a  United  Nations'  Organization. 

In  these  proposals  lies  the  hope  of  the 
world!  How  then,  ought  citizens  to  think 
about  them?  Surely,  as  my  old  philosophy 
professors  used  to  say,  ideologically — in 
terms  of  their  adequacy  to  their  purpose. 
This  purpose  is  the  establishment  of  lasting 
peace  on  earth.  Other  purposes  exist,  but 
are  all  secondary.  Civilization  will  not  sur- 
vive the  winged  death  of  the  air  age.  Right 
there  is  the  criterion. 

Let  us  remember  that  other  devices  for 
preserving  the  peace  have  been  tried  and 
regularly  failed — isolation,  armed  imperial- 
ism, a  balance  of  power,  preponderant  alli- 
ances. Many  who  see  this  still  insist  that 
the  time  for  an  effective  international  or- 
ganization— that  is  to  say,  for  peace — has 
not  come;  that  we  must  put  our  trust  in 
armed  national  might  and  alliances.  The 


amount  of  naked  power  wedded  to  a  "sov- 
ereign" state  cannot  possibly  prevent  war. 
It  never  has  and  it  never  will.  By  insistence 
on  sovereignty — which  in  last  analysis 
means  freedom  to  wage  war — sovereign 
states  perpetuate  what  they  seek  to  avoid. 

The  cure  for  sovereignty  is  super-national 
law.  The  purpose  of  an  international  organ- 
ization worthy  of  the  name  is  to  establish 
and  enforce  such  law.  Only  that  and  readi- 
ness to  uphold  it  can  guarantee  lasting 
peace.  "Exactly,"  the  sovereignty-with- 
power-alliance  boys  interrupt.  "Just  what 
we  said.  More  important  than  structure  is 
the  desire  to  make  it  work."  Just  a  minute. 
Few  have  the  patience  to  chop  hard  wood 
with  a  stone  ax.  We  need  not  choose  be- 
tween "making  the  instrument  strong"  and 
"making  it  work."  The  stronger  it  is,  the 
easier  to  make  it  work. 

Weak  Peace  or  Certain  Death 

Which  brings  us  back  to  the  Dumbarton 
Oaks  proposals.  These — at  this  writing — 
do  not  envisage  a  true  international  admin- 
istration to  enforce  super-national  law,  but 
rather  an  International  Vigilance  Commit- 
tee. They  are  not  the  long  awaited  sure-fire 
guarantee  against  war,  but  merely  a  step 
between  lawlessness  and  law.  They  may  not 
even  provide  for  coercing  those  big  powers 
who  alone  can  make  big  wars. 

Nonetheless,  the  Oaks  proposals  contain 
within  them  a  seed  that  could  develop  into 
a  real  guarantee.  That  is  the  clause  which 
excludes  violence  or  threat  of  violence  by 
national  states  except  at  the  behest  of  the 
international  community.  Once  deprived 
of  the  right  to  use  violence  for  national 
purposes,  even  the  most  powerful  sovereign 
states  must  come  to  rely  on  law  for  secur- 
ity. Thereby  lasting  peace  becomes  possible. 

Between  now  and  the  adoption  of  the 
final  statute  of  the  United  Nations'  Organ- 
ization, we  should  work  to  make  that 
organization  strong.  Once  the  final  text  is 
written,  we  must  fight  to  get  it  accepted 
by  the  American  Senate  and  implemented 
by  the  American  Congress.  Then  we  must 
struggle  to  make  it  work;  struggle  to  make 
it  the  supreme  point  in  our  political  life,  to 
make  it  the  custodian  of  super-national  law. 

The  stakes  are  the  highest  in  the  world 
— nothing  less  than  the  lives  and  happiness 
of  our  children  and  our  children's  children. 
Do  not  send  them  back  to  the  caves.  Give 
them  the  planet  as  their  playground! 


The  Future  Is  Already  Here 

Wonders  wrought  by  science  in  a  period  of  production  miracles,  which 
will  change  our  postwar  lives  —  an  introduction  to  a  series  of  articles. 


WAR   CASTS  A  GRIM  LEDGER.  ON  THE  RED  SIDE 

fall  the  casualty  lists,  with  their  incalculable 
totals  of  lost  talent,  energy,  and  leadership. 
But  in  paying  this  great  price,  civilization 
gains  not  only  the  essentials  for  victory  but 
immeasurable  advances  in  discovery  and  in 
the  application  of  new  knowledge. 

Today's  headlines  carry  word  of  "secret 
weapons,"  of  mysterious  ways  of  dealing 
death  and  destruction.  These  gains  on  the 
debit  side  of  war's  ledger  are  not  "new." 
They  are  the  result  of  two  decades  or  more 
of  exploration  and  discovery  in  the  labora- 
tories of  many  nations.  They  represent  mili- 
tary and  industrial  advantages  that,  without 
war,  would  not  have  come  for  many  years. 
But,  too,  they  represent  vast  potentials  on 
the  other  side  of  the  ledger — the  side  of 
man's  conquest  over  the  forces  of  the  uni- 
verse, of  happier  and  more  secure  ways  of 
living  on  this  planet. 

As  the  scientist  sees  the  horizon  of  man's 
understanding,  war  brings  nothing  hitherto 
unknown.  The  tanks,  planes,  radio,  medical 
care  of  the  last  war — the  weapons  and  the 
medical  advances  of  this — do  not  represent 
fresh  discoveries,  except  possibly  in  medi- 
cine. Today's  "new  technology"  is  chiefly 
evidence  that  a  process  begun  long  ago  has 
been  accelerated. 

The  Airplane  of  Tomorrow 

Look,  for  instance,  at  modern  planes  and 
high-octane  gas,  the  motor  fuel  of  today 
and  the  future;  at  rocket  motors  and  jet 
propulsion.  Consider  the  airplane  of  to- 
morrow, in  sight  just  out  there  on  the 
hangar  apron,  behind  the  jet-propulsion 
bird: 

"It  will  leave  the  ground  smoothly,  im- 
pelled by  rocket  motors  which  will  assist 
its  jet  engines  to  get  it  off  with  huge  loads, 
hitherto  beyond  our  thinking.  Once  off, 
power  will  switch  from  the  rocket  engines 
to  the  jet  engines,  for  the  excellent  reason 
that  an  airplane  will  fly  comfortably  with  at 
least  50  percent  more  load  than  it  can  take 
off  from  the  ground.  The  jets  will  attend 
to  the  provision  of  motor  power  until  very 
high  altitudes  (in  today's  conception  of 
altitude)  are  reached.  Ultimately,  however, 
the  new  aircraft  will  come  into  stratospheric 
altitudes  in  which  the  jet,  requiring  oxygen, 
will  tire  and  finally  quit.  Then  the  rockets 
will  come  into  play  again.  .  .  . 

"The  plane  will  then  thrust  forward 
smoothly  through  the  stratosphere  at  some- 
thing faster  than  the  speed  of  sound,  and 
probably  somewhere  between  1,000  and 
1,500  miles  an  hour.  That  will  go  on  until 
the  destination  is,  say,  some  500  miles  and 
30  minutes  away.  Then  the  nose  will  turn 
down  the  long  hill,  and  near  the  airport 
the  jets  will  come  into  action  and  before 
the  passenger  in  his  air  conditioned  and 


BEULAH  AMIDON 

— By  the  associate  editor  of  .Survey 
Graphic  who  has  general  responsibility 
for  the  series,  with  Waldemar  Kaempf- 
fert,  science  editor  of  The  New  'York 
Times,  as  counselor. 

In  the  next  months: 

Transportation  in  the  Air  Age,  by 
William  F.  Ogburn,  University  of  Chi- 
cago, who  has  just  completed  a  special 
study  of  the  subject. 

Television:  the  New  Communication, 
by  Robert  W.  King,  of  the  Bell  Tele- 
phone Laboratories. 

Electronics:  the  Mind  of  the  Machine, 
by  Waldemar  Kaempffert. 

Later: 

Synthetics — from  Laboratory  to  Mass 
Production 

Drugs  and  Plasma:  the  New  Life 
Savers 

Public  Health:  New  Levels  of  Preven- 
tion and  Care 


sound-proof  cabin  knows  it,  he  will  be  back 
on  terra  firma,  after  crossing  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  in  three  hours,  perhaps  less." 

These  are  the  words,  not  of  a  contempo- 
rary Jules  Verne,  but  of  Air  Marshal 
William  A.  Bishop  of  the  Royal  Canadian 
Air  Force.  They  give  some  indication,  not 
of  laboratory  hypotheses,  but  of  the  facts 
of  the  world  to  which  you  and  I  must  ad- 
just our  thinking  and  our  lives. 

Advertisers  today  dream  up  for  us  a 
fantastically  pleasant  and  convenient  post- 
war scene  in  which  we  are  to  enjoy  an 
infinite  variety  of  engaging  gadgets  and 
comforts.  But  these  playthings  (and  work 
things)  are  secondary  to  the  solid  advances 
of  modern  technology — the  patient  gains 
of  laboratory  and  testing  field  suddenly 
made  available  to  us  under  the  forcing  of 
war's  necessity.  In  chemistry,  physics,  medi- 
cine, the  advances  mean  that  we  have  left 
the  world  in  which  we  all  grew  up  for  a 
world  of  new  dimensions  in  production, 
transportation,  communication,  health;  new 
perils  of  speed,  destruction,  and  unemploy- 
ment. 

Laboratory  to  Mass  Production 

There  is  no  measure  as  yet  of  the  ac- 
celerated technological  advances  of  war- 
time. Take,  for  example,  the  development 
of  synthetic  rubber.  Two  factors  produced 
it,  so  far  as  America  is  concerned:  Japanese 
conquest  in  the  Far  East,  cutting  off  sup- 
plies of  natural  rubber;  the  dependence  of 
mechanized  warfare  on  tires  for  planes, 
tanks,  trucks,  tractors,  motor  cars.  Amer- 
ican industry  was  faced  with  the  nation's 
crucial  alternative — make  rubber  or  perish. 
The  answer  was  the  almost  unbelievable 


expansion  of  synthetic  rubber  from  labora- 
tory to  mass  production  in  eighteen  months. 
Today,  the  American  output  of  synthetic 
rubber  is  far  in  excess  of  prewar  importa- 
tions of  natural  rubber.  This  was  a  "do  or 
die"  development,  achieved  without  regard 
for  expense.  The  progress — scientific  and 
economic — of  years  was  telescoped  into 
months.  It  trails  unanswered  postwar  prob- 
lems, including  the  industrial  allocation  of 
raw  materials,  the  question  of  markets,  of 
dislocation  of  manpower,  of  capital  invest- 
ment, of  free  enterprise.  Is  it  more  eco- 
nomical to  make  rubber  from  a  base  de- 
rived from  petroleum  or  from  grain  alcohol? 
Should  our  economy  extend  or  narrow  the 
uses  of  synthetic  rubber?  What  would  the 
further  expansion  of  synthetic  rubber  mean 
to  the  world's  supplies  of  petroleum?  To 
the  farmers  of  the  grain  belt?  To  shipping? 
To  East  Indian  planters  and  plantation 
hands?  Who  is  thinking  of  these  things?  • 
Do  we  have  the  answers? 

New  Uses  for  Labor 

"Man  is  a  working  animal,"  the  econo- 
mist reminds  us.  But  technological  advance, 
making  possible  television,  jet  propulsion, 
"the  kitchen  of  the  future,"  new  conveni- 
ences and  comforts  brings  also  revolutionary 
changes  in  the  use  of  man's  labor. 

For  example,  the  technology  of  the  future 
envisages  the  use  of  the  strength  and  light- 
ness of  aluminum  on  a  very  wide  scale.  We 
know  already  that  aluminum  means  lighter 
trains  and  trucks,  and  hence  faster  and  more 
economical  transportation.  But  the  use  oi 
aluminum,  as  wartime  developments  show 
it,  goes  much  farther — and  the  construction 
worker  who  calmly  shoulders  an  aluminum 
beam,  instead  of  waiting  for  a  crane  to 
swing  a  steel  one  into  place,  already  is  a 
commonplace  of  the  army  engineers  and 
the  Seabees.  True,  steel  is  cheaper  in  dollars 
and  cents  today.  But  the  use  of  the  lighter 
material  makes  possible  huge  savings  in 
manpower  and  in  time. 

Perhaps  more  far-reaching,  and  certainly 
more  mysterious  to  the  layman,  are  the  ap- 
plications of  electronics.  Here  is  a  new  sort 
of  transfer  of  skill,  something  like  the  en- 
dowment of  the  machine  with  intelligence. 
Thus  out  of  the  laboratory  to  the  front 
pages  last  summer  there  came  a  super- 
calculator,  to  which  a  man  gives  orders 
through  radio  and  the  photo-electric  cell: 
"Total  the  preceding  and  begin  to  group — 
and  the  obedient  machine  proceeds  to 
eliminate  the  toil  of  ranks  of  bookkeepers 
and  statistical  clerks.  The  whole  process  of 
making  synthetic  rubber  is  controlled  elec- 
tronically, and  in  the  vast  complexities  of 
the  plants  at  Institute,  W.  Va.,  and  Nauga- 
tuck,  Conn.,  one  encounters  very  few  work- 
men, in  the  accustomed  sense,  but  rather  the 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


occasional   technician,   giving   orders   to   all 
but  sentient  mechanisms. 

New  Production  Demands 

Over  against  such  advances  in  the  sub- 
stitution of  materials,  processes,  and  devices 
for  manpower  must  be  set  the  war-created 
and  war-stimulated  demands  for  produc- 
tion. For  example,  this  country  needs  today 
at  least  10,000,000  new  housing  units,  25,- 
000,000  to  30,000,000  cars  and  trucks,  a  vast 
quantity  of  the  household  necessities  of  the 
machine  age,  such  as  vacuum  cleaners,  re- 
frigerators, washing  machines,  electric  irons, 
radios.  Here  is  a  market  that  holds  promise 
of  maximum  use  of  productive  capacity  and 
full  employment.  But  this  hungry  market 
has  in  itself  stimulated  another  sort  of  tech- 
nical advance. 

To  overcome  the  wartime  shortage  in 
manpower,  industry  has  achieved  increased 
efficiency  and  output  per  worker.  Fewer 
men  are  required  today  because  fewer  men 
are  available.  We  have  not  yet  had  time  to 
consider  what  this  will  mean  when,  for 
maximum  civilian  consumption,  the  num- 
ber of  workers  employed  may  be  substan- 
tially under  current  figures. 

We  hear  much  today  about  the  changes 
the  "new  technology"  will  bring  to  our 
daily  lives.  Insofar  as  it  is  possible  to  look 
ahead,  scientists  agree  that  the  major  dis- 
locations will  be  few.  There  will,  however, 
be  minor  adjustments  which  all  of  us  will 
be  required  to  make.  The  test  of  our  ability 
to  use  the  new  technology  will  be  our  suc- 
cess in  making  these  adjustments.  For  ex- 
ample, dehydrated  foods  offer  a  solution  to 
one  aspect  of  what  traditionally  has  been 
called  "the  servant  problem." 

A  more  radical  adaptation  is  forecast  by 
the  present  outlook  for  television.  It  is  well 
within  the  range  of  present  possibilities  to 
televise  movies  into  the  home — and  what 
will  this  do  to  the  motion  picture  theaters, 
and  their  ramifications?  Further,  television 
opens  up  a  new  range  of  shopping  from 
the  housekeeping  desk  in  the  family  kitch- 
en, with  televised  pictures  of  foods,  fabrics, 
clothing,  gadgets,  moving  across  a  small 
icreen  at  the  housewife's  elbow. 

Perhaps  a  major  effect  of  technological 
advance  on  our  personal  lives  will  be  its 
effect  on  housing.  The  postwar  house,  as  the 
experts  see  it  today,  will  have  a  central 
unit  that  takes  care  of  air  conditioning, 
heating,  plumbing,  and  electrical  inlets  and 
outlets.  The  home  will  be  designed  around 
that  unit,  just  as  the  home  of  our  forebears 
was  designed  around  the  chimney  and  the 
hearth.  The  "new"  home  will  be  a  flexible 
structure,  with  movable  partitions,  units 
that  can  be  added  or  subtracted  as  the 
family  grows  or  diminishes,  and  financing 
based  on  the  cost  of  the  structure,  rather 
than  on  land  costs.  It  may  bring  a  change 
in  the  idea  of  permanency,  with  land  rented 
for  the  home,  and  a  housing  unit  frankly 
designed  for  limited  durability — a  house 
that  will  serve  family  needs  for  decades 
rather  than  for  generations. 

This  type  of  change  may  affect  trans- 
portation as  well  as  housing.  Postwar  de- 
velopments presage  another  crisis  on  the 
railroads.  Looking  at  wartime  gains,  we 
know  that  the  trip  from  New  York  to  San 

JANUARY  1945 


Francisco  by  air  is  now  possible  in  terms 
of  hours  instead  of  days — a  breakfast-to- 
dinner  jaunt,  costing  some  $135.  All  this 
means  a  change  in  the  mode  of  the  railroads 
business,  with  pick-up  freight,  door-to-door 
delivery  in  containers,  and  fixed  schedules 
as  the  future  railroad  scheme  of  freight 
handling.  In  the  estimation  of  the  railroad 
executive,  passenger  traffic  always  has  been 
secondary  to  freight.  But  in  the  years  ahead, 
the  railroads  must  develop  a  scheme  of 
cheap  handling  in  less  than  carload  lots, 
providing,  like  the  trucks,  the  convenience 
of  door-to-door  delivery. 

But  the  effect  of  the  "new  technology"  on 
transportation  does  not  stop  with  revamped 
railroad  practices,  and  networks  of  truck 
and  bus  highways.  There  are  the  possi- 
bilities of  the  helicopter  as  a  "family  plane." 
As  this  development  stands  today,  the  heli- 
copters are  not  as  readily  mastered  as  the 
early  reports  forecast.  But  helicopters  seem 
to  place  within  our  grasp  a  form  of  family 
air  transportation  which  is  easily  handled, 
requires  no  airport  or  highway  system,  and 
promises  a  relatively  swift  means  of  getting 
the  family  from  the  city  to  the  country,  to 
the  homes  of  relatives,  on  sightseeing  jaunts, 
and  home  again.  Even  so,  this  plane  would 
be  a  very  minor  auxiliary  to  stratospheric 
aviation  and  the  possibilities  it  holds  out 
for  planetary  travel  and  transportation. 

In  the  kitchen  of  the  postwar  home,  elec- 
tronics seem  likely  to  bring  major  changes. 
The  electronic  range  offers  the  possibility 
of  control  such  as  the  cooks  of  yesterday 
and  today  never  have  known.  Cooking  in 
this  new  adaptation  can  be  "from  the  inside 
out,"  which  means  that  a  stew  or  pot  roast 
can  be  prepared  on  top  of  the  range  in 
a  porcelain  bowl  or  tureen,  in  which  it  is 
brought  to  the  table.  Baking,  roasting,  broil- 
ing, simmering,  can  be  done  in  plain  sight, 
with  complete  control  over  time  and  tem- 
perature, and  the  family  kitchen,  like  the 
synthetic  rubber  plant,  will  be  a  matter  of 
gauges  and  automatic  control. 

We  Can  Be  Healthier 

Perhaps  closer  to  our  personal  lives  than 
jet  propulsion  planes  or  electronic  cooking 
are  the  postwar  possibilities  in  the  field  of 
medicine  and  public  health.  At  the  war's 
end,  some  11,000,000  men  in  the  armed 
forces  will  have  learned  what  good  medical 
care  means.  Among  them  will  be  millions 
who  never  in  civilian  life  enjoyed  the  ad- 
vantages of  modern  dentistry,  hospitaliza- 
tion,  immunization,  nutrition,  and  exercise. 
It  is  questionable  whether  returning  service 
men,  and  women — or  the  physicians  and 
dentists  themselves  with  service  experience 
— will  be  content  with  the  catch-as-catch- 
can  medical  care  now  available  to  civilians. 
The  logical  move  would  seem  to  be  an  ex- 
tension of  the  social  security  system  to  in- 
clude compulsory  health  insurance — a  way 
of  rationing  the  available  medical  care 
among  all  the  people. 

The  new  advances  in  drugs  and  transport 
have  won  headlines,  as  correspondents  here 
reported  the  almost  miraculous  accomplish- 
ments at  the  front  of  penicillin,  the  sulfa 
drugs,  plasma,  the  new  handling  of  frac- 
tures and  wounds,  the  checking  of  epi- 
demics by  insecticides,  die  increase  in  food 


supplies  through  the  control  of  insect 
enemies  and  plant  disease.  There  remains 
the  less  colorful  but  even  more  far-reaching 
change  in  attitude  toward  injury  and 
disease,  toward  the  interrelationship  of  body 
and  spirit,  with  notable  gains  in  handling 
such  problems  as  convalescence,  fatigue, 
shock,  anxiety. 

<  All  technological  advance  means  a  change 
in  education.  To  many  authorities,  the  cur- 
rent trend  is  revolutionary.  Certainly  the 
outlook  is  for  more  vocational  training,  with 
a  corresponding  shrinkage  in  liberal  arts 
education.  But  aside  from  the  shift  in  focus 
and  emphasis,  there  is  bound  to  be  a  change 
in  method.  The  forced-draft  training  of  the 
armed  services  have  developed  new  prac- 
tices in  many  fields,  notably  in  mathematics, 
languages,  science,  and  mechanics.  There 
has  come,  too,  an  appreciation  of  the  waste 
of  time  involved  in  the  leisurely  academic 
schedules  of  prewar  years,  and  re-examina- 
tion of  the  traditional  long  summer  vaca- 
tions. The  outlook  seems  to  be  for  an  over- 
hauling of  the  educational  system,  for  time 
saved  in  elementary  and  high  schools,  a 
new  emphasis  on  "tool  subjects"  and  their 
effective  mastery,  flexible  study-job  pro- 
grams, closer  contact  between  education 
and  the  going  world. 

Needs  of  Mankind 

But  above  all,  the  new  technology  points 
to  security  as  the  most  important  factor  in 
modern  life.  It  is  an  exciting  adventure  to 
contemplate  the  advances  in  communication, 
transportation,  production,  health,  that  the 
new  technology  places  within  our  grasp. 
But  even  electronic  ranges,  television,  peni- 
cillin, jet  propulsion  planes,  are  unimportant 
in  themselves,  if  we  cannot  harness  them  to 
constructive  uses. 

War  has  seen  the  development  of  new 
weapons  to  destroy  man  and  die  work  oi 
his  hands,  new  methods  of  repairing  the 
ravages  of  mechanized  war  in  maiming 
men  and  exposing  them  to  unprecedented 
hazards  of  disease,  speed,  and  munitions. 

In  the  months  ahead,  Survey  Graphic 
will  explore  some  of  the  advances  in  the 
fields  of  chemistry,  physics,  transportation, 
communication,  medicine,  and  public 
health.  But  this  series  of  articles  cannot  stop 
with  describing  the  miracles  of  synthetics, 
television,  the  sulfas  and  penicillin,  DDT, 
rocket  planes,  electronics.  Allied  to  the  new 
advances  and  discoveries  are  the  urgent 
problems  of  peacetime  use.  Economists  tell 
us  that  there  will  be  a  slight  depression 
immediately  after  the  war,  then  a  great 
boom,  as  we  harness  productive  capacity  to 
the  needs  of  civilians  around  the  world.  But 
a  decade  later  will  come  the  real  issue — 
can  we  gear  production  and  distribution  to 
the  needs  of  mankind? 

In  confronting  unimagined  vistas  of  pro- 
duction, these  writers  will  look  beyond  die 
wartime  accomplishment:  How  can  we  use 
the  skills  and  experience  of  the  60,000,000 
workers  who  must  be  kept  at  work  if  this 
nation  is  to  maintain  maximum  production 
and  full  employment?  How  can  we  apply 
the  advances  of  technology  so  that  they  will 
mean  around  the  world  more  secure  and 
happier  lives  for  men  and  women  and  their 
children? 


The  Niger  Valley 

The  land  and  people  along  a  great  African  river,  once  called  the  "Nile  of  the  Negroes,"  are 
ready  for  fresh  adventures — in  liberty,  equality,  fraternity — on  the  part  of  a  new  France. 

MAURICE  CLAUDE  ROSSIN 


IT  IS  NOT  ALTOGETHER  ASTONISHING  THAT  SO 

great  a  river  as  the  Niger  is  so  little  known. 
For,  unlike  the  Nile,  it  has  not  inspired 
historians  and  dramatists;  much  less  have 
its  praises  been  sung  by  poets.  Here  in  th? 
United  States,  I  have  found  that,  at  least  in 
the  public  mind,  it  remains  a  "poor  rela- 
tion" of  that  illustrious  watershed  on  the 
other  side  of  the  African  continent. 

Emergence  from  oblivion  is  merited  by 
this  wonderful  stream  which  stretches  for 
over  2,600  miles.  It  carries  immense  possi- 
bilities in  its  current — vast  wealth  not  only 
of  water  but  of  transport  and  power.  The 
recompense  to  those  who  bring  its  riches 
to  light  will  be  all  the  more  because  nature 
hid  them  for  so  long  and  rendered  their 
accessibility  difficult. 

For  twenty  years  and  more,  audacious 
Frenchmen,  handicapped  but  not  halted  by 
World  War  II,  have  struggled  to  give  to 
this  waterway  its  rightful  place  in  the  great 
family  of  river  basins  as  a  nurturer  of  life 
and  culture,  a  generator  of  livelihood  and 
natural  wealth. 

The  Niger  rises  near  the  sea  in  the  semi- 
tropics — less  than  150  miles  inland  from 
the  Atlantic  on  the  northern  declivity  of 
mountains  that  border  French  Guinea.  Like 
Caesar's  Gaul,  it  can  be  divided  into  three 
parts: 

The  Upper  Niger — young,  turbulent,  of 
little  constructive  value,  this  flows  from  its 
source  northeast  to  Bamako  along  a  route 
of  some  300  miles; 

The  Middle  Niger — mature,  wise,  con- 
structive, this  swings  by  a  huge  curve 
through  the  French  Sudan  from  Bamako 
to  below  Gao,  some  1,100  miles;  thereafter 

The  Lower  Niger — old,  peaceful  and  en- 
riched, this  flows  south  to  its  mouth  in 
British  Nigeria,  1,200  miles  to  the  south. 

The  Middle  Niger 

It  is  the  mature  Niger,  midway  of  its 
course,  which  is  the  most  interesting  of 
these  reaches,  the  one  most  likely  to  be 
the  immediate  scene  of  creative  advance. 
Its  history  is  that  of  a  tenacious  fight  for 
possession  against  the  desert.  This  fight, 
running  water  has  won  and,  having  won,  it 
offers  to  man  an  immense  field  of  enter- 
prise. Here,  in  the  course  of  eons,  in  an 
immense  depression  in  what  is  now  the 
center  of  the  Sudan,  the  river  created  a 
vast  interior  delta,  and  filled  it  with  allu- 
vium as  it  flowed  on  its  way. 

Today,  as  the  map  will  show  you,  this 
vast  region  is  the  hub  of  French  West 
Africa  and  forms  the  larger  part  of  Soudan 
Francois,  one  of  the  colonies  making  up 
the  Federation  known  as  A.O.F.  (Afrique 
Occidental  Francaise).  The  others  are: 
Mauritania  at  the  northwest;  Senegal  to 
the  west;  French  Guinea,  southwest;  Ivory 


Coast  in  the  south;  Togoland  and  Dahomey 
to  the  southeast;  and  Niger  Colony  at  the 
east. 

The  French  settlements  along  the  coastal 
zone  were  founded  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. It  was  only  at  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  (1823)  that  a  Frenchman,  Rene 
Caille,  journeyed  through  the  Sudan  and 
along  the  middle  valley  of  the  Niger,  reach- 
ing Timbuktu  after  many  adventures.  He 
crossed  the  Sahara  in  returning  to  France. 

French  penetration  and  final  settlement 
in  the  interior  regions  date  from  the  last 
part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  with  the 
deeds  of  Archinard  and  Bonnier,  of  the 
young  Joffre  and  Gouraud.  It  was  only 
after  World  War  I,  however,  that  practical 
interest  began  to  focus  on  this  region. 
There  was  everything  to  be  done;  few  or 
no  maps;  few  or  no  roads.  A  few  miles 
from  the  banks  of  the  river  and  you  came 
to  the  unknown. 

Nonetheless,  all  along  there  had  existed 
all  the  elements  to  provide  ampler  footholds 
for  native  life  and  a  new  and  resourceful 
setting  for  civilization.  Such  as: 

— alluvial  soil,  fertile  and  flat  (on  an  aver- 
age of  3  to  5  inches  declivity  per  mile), 

— By  one  of  the  first  emissaries  to  reach 
us  from  Dakar — the  young  and  vigorous 
chief  of  social  and  economic  engineering 
(as  distinct  from  dam  building  and  pub- 
lic works)  in  the  Niger  River  office. 

His  mission  for  the  government  of 
French  West  Africa  took  him  across  the 
United  States  to  study  irrigation  — 
specifically  for  the  cultivation  of  rice. 
He  has  put  himself  abreast,  also,  of  pro- 
grams of  settlement,  of  rural  and  urban 
development,  in  areas  reached  by  our 
new  networks  of  canals  and  cables  which 
spread  the  moisture  and  energy  of  run- 
ning streams. 

Mr.  Rossin  had  a  rounded  equipment 
for  pioneering  as  a  state  engineer.  He 
holds  degrees  from  The  Institut  National 
Agronomique,  the  Ecole  Superieure  du 
Genie  Rural  and  the  Ecole  Superieure 
d'EIectricite — all  in  Paris.  Even  more,  he 
had  subsequent  field  experience:  first  in 
Morocco,  where  he  worked  both  in 
colonization  and  on  hydraulic  installa- 
tions; then  with  a  mission  of  the  French 
Ministry  of  Agriculture  to  Egypt  and 
the  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan. 

The  French  apply  the  word  "exploita- 
tion" to  the  Niger  program  for  recap- 
turing land  and  water;  for  building  up  a 
food  supply  and  a  labor  force.  But  as 
Mr.  Rossin  outlines  these  early  stages, 
the  pattern  would  seem  a  complete  break 
with  old  formulae  of  imperialistic  coloni- 
zation, and  with  our  own  hoary  tradi- 
tions of  "sharecropping." 


extending  over  a  territory  of  several  mil- 
lion acres; 

— a  river  which  pours  sixty  billion  cubic 
yards  of  water  into  the  sea  each  year; 

— a  climate  permitting  the  cultivation  of  all 
tropical  plants; 

— a  primitive  population  which,  although 
sparse,  is  friendly,  hard  working,  land 
loving. 

N.  V.  A. 

Nature  had  disposed  these  factors  gen- 
erously, but  unfortunately  had  not  united 
them.  It  was  up  to  modern  men  to  make 
the  necessary  integration,  and  in  1932  the 
French  government  entered  upon  the  task, 
establishing  an  "Office  du  Niger."  Develop- 
ments since  have  been  strongly  influenced 
by  its  great  American  contemporary,  the 
Tennessee  Valley  Authority. 

First  came  difficult  topographical  studies; 
then  dam  building  and  intensive  agricul- 
tural experimentation.  Finally,  after  early 
attempts  at  colonization,  the  foundations  of 
a  rounded  program  were  laid  with  objec- 
tives that  are  at  once  social  and  economic. 

The  aim  is  social  because  designed  to 
regroup  a  sparse  population;  to  afford  them 
better  conditions  of  life  by  putting  into 
their  hands  the  means  of  assuring  maxi- 
mum results  from  their  labor;  to  provide 
for  their  education,  as  it  were,  from  the 
ground  up;  and  to  encourage  their  advance- 
ment, materially  and  in  things  of  the  spirit. 

The  aim  is  economic  because  a  country 
which  lived  on  itself  (and  lived  badly), 
and  which  exported  nothing,  is  being  trans- 
formed into  a  productive  region  that  will 
exchange  products  with  the  rest  of  West 
Africa — and  the  world. 

Let  me  say  that  to  these  tasks  dozens  of 
engineers,  administrators,  and  agricultural 
technicians  have  devoted  themselves.  The 
magnitude  of  the  work  to  be  done  enticed 
them,  along  with  the  wish  to  build  and 
with  the  fascination  of  creating  something 
new.  These  young  pioneers  have  given  a 
splendid  example  of  courage,  of  team  spirit, 
and  faith  in  their  work,  often  under  diffi- 
cult conditions— especially  during  the  pres- 
ent war. 

First:  Dams  and  Canals 

When  discovery  and  planning  gave  place 
to  construction,  the  earliest  stage  was  the 
erection  of  a  diversion  dam  at  Sansanding. 
This  is  at  the  head  of  the  interior  delta  of 
the  Niger  and  was  completed  by  1941. 
From  this  dam  stem  irrigation  canals, 
with  their  ramifications,  which  will  bring 
water  to  the  immense  area  that  ultimately 
will  be  put  into  cultivation.  Partly  metal 
and  partly  masonry,  the  dam  itself  is  2,700 
feet  long  and  is  extended  by  an  earthwork 
more  than  6,000  feet  in  length. 

The  great  "mother"  canal  which  leads 
out  from  the  dam  is  170  feet  wide  at  its 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


•|6     Sb.Louis 
DAKAR, 

GAMBIA*1? 


WEST 
Timbuktu    y 


AFRICA 

_ 

G<3O 


NIGER 
COLONY 


-8° 


MAURITANIA 

FRENCH 


PORTUGUESE 
GUINEA  ..•> 


Conakry 
NTIC 


OCEAN 


TO  BE  PUT  UNDER  IRRIGATION 


0         100    '200     300     400      500  MILES 


Survey  Graphic  map  by  Harold  Felber,  of  The  New  York  Times 
The  Niger  and  its  territory;  with  particular  reference  to  the  little-  known  development  along  the  Middle  Niger,  in  French  Sudan 


bottom  (it  will  be  twice  that  width  in 
time)  and  some  12  to  15  feet  deep.  After 
a  course  of  about  five  miles,  this  divides 
itself  into  two  principal  branches — one  tend- 
ing toward  the  north;  the  other,  toward 
the  northeast,  paralleling  the  main  river. 
After  about  twenty  miles,  each  of  these 
two  canals  joins  up  with  an  extinct  river 
bed  of  the  Niger — and  thereafter  these, 
in  turn,  serve  as  main  canals.  Thus,  by 
digging  no  more  than  forty-five  miles  of 
artificial  waterways,  a  principal  irrigation 
network  was  obtained  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  in  length.  All  these 
principal  canals  are  now  navigable  through- 
out the  year  and  are  equipped  with  locks 
where  necessary. 

Next  came  the  digging  of  irrigation 
ditches,  land  clearing  and  preparation;  the 
building  of  villages,  the  transport  of  native 
colonists,  and  their  provision  with  farming 
implements,  cattle,  seed,  food  to  tide  over 
the  first  season — all  involving  investment 
on  the  part  of  the  French  government  in 
disclosing  the  possibilities  of  a  great  fron- 
tier and  rendering  it  at  once  productive 
and  livable. 

During  the  last  four  years,  the  members 
of  the  staff  of  the  Niger  Office  determined 
to  stick  to  their  last.  They  were  less  con- 
cerned as  to  the  jeopardy  of  their  own  live- 
lihoods under  wartime  conditions  than  with 
the  hazard  that  all  their  works  of  hand 
and  imagination  would  revert  to  wilder- 
ness. When  I  recently  visited  a  great  plant 
which  manufactures  agricultural  imple- 
ments in  the  American  Middlewest — to  see 
when  we  might  secure  postwar  delivery 
of  great  tools — I  could  tell  them  that  our 


mechanics  had  patched  up  their  prewar 
output  with  pieces  of  hardwood  and  scrap 
metal  so  thoroughly  that  they  would 
scarcely  recognize  them. 

Today,  with  the  counter  invasion  of  the 
Allies,  and  the  deliverance  of  France,  the 
Niger  Office  is  responsible  to  the  Governor 
General  of  French  West  Africa  at  Dakar 
and  on  to  the  Ministry  of  Colonies,  at 
Paris,  under  the  French  government. 

Next:  Settlement 

The  World  War  inevitably  retarded  the 
project.  Nonetheless,  approximately  50,000 
acres  of  land,  which  a  dozen  years  ago 
were  covered  with  jungle  growth,  unpro- 
ductive and  uninhabitable,  have  been  com- 
pletely cleared,  cleaned,  irrigated. 

These  tracts  are  peopled  with  nearly 
20,000  natives,  who  produce  ten  to  fifteen 
times  more  crops  than  they  had  hitherto 
wrung  from  the  soil  through  uncertain 
and  archaic  husbandry. 

They  have  come  from  neighboring  re- 
gions of  identical  climate.  On  their  arrival, 
they  have  found  land  free  of  underbrush 
and  provided  with  a  complete  system  of 
irrigation.  They  have  found  homes  in 
villages  constructed  in  advance.  Each  family 
therefore  starts  housekeeping  in  a  dwell- 
ing set  aside  for  it;  each  receives  a  mini- 
mum of  agricultural  equipment  (plows, 
harrows,  and  carts);  together  with  cattle 
required  to  pull  the  farm  vehicles,  seeds 
necessary  for  initial  planting,  and  food 
adequate  to  sustain  the  family  until  the 
first  harvest.  Each  family  works  for  its 
own  livelihood  and  gain,  with  its  own 
materials,  and  on  its  own  plot  of  ground. 


Each,  as  will  be  developed  later,  is  re- 
warded in  proportion  to  the  amount  of 
work  they  put  into  the  land. 

For  every  unit  of  15,000  to  20,000  acres, 
the  native  colonists  are  grouped  in  what 
are  called  Associations  Agricoles  Indigenes 
(native  agricultural  associations).  These  are 
a  sort  of  mutual  cooperative,  with  officers 
or  head  men  elected  by  its  members.  Each 
is  endowed  with  civil  rights,  and  is  utilized 
by  them  as  agent  in  their  purchases  and 
sales.  Moreover,  such  an  association  pos- 
sesses tools  of  production  and  processing 
over  and  above  the  requirements  of  the 
individual  family — trucks,  for  example, 
barges,  rice  mills,  threshers,  tractors.  The 
association  concerns  itself  not  only  with  the 
sale  of  the  harvest  but  with  buying  spare 
parts,  equipment,  farm  animals,  which  it 
sells,  in  turn,  to  its  members. 

The  Settlers 

Thus,  each  family  works  for  itself,  and 
earns  in  proportion  to  its  work — but  at  the 
same  time,  benefits  from  the  advantages 
secured  by  mutual  enterprise  on  a  larger 
scale.  Thus,  the  colonists  are  not  isolated 
workers;  their  association  is  a  powerful 
means  of  self-protection  and  cooperative 
action,  of  education  and  self-improvement. 

The  members  take  an  active  part  in  the 
workings  of  these  native  associations  and 
are  aided  in  the  task  by  a  corps  of  agents 
— both  French  and  native — who  serve  as 
counselors  and  teachers.  Such  advantages  are 
complemented  by  medical  and  veterinary 
assistance  afforded  by  the  Niger  Office,  no 
less  than  by  schools. 

The   Africans   populating  French   West 


JANUARY   1945 


Supply   Mission  for  France 
Carding  cotton  after  the  fashion  of  the  tribes  of  French  West  Africa 


French   Press  and  Information   Service 
Native  boatmen  of  Gao,  town  situated  at  the  end  of  the  Middle  Niger 


Africa  arc  of  various  types.  There  is  even 
one  group,  whatever  its  origin,  whitish  of 
skin.  There  are  Maures  and  Touaregs  from 
the  desert,  and  other  migrant  folk.  But 
for  the  most  part  they  belong  to  various 
tribes,  different  in  customs  and  language, 
but  all  of  Negro  type,  generally  tall  and 
strong.  They  are  not  without  crafts  and 
arts.  Without  a  written  language,  they 
have  intelligence,  if  not  book  learning. 
They  are  swift  in  youth  to  learn  to  speak 
French  and  to  get  the  hang  of  tools;  quick 
to  participate  and  carry  responsibility  in 
their  cooperative  associations;  eager  to 
make  the  most  of  their  new  opportunities. 
In  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the 
Niger  delta,  they  fall  into  three  vocations, 
each  with  its  own  characteristics — fisher- 
men, herdsmen,  farmers.  It  is  from  this 
third  group  that  we  draw  our  settlers,  for 


the  most  part,  so  that  the  change  is  not 
from  one  calling  to  another  (as  in  the 
case  of  many  Palestinian  colonists,  for  ex- 
ample) but  from  one  level  of  work  to  an- 
other of  the  same  sort. 

The  Villages:  Old  and  New 

So  difficult  is  life  in  the  old  order,  so 
exhaustive  the  primitive  cultivation  of  the 
soil,  that  the  native  villages  we  draw  from 
are  often  twenty  miles  apart.  In  North 
Sudan,  in  particular,  these  impress  you  as 
beset  with  poverty.  The  houses  are  set 
fairly  next  to  each  other  along  narrow 
crooked  streets.  Each  village  lives  on  it- 
self, and  the  distance  to  the  next  makes 
intercourse  and  trading  difficult. 

But  there  is  always  one  open  space  re- 
served at  the  center  of  a  native  village 
where  special  care  is  taken  of  a  wide 


spreading  tree,  often  a  cailcedra  or  a  ficus. 
Under  the  shade  of  its  thick  leaves,  the 
villagers  are  prone  to  talk  over  all  the 
problems  and  events,  important  or  futile, 
which  concern  them.  Men  usually  predom- 
inate in  this  "forum";  rustic  benches  sur- 
round the  tree,  and  here  is  the  center  of 
the  spiritual  life  of  the  community. 

In  the  new  settlements  in  the  irrigated 
zone,  an  effort  is  made  to  maintain,  while 
improving  so  far  as  light  and  air  and 
sanitation  go,  the  traditional  native  style 
of  house.  Thus,  the  casement  of  the  outer 
door  is  left  unfinished,  as  that  is  some- 
thing each  household  likes  to  contrive  foi 
itself.  All  the  streets  are  wide,  all  straight, 
all  shaded  by  trees.  Three  innovation* 
these;  but  that  does  not  mean  that  the 
ancient  center  has  been  overlooked.  Rather, 
several  trees  are  placed  there;  a  well  for 
drinking  water  dug;  seats  provided  for 
gossip  and  high  talk. 

Fruit  trees  are  planted  near  the  home* 
for  and  by  each  family;  and  vegetables  are 
grown  in  gardens  all  around  the  villages. 
Little  by  little,  comforts  in  the  homes  im- 
prove with  the  increase  in  returns  from 
the  crops.  Bedsteads  and  bedding,  mos- 
quito-nets, chests,  pots  and  pans,  and  other 
handy  little  articles  come  into  use  and 
multiply. 

The  New  Fields 

Where  formerly  there  were  only  a  few 
dwellings  crowded  together,  there  are  now 
real  farms.  Farming  implements  (plows, 
harrows,  carts)  can  be  seen,  proudly  dis- 
played, in  a  corner  of  the  clean  yard.  There 
are  bulls  and  cows,  chickens  and  ducks.  The 
fruit  trees  begin  to  bear;  the  family  garden 
yields  vegetables  for  daily  meats;  store- 
rooms are  full  of  cereals  from  the  fields. 

The  same  metamorphosis  goes  forward 
on  the  soil.  Instead  of  tiny  patches  sur- 
rounded by  the  jungle,  tilled  by  hand,  there 
are  wide  fields  regularly  set  out 

At  sunrise  in  sowing  time,  the  vast  plain 
becomes  alive  with  plowing  teams.  The 
fertile  land  is  ripped  open,  the  plowshares 
shine  in  the  sunlight.  A  life  devoted  to 
work,  but  to  a  work  which  brings  reward, 
develops  everywhere.  And  before  the  day 
of  traditional  festival,  everyone  competes  for 
the  best  clothing  which  is  a  sign  of  the 
new  prosperity. 

The  time  will  come  when  these  vast 
acreages  will  be  tilled  by  tractors.  The 
tractors  will  be  handled  by  natives — who  in 
not  a  few  instances  have  shown  aptitudes 
for  machinery.  Today,  however,  for  the 
most  part  they  are  going  through  an  earlier 
revolution  summed  up  in  the  ox — their 
first  use  of  great  beasts  to  ease  their  own 
back  muscles. 

Now  Sudan  oxen  are  accustomed  to  lib- 
erty and  to  wandering  in  the  jungle.  It  is 
not  a  small  or  inexpert  task  to  transform 
them  into  draft  animals.  Their  teaching 
is  a  slow  process,  a  matter  of  weeks  before 
they  can  be  asked  to  pull  a  plow,  even  at 
the  hands  of  native  "specialists"  charged 
with  this  work. 

Then,  the  farmer  himself  has  to  grow 
accustomed  to  use  both  ox  and  plow — for 
the  native  cultivator  tends  to  be  slow  to 
grasp  the  advantages  of  the  new  methods. 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


He,  in  turn,  has  to  go  through  a  patient 
process  of  education.  The  native  teacher 
has  many  farmers  to  teach,  and  very  often 
as  soon  as  he  turns  on  his  heel,  an  oldster 
will  pick  up  his  hand  hoe  and  begin  again 
the  hard  toil  of  his  ancestors.  So  it  is 
necessary  for  the  teacher  to  come  back,  to 
persuade  little  by  little,  and  mainly  by  ex- 
ample, that  results  can  be  obtained  better, 
easier,  faster,  with  the  "bull's"  help.  Other 
farmers  can  sometimes  make  this  clearer 
than  the  teacher;  the  facts  soon  speak  for 
themselves;  and  a  little  later,  the  plowman 
becomes  an  example  for  later  colonists. 

Meanwhile,  when  the  morning  sun 
streams  over  the  irrigated  land  with  its 
plowing  teams  at  planting  time,  this  is 
why  you  so  frequently  see  bulls  led  by 
young  boys,  proud  of  their  youthful  skill, 
conscious  of  doing  their  part. 

Cooperation 

It  has  been  the  finest  reward  for  those 
of  us  who  have  shared  in  this  new  type  of 
pioneering  not  only  to  see  the  fields  yield 
greater  crops,  but  to  sense  advances  by  the* 
native  farmers  in  that  other  field  of  which 
[  have  spoken,  the  administration  of  their 
agricultural  associations. 

As  the  natives  are  of  various  races,  lan- 
guages, customs,  care  is  taken  that  in  their 
new  setting  they  find  themselves,  if  possi- 
ble, among  friends,  or  at  least  among  those 
of  the  same  tribe.  Their  habits  are  always 
respected.  Being  freed  from  uncertainty  as 
to  their  "daily  rice"  the  year  through,  they 
can  give  more  time  to  higher  things,  if 
you  will;  and  these,  in  turn,  carry  new 
conviction  as  to  what  may  be  obtained 


French   Press   and   Information   Service 
The  village  center,  with  spreading  tree,   is  retained  in  the  new  settlements 


Ewing   Galloway 
This  is  not  a  crowd  in  North  Africa,  but  the  market  place  of  Timbuktu,  French  Sudan 


through  the  modern  techniques  to  which 
they  have  been  introduced  from  seed  time 
to  harvest. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  on  their 
arrival  many  of  them  have  never  handled 
much  money — the  small  coin  of  incentive 
in  our  Western  world.  The  war  has  done 
such  violence  to  our  French  franc  in  inter- 
national exchange  that  perhaps  it  has  been 
just  as  well  that  tangible  things  have  play- 
ed so  large  a  part  in  the  bargain  they 
strike  with  life.  In  prewar  days,  there  was 
a  strong  preference  for  small  bills,  and 
plenty  of  them,  in  their  dealings  with  their 
associations.  There  was  decided  preference 
for  a  pile  of  5  franc  notes  as  against  one 
for  a  thousand  francs.  You  could  hold 
them  in  your  hands  and  see  that  you  had 
gained  much  for  your  labor.  Sometimes  we 
had  to  clamp  down  on  the  practice  of  cer- 
tain shrewd  individuals  who  feathered  their 
own  nests  by  exchanging  an  alluring  dozen 
of  small  bills  for  one  for  a  thousand  francf 
held  by  a  naive  neighbor.  But  money, 
like  tools,  like  motive  power  from  the  ox 
up,  yields  to  expanding  experience. 

Even  more  does  self-reliance  mount  in  a 
cooperative  association.  Thus,  at  harvest 
time,  each  native  family  first  puts  aside 
for  their  own  store  the  amount  of  cereali 
they  will  require  for  nutriment  in  the  year 
ahead.  The  basis  is  600  Ibs.  per  person. 
Then,  they  set  aside  the  amount  of  seed 
necessary  for  future  sowing. 

The  rest  of  the  crop  is  sold  by  the  co- 
operative to  the  best  advantage  of  its  mem- 


JANUARY  1945 


11 


BARRAGE  SUR  LE   NIGER  A  SANSANDING 


Sansanding  diversion  dam,  at  the  head  of  the  interior  delta    of  the  Niger:  a  drawing 


bers,  and  for  their  benefit.  From  the  net  pro- 
ceeds are  deducted  costs  covering  transpor- 
tation and  processing  (threshing,  milling 
of  rough  rice,  and  so  on);  and  the  expenses 
of  the  cooperative  itself. 

Of  the  remainder,  a  share  (about  one- 
third)  is  turned  over  to  the  government  in 
redeeming  outlays  involved  in  installing 
and  equipping  the  colonists  at  the  outset 
and  so  paid  off  on  an  instalment  plan.* 

The  rest  represents  the  net  return  in  the 
case  of  each  family  on  the  basis  of  its  con- 
tribution to  the  crop  that  has  been  sold. 
And  we  have  repeatedly  been  struck  by 
their  choices,  each  year,  to  employ  a  share 
of  it  for  common  tools,  like  barges  or 
trucks,  for  the  cooperative  in  its  service  to 
members. 

Rice  Bowl  of  West  Africa 

Such  are  the  general  principles — and 
simple  examples  in  their  application — 
which  today  govern  the  development  of  a 
region  which  tomorrow  will  turn  the  Niger 
delta  into  the  granary  for  this  whole  part 
of  Africa. 

Glance  at  the  map  of  this  territory  and 
you  will  see  how  readily  the  three  principal 
colonies  which  border  the  valley — Senegal, 
French  Guinea,  and  the  Ivory  Coast — can 
be  reached.  In  the  prewar  years,  they  had 
to  import  rice  from  faraway  Indo-China. 
Yet  these  three  colonies  can  themselves  fur- 
nish valuable  products  for  cash  export — 
such  as  peanuts,  palm  oil,  noix  de  palme, 
cocoa  and  coffee  (the  demand  for  which, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  war  effort, 
has  been  pressing).  The  production  of 
such  exports  is,  however,  contingent  upon 
the  degree  to  which  these  coastal  colonies, 
in  turn,  can  receive  food  supplies  adequate 
to  meet  their  daily  sustenance.  The  stra- 
tegic goal  of  the  Niger  River  Valley  devel- 
opment is  to  satisfy  just  that. 

What  remains  to  be  solved  is  assurance 
of  equipment  in  the  Valley — equipment  for 
constructing  and  operating  canals,  for  pre- 
paring and  cultivating  the  ground,  for 
transporting  crops  safely  and  swiftly.  When 


*  The  land  itself  is  retained  by  the  government,  in 
order  to  avoid  its  re-sale  in  ways  which  would 
bring  great  areas  into  the  hands  of  owners  who 
would  not  themselves  work  it 


these  factors  are  accounted  for,  the  age-old 
problem  of  providing  West  Africa  with  the 
necessities  of  life  will  be  solved. 

Again  the  role  of  the  Niger  itself  enters 
into  the  solutions  called  for.  Thus  the  river 
is  naturally  navigable  during  six  to  seven 
months  of  the  year  and  is  accessible  to 
small  boats  during  the  entire  year.  With 
water  storage  reservoirs,  a  considerable  part 
of  the  year-long  transportation  problem 
will  be  solved.  This  great  stream,  more- 
over, is  destined  for  other  "multiple  pur- 
pose" benefits,  of  which  irrigation  and 
transportation  are  but  two  aspects. 

On  its  upper  valley  and  those  of  its  trib- 
utaries are  perfect  sites  for  power  and 
storage  dams.  The  electricity  produced  will 
find  many  uses  outside  of  domestic  con- 
sumption— such  as  the  processing  of  crops 
and  minerals,  especially  those  natural  phos- 
phates which  are  found  near  the  Niger 
River  Valley.  Above  all,  this  power  can 
be  utilized  for  refrigeration  in  a  region  of 
tropical  heat.  As  the  acreage  under  irriga- 
tion in  the  Niger  Valley  expands,  not  only 
will  its  soil  be  able  to  furnish  grains,  vege- 
tables, and  raw  materials  for  industry,  but 
the  breeding  of  cattle,  already  a  prosperous 
undertaking,  will,  thanks  to  refrigeration, 
find  easy  outlets  for  its  meats. 

Looking  Ahead 

A  vast  program  of  land  improvement 
lies  before  the  French  colonizers.  The  po- 
tential resources  of  this  primeval  country 
are  as  yet  only  partially  known  or  grasped. 
New  activities,  still  unsuspected,  will  keep 
step  with  the  broadening  of  community 
life.  And  it  is  thanks  to  the  Niger,  thanks 
to  this  savage  African  river  which  will  be 
tamed,  that  a  vast  country — yesterday  un- 
productive, all  but  unpopulated  and  deso- 
late— may  find  itself  tomorrow  prosperous, 
animated,  and  happy. 

Simultaneously  with  the  discovery  and 
extraction  of  natural  wealth,  the  level  of 
life  of  the  native  population  will  be  raised. 
Such  is  the  hope  and  aim  of  the  pioneers 
in  the  colonization  of  the  Niger  Valley — 
above  all,  to  help  them  make  themselves 
full  men.  It  is  a  task  worthy  of  the  new 
France,  the  France  which,  reborn,  is  re- 
building herself. 


Perhaps  the  dream — and  its  accomplish- 
ment over  the  next  half  century — can  be 
put  in  an  incident  which  the  engineers  of 
the  Niger  River  Office  tell  their  friends. 
It  has  to  do  with  but  one  strand  in  their 
skein  of  work,  but  that  is  kindred  to  the 
whole. 

They  found  people  living  a  hundred 
miles  or  so  north  of  the  site  where  they 
were  to  build  the  impounding  dam  at  the 
Niger  delta.  It  was  wild  country,  scotched 
by  frequent  droughts.  But  these  natives 
clung  to  an  ancient  legend  which  ran  back 
beyond  the  memories  of  their  grandfathers. 
It  had  to  do  with  a  large  river  that  had 
flowed  across  the  country,  making  it  pros- 
perous. Then,  so  the  legend  ran,  the  gods 
must  have  been  offended.  The  river  died. 
The  richness  vanished  from  the  soil.  The 
people  had  been  impoverished  since. 

That  legend  was  true.  The  river  had 
been  there;  the  Niger  or  one  of  its  branches. 
But  the  natives  would  not  believe  it  when 
told  that  the  white  men  would  or  could 
bring  it  back. 

When  water — water  from  300  to  600 
feet  wide — came  down  the  old  river  bed, 
the  people  stood  and  marveled.  No  won- 
der, when  even  a  few  drops  can  mean  so 
much  in  a  country  like  theirs. 


Healing  Waters  for 
a  Wounded  Earth 

Watersheds  and  the  promise  they  hold 
as  footholds  for  postwar  development:  a 
special  series — in  collaboration  with 
Morris  Llewellyn  Cooke,  engineer  and 
public  servant.  Articles  to  date: 

"Cinderella  the  Great"  [Survey 
Graphic,  July  1944}  by  Morris  L.  Cooke, 
author  of  "Brazil  on  the  March."  The 
Amazon's  little  known  sister  runs  like 
the  Nile,  south  to  north — through  Brazil- 
ian country  as  thirsty  as  Egypt.  But  the 
San  Francisco  River  has  latent  energy 
to  throw  open  a  vast  hinterland  to  post- 
war settlement  and  progress. 

"The  Grand  Job  of  Our  Century" 
{Survey  Graphic,  August  1944}  by 
David  E.  Lilienthal,  chairman,  Tennes- 
see Valley  Authority.  Men  will  always 
dispute  over  economic  and  political  ab- 
stractions. Real  things  can  cut  through 
dogma  in  an  American  Development 
Program. 

"Two  Wars  and  Muscle  Shoals"  [Sur- 
vey Graphic,  August  1944}  by  Katherine 
Glover,  author  of  "America  Begins 
Again."  A  wartime  dud  a  quarter  cen- 
tury ago,  today  the  Tennessee  Valley 
generates  10  billion  kilowatt  hours  a 
year;  three  fourths  for  war  use. 

"Big  Magic  for  the  Big  Muddy"  {Sur- 
vey  Graphic,  September  1944}  by  Rufus 
Terral,  editorial  writer,  St.  Louis  Post- 
Dispatch.  Missouri  Valley,  the  nation's 
second  greatest,  becomes  alive  to  its 
opportunity  and — in  a  ferment  of  con- 
flicting ideas — seeks  a  plan. 

Articles  to  come  on  the  Danube  and 
other  river  basins,  here  and  abroad. 


12 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Agenda  for  the  American  People 

As  considered  at  a  mythical  Mountain  Conference  high  above  the 
smokescreens  of  propaganda  issuing  from  the  tents  of  the  mighty. 


SOMETIMES  I  HAVE  A  CLEAR  PICTURE  OF  THE 
way  the  Agenda  for  1950  could  be  pre- 
sented to  the  people.  I  see  perhaps  a  hun- 
dred leading  Americans,  men  and  women, 
meeting  in  some  high,  quiet  place  to  pre- 
pare it.  They  are  not  the  kind  of  people 
who  are  active  in  Me  First  groups.  They 
are  scientists,  judges,  teachers,  university 
folk,  philosophers  of  business,  lovers  of 
the  land,  statesmen — and  they  think  in 
terms  of  the  whole  community. 

I  picture  them  as  people  without  ide- 
ologies or  dogmatic  principles,  aware  of 
their  own  shortcomings  and  the  general 
inadequacy  of  mankind,  as  Wells  put  it. 
They  are  accustomed  to  approach  a  ques- 
tion with  the  scientific  attitude,  and  to  look 
at  all  the  major  characteristics  of  a  situation 
before  leaping  to  a  conclusion.  They  are 
aware  of  the  pitfalls  of  language.  If  there 
are  not  a  hundred  of  them  in  the  country 
today,  America  is  in  a  bad  way.  We  had 
more  than  that  in  1787. 

They  ought,  I  think,  to  go  up  into  the 
mountains  somewhere.  Perhaps  the  navy 
would  invite  them  to  Sun  Valley,  whose 
beauty  and  remoteness  would  give  them 
perspective.  The  young  veterans  recuperat- 
ing there  would  remind  them  of  the  ur- 
gency of  their  task.  They  could  look  at 
the  Sawtooth  Mountains  of  Idaho,  block- 
ing the  sky  to  the  north,  and  remember 
the  majesty  and  splendor  of  their  country. 

They  could  hold  general  meetings  in  the 
big  lodge,  while  sub-committees,  working 
on  detail  problems,  could  meet  wherever 
they  pleased.  Sometimes  they  might  meet 
on  the  terrace  of  the  Round  House,  8,000 
feet  high  on  Mt.  Baldy,  at  the  top  of  the 
second  tow,  where  they  could  look  all  over 
the  Snake  River  Valley.  It  ought  to  clear 
the  brain.  The  meeting  should  be  held  in 
summer  rather  than  winter,  with  wild 
flowers,  not  snow.  The  delegates  would  do 
better  to  take  their  exercise  on  horseback, 
or  fishing,  rather  than  risk  their  tibias  on 
the  canyon  run. 

The  Chairman 

I  can  see  the  Chairman  getting  to  his 
feet  in  front  of  the  big  blue  tapestry  in  the 
lodge  dining  room  to  open  the  conference. 
He  is  a  social  scientist  from  somewhere 
on  the  Coast.  His  face  is  a  little  drawn, 
and  he  drums  on  the  table  with  long 
fingers.  He  is  no  orator,  but  you  can  feel 
the  whip  of  his  mind,  releasing  something 
which  seems  to  have  been  banking  up  in- 
side him  for  a  long  time.  I  shall  not  quote 
him  directly,  but  paraphrase  his  address, 
as  I  imagine  it. 

America,  he  says,  has  reached  a  mile- 
stone. We  have  met  here  to  consider  what 
we  can  do  to  help  our  country  pass  it  safely. 
It  cannot  be  muddled  past;  deliberate  action 
must  be  taken.  If  thoughtful  citizens  like 


STUART  CHASE 

— "Once  Big  Business,  Big  Unions,  and 
Big  Farmers  moved  in  on  the  scene,  the 
community  had  to  develop  Big  Govern- 
ment to  cope  with  them."  That  was  the 
way  Mr.  Chase  began  his  article  on  Big 
Government  in  Survey  Graphic  for 
December;  and  here  is  the  informal 
sequel  to  that  keen  analysis. 

Both  are  advance  chapters  of  his  book, 
"Democracy  Under  Pressure:  Special  In- 
terests vs.  the  Public  Welfare,"  which 
will  come  from  the  press  this  month. 
This  book  is  the  fourth  in  his  series  of 
reconnaissance  reports  brought  out  by 
the  Twentieth  Century  Fund  under  the 
general  title,  "When  the  War  Ends." 

Polls,  stock  market  forecasts,  and 
weather  bulletins  are  so  many  attempts 
to  blend  prophecy  with  mathematics  and 
scientific  method.  Trained  as  a  public 
accountant  and  skilled  as  a  writer,  Mr. 
Chase's  talent  for  wringing  meaning 
from  economic  facts  hangs  on  his  gifts 
of  insight  and  imagination.  And,  in  turn, 
it  is  his  grasp  of  hard  fact  that  underpins 
his  essays  in  prophecy. 

ourselves  have  no  practical  suggestions,  the 
action  will  be  taken  anyway,  by  generals — 
or  by  demagogues. 

The  milestone  would  have  been  reached 
without  the  war,  but  perhaps  not  so  ab- 
ruptly. There  would  have  been  more  time 
to  turn  around,  but  not  a  great  deal  more. 
There  was  not  much  time  to  turn  around 
after  the  banks  began  to  close  in  1932. 

The  milestone,  he  says,  is  the  point  at 
which  the  pressures  generated  by  a  high- 
energy  culture  result  in  disastrous  explosion 
under  a  policy  of  drift.  In  one  sense,  this 
war  itself  is  such  an  explosion.  Business 
depressions  have  plowed  too  deep,  unem- 
ployment and  insecurity  have  become  too 
great,  to  be  sat  through  patiently  as  one 
sits  through  a  session  with  the  dentist.  The 
depression  of  1929  was  probably  the  last 
of  its  kind.  It  hardly  touched  Russia,  which 
is  an  explosive  fact  in  itself.  It  brought 
Hitler  in  Germany,  the  end  of  the  gold 
standard  everywhere,  the  Spanish  Revolu- 
tion, the  Japanese  assault  on  Manchuria, 
New  Deals  in  many  nations,  and  violent 
economic  changes  throughout  the  world. 

As  the  depression  deepened,  governments 
shook  off  the  rules  of  laissez  faire  and  step- 
ped forward  to  manage  the  economy  di- 
rectly— its  manpower,  its  money,  its  trade. 
In  the  process,  many  democratic  govern- 
ments toppled  into  the  arms  of  dictators. 
Democratic  legislatures  had  no  plans  to 
meet  the  crisis,  or  if  they  had,  they  could 
not  act  fast  enough  in  their  strait  jackets 
of  checks  and  balances. 

The  Chairman  stopped  a  moment  and 
leaned  forward.  .  .  .  These  are  hard,  un- 


pleasant words,  I  know.  But  democracy  is 
up  against  a  hard,  unpleasant  set  of  facts. 
There  are  no  democracies  in  the  pre-1914 
sense  left  in  the  world  today.  The  war  has 
forced  even  those  few  which  still  elect  their 
leaders,  far  along  the  authoritarian  road. 

The  Participants 

We  who  are  meeting  here,  the  Chairman 
went  on,  represent  no  economic  interest 
except  that  of  the  consumer,  which  means 
everybody.  We  are  not  specifically  for 
"labor,"  for  "capital,"  for  farmers,  for  or- 
ganized medicine,  for  Wall  Street,  the  West 
Coast,  the  export  trade,  the  department 
stores,  or  for  the  manufacturers  of  Shock- 
ing Radiance  perfume. 

We  are  not  in  favor  of  "capitalism,"  "so- 
cialism," "fascism,"  "communism,"  "indi- 
vidualism." We  have  gone  through  these 
vague  ideologies  and  come  out  on  the  other 
side.  We  are  in  favor  of  keeping  our  minds 
open  and  the  machines  running.  We  want 
the  community  to  go  on,  not  to  stop  dead 
in  its  tracks  as  in  1929. 

We  are  not  prejudiced  in  favor  of  private 
business,  government  business,  cooperative 
business  or  nonprofit  business.  We  believe 
that  each  has  its  place,  depending  on  cir- 
cumstances. At  one  extreme  stand  the 
courts,  which  are  certainly  a  function  of 
government;  at  the  other  stands  the  afore- 
said Shocking  Radiance,  which  is  certainly 
a  function  of  private  enterprise — with  may- 
be just  a  dash  of  the  Federal  Trade  Com- 
mission in  the  formula.  In  between,  it  all 
depends. 

We  have  been  called  together  to  attempt 
a  division  of  the  "in  between."  A  problem 
clearly  stated  is  halfway  solved.  We  want 
to  run  a  line  between  the  area  where  the 
public  should  be  responsible,  and  the  area 
where  private  interests  should  be  respon- 
sible. Together  they  are  responsible  for 
57,000,000  jobs. 

We  want  to  find  out  which  monopolies 
can  be  successfully  broken  up  into  com- 
petitive units,  and  which  cannot  be  without 
disaster.  For  the  latter  we  want  a  program 
of  control  which  will  prevent  restriction  of 
output  and  keep  the  machines  running. 

We  want  to  determine  how  far  labor 
unions  should  be  regulated  in  the  public 
interest,  and  whether  the  Wagner  act  needs 
amendment.  We  are  sure,  I  think,  that 
union  accounts,  like  corporate  accounts, 
should  be  a  matter  of  public  record. 

Everybody's  Government 

While  some  of  our  committees  are  wrest- 
ling with  such  questions,  others  must 
wrestle  with  our  disintegrating  political 
machinery.  If  we  had  a  government  of 
Jeffersons  and  Disraelis  in  Washington, 
there  is  no  reason  to  expect  that  even  they 
would  get  far  working  through  the  present 


JANUARY  1945 


13 


committee  system  of  Congress,  and  ham- 
pered by  the  present  division  of  fiscal 
policy  and  action  into  a  dozen  jealous 
bureaus.  Because  of  the  seniority  rule,  at 
nearly  every  outlet  to  Congress  stands  an 
old,  old  man,  too  tired  to  find  out  what 
the  modern  world  demands.  Such  creaking 
machinery  is  ideal  for  the  lobbyist. 

We  must  have  first-rate  men  in  govern- 
ment, and  public  service  made  an  attractive 
career  to  keen  youngsters.  We  need  a  more 
enlightened  civil  service,  better  rules  for 
tenure,  many  more  schools  of  public  ad- 
ministration. We  need  higher  salaries  in 
the  top  ranks,  like  the  scale  paid  in 
England. 

Our  subcommittee  dealing  with  red  tape 
should  examine  the  record  of  the  Social 
Security  Board.  The  board  conducts  the 
largest  clerical  job  on  earth,  with  76,000,000 
Americans  on  its  books.  It  should  be  a 
paradise  for  "bureaucrats."  Yet  in  the  two 
years  after  Pearl  Harbor,  it  increased  its 
work  load  one  third,  with  20  percent  fewer 
employes.  How  was  it  done? 

David  Lilienthal  has  given  us  an  example 
of  planning  at  the  grass  roots.  The  TVA 
works  with  the  people  of  the  Valley.  It  will 
not  press  projects,  however  excellent  in 
theqry,  that  the  people  do  not  want  done. 
It  will  not  undertake  projects  for  the  peo- 
ple unless  the  people  take  off  their  coats 
and  help.  I  recommend  his  book  to  our 
lubcommittee  on  the  machinery  of  govern- 
ment. The  TVA  is  something  new  in  the 
world.  Young  men  arrive  from  China, 
Brazil,  Russia,  India,  to  study  it. 

We  want  to  offer  reasoned  suggestions 
as  to  which  public  activities  should  be  cen- 
tralized and  handled  from  Washington,  and 
which  should  be  decentralized  and  handled 
regionally,  like  the  TVA,  or  by  the  states, 
or  by  local  governments.  We  want  to  know 
why  we  should  tolerate  165,000  units  of 
government  at  all  levels. 

Management  and  Liberty 

We  want  to  develop  some  pretty  dear 
ideas  about  the  three  major  forms  of  gov- 
ernment control:  regulation,  control-with- 
out-ownership,  and  outright  ownership. 
Which  is  best  for  a  given  activity?  In  con- 
nection with  the  last,  we  should  look 
closely  into  examples  of  government  cor- 
porations.  In  many  cases  this  form  gets 
them  out. of  politics  and  allows  their  man- 
agers to  practice  real  efficiency. 

These  are  some  of  the  concrete  matters 
we  are  going  to  take  up,  the  Chairman 
continued.  I  see  at  least  two  such  mana- 
gers in  this  room.  They  can  help  us.  In 
order  to  make  wise  recommendations  we 
must  keep  in  mind  some  longer-range  prin- 
ciples. We  must  remember  that  it  is  the 
era  of  abundance  we  are  trying  to  adjust 
to.  No  nation  in  the  world  has  yet  solved 
the  problem  of  distributing  abundant  pro- 
duction, except  by  war.  This  war  itself  has 
vastly  multiplied  our  powers  of  produc- 
tion, so  that  abundance  can  be  a  greater 
threat  than  ever.  We  propose  to  find  out 
how  to  make  it  a  promise. 

The  wild  horses  of  the  power  age  have 
to  be  harnessed  by  someone,  otherwise  they 
will  kick  Western  civilization  to  pieces, 
in  depressions,  revolutions,  wars,  struggles 


for  power  at  every  level.  The  critical  ques- 
tion is:  Who  is  to  do  the  managing?  The 
simplest  answer  is  to  turn  the  job  over  to 
a  dictator.  He  calls  in  some  specialists, 
exerts  his  well  known  powers  of  divination, 
and  then  tells  you  and  me  what  to  do.  If 
he  is  a  benevolent  despot,  we  may  dislike 
his  orders  less  than  we  dislike  tramping 
the  streets  in  search  of  work.  If  he  is 
malevolent,  like  Hitler,  many  of  us  would 
rather  die. 

Since  1929,  any  expectation  of  free,  un- 
managed  economies  is  academic.  We  all 
know  that — in  our  minds  if  not  in  our 
emotional  nervous  systems.  Men  cannot 
return  to  free,  unmanaged  economies  so 
long  as  inanimate  energy  and  mass  pro- 
duction dominate  human  activity. 

Furthermore,  I  do  not  know  how  many 
of  us,  when  we  get  right  down  to  it,  would 
like  the  London  of  Adam  Smith.  We  have 
to  cope  with  the  age  that  is  here.  To  run 
away  from  it  is  to  become  impotent.  The 
parade  back  to  unlimited  free  enterprise  is 
not  an  inspiring  spectacle.  It  leaves  young 
people  confused  and  baffled.  They  want 
leaders,  not  retreaters. 

Economic  systems  must  now  be  managed. 
Have  people  in  the  democracies  the  brains 
to  work  out  a  kind  of  management  which 
deals  only  with  a  few  key  functions  and 
leaves  most  activities  in  private  hands?  The 
Swedes  and  the  New  Zealanders  have  done 
just  this.  They  are  small  countries  com- 
pared to  ours,  but  experiments  in  a  wind 
tunnel  have  often  taught  us  much  about 
flying  in  the  open  sky. 

We  have  come  here,  I  take  it,  because 
we  believe  our  democracy  can  find  the 
brains.  If  anyone  in  this  room  does  not 
believe  that  a  managed  economy  is  com- 
patible with  political  democracy  and  civil 
liberties,  some  mistake  has  been  made  in 
the  invitations.  That  is  one  assumption  we 
were  all  supposed  to  make.  We  do  not 
have  to  assume  its  eternal  truth,  but  with- 
out it  as  a  working  hypothesis  we  can  do 
little  here  but  toss  a  dilapidated  ball  of 
argument  around  the  same  old  dusty  circle. 
We  assume  that  our  democracy  can  man- 
age its  affairs,  and  we  have  met  to  prepare 
a  temporary  plan  of  management. 

...  At  this  point  I  picture  two  or  three 
gentlemen  getting  up  quietly  and  leaving 
the  room.  They  are  not  again  seen  at  any 
sessions  of  the  conference.  .  .  . 

Brotherhood  and  the  Power  Age 

Americans — the  Chairman  picks  up  the 
thread  of  his  talk — were  not  brought  up  to 
plan  for,  or  even  to  think  about,  their  na- 
tional survival.  That  was  taken  for  granted. 
Politics  they  considered  a  gaudy  sporting 
event,  like  a  horse  race.  "Who  is  going  to 
win?"  was  the  great  question:  not  what 
he  would  do  to,  or  for,  the  country.  A 
Presidential  convention  was  written  up  by 
the  newspaper  boys  in  terms  similar  to  a 
championship  football  game  in  the  Rose 
Bowl.  Brass  bands  and  betting  odds  were 
central  on  both  occasions. 

People  grabbed  for  things  they  wanted, 
and  when  the  going  was  tough,  they  or- 
ganized pressure  groups  to  intensify  the 
grabbing.  These  groups  have  grown  so 
strong  that  they  have  distorted  the  whole 


economy.  The  idea  seemed  to  be  how 
much  you  could  take  from  America,  not 
what  you  could  give  to  her. 

Our  forefathers  set  up  an  elaborate  plan 
in  1787.  They  gave  it  a  push  and  let  it  go. 
The  expanding  frontier  carried  it  on  for  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years.  Lincoln  had  to  do 
some  managing,  and  so  did  Woodrow  Wil- 
son. But  the  New  Deal  marked  the  first 
time  it  was  ever  necessary  to  make  over-all 
plans  coordinating  banks,  farmers,  and  em- 
ployment. 

Now  we  are  managed  to  the  rooftree  in 
total  war.  Everyone  who  stops  to  think 
knows  we  cannot  unloosen  those  war  con- 
trols without  the  most  careful  supervision, 
or  unemployment  will  run  wild.  We  can- 
not have  high  national  income  and  full 
employment  for  the  long  swing  withoul 
some  controls.  If  the  national  income  falls 
much  below  $130,000,000,000,  we  cannot 
service  the  debt. 

Preachers  have  long  admonished  us  that 
all  men  are  brothers,  but  they  got  nowhere 
in  the  era  of  scarcity  when  there  was  not 
enough  to  go  around.  Brothers  sat  on 
brothers'  heads.  The  power  age  has  given 
material  foundation  to  the  preachers'  case. 
For  the  first  time  in  history  there  is  no 
need  for  brothers  to  push  one  another 
down.  Look  at  the  United  States  in  1944, 
producing  twice  what  it  did  in  1940! 

The  economy  of  abundance  makes  the 
class  struggle  as  old-fashioned  as  a  high- 
wheeled  bicycle.  At  the  same  time,  mass 
production  gears  the  economy  into  one 
organism,  with  intense  specialization  of 
work.  A  hundred  years  ago  sixteen  out  of 
every  twenty  Americans  owned  their  means 
of  livelihood.  Today,  seventeen  out  of 
twenty  do  not.  Seventeen  out  of  twenty  are 
utterly  dependent  on  the  organism.  Unless 
the  economy  is  operated  at  substantial 
capacity,  life  becomes  meaningless  and  in- 
tolerable for  them. 

The  Choices  Before  Us 

To  the  Chairman's  mind,  therefore,  full 
employment  or  progressive  degeneration  is 
the  choice  we  have  to  make,  the  price  we 
must  pay  for  the  fecundity  of  the  ma- 
chine. The  enemies  of  society  are  not  the 
rich  who  spend  their  money  on  luxuries, 
but  those  who  restrict  production  and  won't 
let  other  people  work.  These  enemies  are 
found  in  the  monopolies  of  both  business 
and  labor.  The  pressure  groups  are  crawl- 
ing with  them. 

Many  radical  philosophers  still  think  in 
the  static  terms  of  legal  title.  They  want 
to  divide  property,  strip  the  rich  of  their 
"ill-gotten  gains,"  have  the  state  "take  over" 
the  means  of  production.  But  in  the  mod- 
ern world  it  is  the  dynamic  output,  the 
flow  of  goods,  which  is  important.  Idle 
assets,  though  the  valuation  figures  reach 
to  the  moon,  are  worthless  to  the  com- 
munity. Hence  it  does  no  good  for  the  state 
to  take  over  things  unless  it  can  move 
things.  If  the  state  can  move  things,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  take  them  over.  The  War 
Production  Board  owns  nothing  whatso- 
ever. Just  look  at  what  it  moves! 

The  Chairman  paused  again.  .  .  .  My 
time  is  about  up.  This  isn't  a  speech  but 
(Continued  on  page  31) 


14 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Public  Housing  Charts  Its  Course 

As  the  new  Congress  meets,  the  Federal  Public  Housing  Commissioner  evaluates 
experience  under  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act  of  1937  and  offers  his  recommendations. 

PHILIP  M.  KLUTZNICK 


ON   ALL   FRONTS    OF    THE   NATION'S    ECONOMY 

one  senses  a  desire  to  preserve  the  fruits 
of  inevitable  victory  in  war  by  insuring 
a  peacetime  economy  of  abundance.  The 
housing  front  is  no  exception.  Advocates 
of  more  and  better  housing — and  I  am 
one  of  them — maintain  that  given  the 
proper  conditions  a  housing  program, 
including  public  and  private  operations 
each  in  its  appropriate  sphere,  can  be  a 
major  factor  to  insure  full  postwar  em- 
ployment and  provide  Americans  with 
homes  worthy  of  our  wartime  aspirations. 

With  the  possibility  of  building  homes 
for  civilians — whether  in  war  work  or  not 
— coming  nearer  every  day,  with  Congress 
likely  soon  to  consider  legislation  for  such 
peacetime  needs,  the  time  has  come'  to 
evaluate  the  results  and  operation  of  the 
prewar  housing  program  which  was  in- 
terrupted by  hostilities  as  far  as  new  build- 
ing went.  We  completed  more  than  105,- 
000  family  dwellings  in  public  housing 
projects  before  the  war,  with  an  additional 
25,000  under  prewar  contracts  suspended 
for  the  time  being,  and  62,500  built  for  war 
needs  which  will  revert  to  the  low  rent 
housing  program  after  the  war.  This  ex- 
perience should  be  scrutinized  in  preparing 
for  a  postwar  program. 

Though  one  hears  varying  figures  of  the 
probable  need,  on  one  premise  all  the  au- 
thors of  these  figures  are  agreed:  We  arc 
going  to  enter  the  postwar  period  with  a 
gnawing  hunger  for  houses  and  a  pitiful 
shortage  in  our  supply.  As  veterans  return, 
as  families  reshuffle,  and  as  temporary  war 
housing  begins  to  come  down,  the  shortage 
will  be  increasingly  felt.  To  relieve  this 
pressure,  and  to  help  take  up  the  slack  of 
cutbacks,  a  speedy  mobilization  of  the  con- 
struction and  housing  industry  will  be  need- 
ed. All  this  means  a  quick  scramble  at 
some  point,  where  everybody  will  be  intent 
on  getting  to  work. 

Every  Ounce  of  Effort 

During  the  war  period  a  truce  was  called 
on  the  public-private  battlefront,  broken 
by  only  a  few  minor  skirmishes.  In  build- 
ing homes  for  in-migrant  war  workers,  we 
have  operated  under  the  concept  that  an 
over-all  approach  to  the  housing  problem 
is  essential,  with  private  capital  doing  its 
share  in  its  appropriate  sphere,  and  with 
publicly  financed  housing  being  provided 
in  the  area  which  could  not  otherwise  be 
served.  But  pent-up  feelings  are  awaiting 
the  day  after  the  war  when  the  whole  sub- 
ject of  public  housing  will  again  be  under 
consideration. 

Postwar  housing  should  not  and  must 
not  become  a  dispute  between  advocates  of 
public  and  private  housing.  Those  in  pub- 
lic and  private  housing  must  shoot  at  the 
target  of  better  housing  for  America,  no. 

JANUARY  194.' 


— A  unit  of  the  National  Housing 
Agency,  the  Federal  Public  Housing 
Authority  has  charge  of  publicly  fi- 
nanced war  housing,  low  rent  housing 
and  slum  clearance,  and  various  other 
government-financed  housing  functions. 
Mr.  Klutznick,  commissioner  of  the 
FPHA  since  May  1944,  has  been  in  the 
public  housing  field  for  the  past  eleven 
years.  For  some  time  he  was  general 
counsel  for  the  Omaha,  Neb.,  Housing 
Authority.  Since  1941  he  has  been  ac- 
tive in  the  government's  defense  and 
war  housing  programs — first,  as  a  re- 
gional representative  of  the  National 
Housing  Agency,  with  responsibility  in 
a  dozen  states,  then  as  assistant  admin- 
istrator of  the  NHA. 


at  each  other.  Their  energies  must  not  be 
expended  in  civil  war  when  every  ounce 
of  effort  must  be  mustered  toward  the  con- 
structive conquest  of  America's  housing 
problem. 

On  the  one  hand,  advocates  of  a  large 
public  housing  program  must  give  assur- 
ance that  they  do  not  intend  to  encroach 
upon  the  proper  domain  of  private  indus- 
try— and  as  a  representative  of  public  hous- 
ing I  am  prepared  to  give  private  indus- 
try that  assurance.  On  the  other  hand, 
private  industry  must  be  ready  to  prove 
by  works,  not  by  words  alone,  that  it  will 
cooperate  in  seeking  alternative  solutions 
to  meet  housing  needs  of  low  income  fami- 
lies wherever  it  cannot  profitably  serve 
them. 

A  No  Man's  Land 

The  area  in  which  public  housing  should 
operate  must  be  clearly  delineated.  I  would 
suggest  adhering  to  three  simple  principles 
— and  I  am  confident  that  most  public 
housing  advocates  will  subscribe  to  them: 

1.  No    new   public   housing    should   be 
provided  where  it  is  possible  to  fill  the  need 
by  utilizing  decent  existing  housing. 

2.  No   public   housing   should   be   built 
that  will  compete  with  private  capital  in 
building  for  families  who  can  afford  pri- 
vate housing  of  adequate  standards. 

3.  In  recognition  of  the  determined  effort 
which  we  hope  private  capital  will  make  to 
provide   standard   housing   for   the   lowest 
possible  income  market,  the  scope  of  pub- 
lic housing  need  in  a  locality  should  leave 
a  gap  of  some  reasonable  percentage,  say 
15  to  20  percent,  between  the  highest  in- 
come to  be  served  by  public  housing  and 
the  lowest  income  which  can  be  reached 
by   new   private  housing.      Thus,   if   new 
private    housing    could    not    profitably    be 
provided  for  families  earning  less  than  $100 
a    month,    then    the   highest   income    that 
public  housing  would  admit  in  that  locality 


would  be  something  less  than  $80  a  month. 

This  would  leave  a  "no  man's  land" 
with  housing  wants  unfilled,  offering  pri- 
vate capital  a  challenge  to  devise  ways 
to  meet  them.  To  do  this  job,  private 
capital  will  have  to  tap  its  fullest  re- 
sources and  tax  its  ingenuity  to  move 
downward  in  the  housing  income  scale. 
To  produce  more  value  at  lower  cost  will 
not  be  easy.  It  will  call  for  the  active  col- 
laboration of  builder,  investor,  and  worker 
in  the  housing  industry.  It  will  require 
the  sympathetic  assistance  of  government 
to  private  building.  But  private  capital 
will  also  have  to  make  something  of  an 
about-face.  It  can  no  longer  refuse  to 
venture  into  new  fields,  nor  can  it  retreat 
to  the  false  security  of  a  higher-priced  field. 
No  longer  can  a  smug  attitude  be  tolerated 
— that  it  will  be  time  enough  after  the 
cream  of  higher  cost  housing  has  been 
skimmed  off,  for  private  industry  to  turn 
attention  to  other  needs. 

I  hope  that  I  will  not  be  misunderstood 
if  I  express  a  friendly  warning.  People 
will  not  wait  forever.  They  have  been  pa- 
tient about  their  housing  needs.  They  are 
beginning  to  tire  of  talk  and  demand  ac- 
tion. There  is  real  danger  that,  if  private 
capital  and  industry  do  not  fill  this  void 
in  the  no-man's  land  of  housing  need,  the 
government  will  be  forced,  by  pressure  of 
need  and  popular  demand,  to  use  its  powers 
to  provide.  This  is  not  a  threat.  It  is  a 
realistic  estimate  of  a  situation  which  pri- 
vate capital  must  recognize. 

It  is  my  hope  that  the  field  of  public 
housing  will  never  have  to  be  expanded 
vertically  into  the  next  higher  income 
group — but  that,  in  fact,  it  will  be  forced 
progressively  lower  as  good,  low  cost  pri- 
vate housing  is  provided  for  lower  income 
groups.  This  is  not  just  wishful  thinking. 
Already,  the  simple  guides  I  have  outlined 
for  establishing  the  upper  boundary  of 
public  housing  make  up  the  formula  adopt- 
ed by  the  Federal  Public  Housing  Author- 
ity. In  preparing  applications  to  be  used 
by  communities  in  determining  needs  for 
postwar  public  housing,  FPHA  requires 
that  this  margin  of  safety  in  family  in- 
comes of  15  to  20  percent  should  be  used 
in  computing  the  local  public  housing  mar- 
ket. 

Public  Housing's  Task 

Even  with  much  more  of  the  housing 
field  thus  fenced  off  for  private  capital 
than  it  now  is  able  to  serve,  the  task  left 
for  public  housing  is  still  so  huge  and  ur- 
gent that  to  .attempt  to  expand  it  further 
would  not  be  wise.  The  need  for  decent 
housing  by  families  whose  incomes  can- 
not support  good  private  housing  at  a 
profit  under  any  circumstances  at  present 
conceivable  is  still  appallingly  large.  Here 


15 


let  me  point  out  that  an  analysis  of  the 
1940  housing  census  indicates  that  nearly 
30  percent  of  the  urban  dwelling  units  are 
in  need  of  major  repairs  or  are  deficient 
in  necessary  facilities. 

How  many  new  dwellings  will  be  need- 
ed after  the  war?  The  National  Hous- 
ing Agency  estimates  that  12,600,000  ad- 
ditional homes  will  be  required  in  the 
next  ten  years  to  achieve  any  substantial 
reduction  of  existing  substandard  housing 
and  to  provide  the  additional  accommoda- 
tions necessary  when  soldiers  return  and 
families  unscramble.  This  means  an  aver- 
age of  a  million  and  a  quarter  homes  a 
year,  36  percent  of  which  fall  in  rental 
brackets  of  less  than  $30  a  month  and  22 
percent  in  rental  brackets  under  $20  a 
month.  Even  with  wide  allowances  for 
error,  obviously  the  area  of  need  for  pub- 
lic housing  is  a  tremendous  one,  since 
private  housing  of  adequate  standards  to 
rent  much  below  $35  a  month  has  never 
been  produced  in  substantial  quantities. 

Today,  families  who  cannot  afford  the 
rents  necessary  for  good  private  housing 
must  live  in  slums,  or  else  decent  homes 
subsidized  with  public  funds  must  be  built 
for  them.  What  will  our  decision  be? 
To  try  to  provide  decent  homes — or  to 
continue  with  our  slums  and  their  mounting 
cost  in  crime,  disease,  fire,  juvenile  de- 
linquency, and  destructive  community  at- 
titudes that  result? 

Our  short  term  experience  in  the  attempt 
to  provide  low  rent  housing  for  this  large 
group  of  Americans  under  the  U.  S.  Hous- 
ing Act  has  developed  a  workable  and  de- 
sirable pattern.  The  act  permits  federal 
loans  to  local  housing  authorities  up  to  90 
percent  of  the  capital  cost  of  housing 
projects,  in  addition  to  annual  subsidies 
in  order  to  achieve  low  enough  rents. 


However,  experience  has  also  shown  that 
the  formula  should  be  improved  and  made 
more  efficient. 

Redeveloping  Our  Cities 

Besides  recommending  certain  improve- 
ments which  I  shall  later  outline,  it  is 
my  opinion  that  not  only  public  housing 
objectives,  but  the  larger  over-all  housing 
job  would  be  easier  to  accomplish  if  the 
nation  were  committed  to  an  "urban  re- 
development" program.  In  its  broadest 
implications,  such  a  program  opens  the  way 
to  the  wholesale  reclamation  of  misused 
and  abused  sections  of  our  great  cities  on 
an  over-all  plan  which  would  involve 
proper  development  of  business  sections 
as  well  as  residential,  and  provide  for  the 
destruction  of  decayed  structures  as  well  as 
the  rehabilitation  of  sound  ones.  The  pro- 
gram should  include  a  recognition  of  the 
responsibility  to  make  provision  elsewhere 
for  the  persons  displaced  from  the  sites 
redeveloped,  and  emphasize  the  need  to 
enrich  cities  and  preserve  their  future 
rather  than  to  enrich  individual  owners  of 
reclaimable  property. 

This  is  a  subject  for  independent  dis- 
cussion. Redevelopment  of  our  cities  em- 
braces goals  and  therefore  difficulties  which 
are  more  complex  than  those  that  have  usu- 
ally confronted  us.  The  assembly  of  land 
into  areas  of  sufficient  size  and  character 
to  permit  sound  and  substantial  re-growth; 
the  acquisition  of  land  at  costs  low  enough 
to  allow  for  its  proper  re-use;  the  methods 
of  absorbing  the  write-off  of  land  values 
necessary  for  their  recapture  and  proper 
redevelopment;  the  problem  of  controlling 
density  both  in  redeveloped  areas  and  in 
areas  of  resettlement  of  displaced  families 
— these  begin  to  picture  the  difficulties  that 
must  be  met  by  coordinated  and  rull  use 


of  community  and  governmental  talents  and 
resources. 

But  such  a  program  would  not  be  im- 
possible of  achievement,  for  there  are  a 
number  of  cities  where  local  housing  au- 
thorities already  have  the  power  needed 
to  acquire  land,  and  dispose  of  it  to  private 
individuals  as  well  as  to  public  agencies. 
The  formula  of  annual  federal  contribu- 
tions to  local  authorities  borne  under  the 
aegis  of  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act,  could 
likewise  serve  as  a  means  of  absorbing  the 
mark-down  between  acquisition  cost  of 
land  and  its  true  value. 

Furthermore,  the  proven  acceptability  in 
the  financial  market  at  low  interest  rates  of 
the  securities  of  the  local  authority  could 
provide  a  pattern  for  an  urban  redevelop- 
ment program  and  thus  eliminate  the  time- 
consuming  and  uncertain  task  of  creating 
the  body  of  legal  opinion  and  market 
backgrounds  without  which  the  securities 
of  an  agency  might  have  questionable  sale 
value.  Finally,  with  the  many  huge  pub- 
lic housing  projects  that  have  been  built, 
experience  in  reasonably  large  scale  rede- 
velopment has  already  been  gained  under 
the  U.  S.  Housing  Act. 

This  is  a  matter  deserving  thorough 
study  and  consideration  by  every  commun- 
ity. At  the  same  time,  forgotten  or  ne- 
glected aspects  of  the  public  housing  pro- 
gram and  the  constructive  improvements 
necessary  to  make  it  more  serviceable  in 
the  postwar  era  must  receive  attention. 

What  About  Rehabilitation? 

In  the  last  few  years  a  great  deal  of 
controversy  has  centered  around  the  pos- 
sibilities of  rehabilitating  old  housing.  But 
no  one  really  has  made  a  studied  effort 
to  find  out  what  can  be  done  to  preserve 
the  value  and  livability  of  our  current 


Federal     Public     Housing     Authority 
Blossoming  backyards,   result  of   a   garden   contest  held  by   families  living  in  a   publicly  financed   housing  project   in  San  Francisco 


16 


BEFORE:  Crowded,  haphazard  mass  of  dreary  slum  dwellings  in  a  downtown  section  of  Louisville 


Federal  Public  Housing  Authority 
AFTER:  Sturdy  row  houses  and  flats,  planned  with  ample  space  for  light,  air,  and  recreation 


housing  inventory  instead  of  letting  it  decay 
into  slums.  As  a  result  of  this  omission, 
our  ideas  as  to  the  practicability  of  such 
a  program  range  all  the  way  from  assump- 
tions that  rehabilitation  holds  the  key  to 
the  whole  housing  problem  to  categorical 
statements  that  rehabilitation  is  rarely  feas- 
ible. 

While  I  do  not  feel  that  the  rebuild- 
ing or  renovating  of  old  structures  can  pro- 
duce a  large  volume  of  housing — particu- 
larly if  carried  on  in  line  with  the  basic 
concept  that  remodeling,  repair  or  recon- 


As  a  complement  to  new  construction, 
the  rehabilitation  of  old  structures  in  a  post- 
war public  housing  program  should  be 
based  on  certain  principles: 

1.  The  objective  should   be   the   use  of 
existing    buildings    for    low    rent    housing 
under  certain  circumstances  instead  of  new 
construction. 

2.  Loans     and     annual     contributions 
should     be    available    to    public     housing 
agencies  for  this  purpose  when  it  involves 
the  remodeling,  repair  or  reconstruction  of 
existing  buildings  located  in  neighborhoods 


Federal     1'ublic     Housing     Authority 
Same  family,  same  rent,  same  town;  but  what  a  contrast  between  their  former  slum  home — 

struction  should  be  done  only  where  it  will 
prevent  or  arrest  the  spread  of  blight  in  a 
neighborhood — I  am  confident  that  we  can 
capitalize  on  some  part  of  our  existing 
housing  asset  if  we  substitute  genuine  ef- 
fort for  guess  work  in  an  effort  to  rehabili- 
tate housing  not  too  far  gone. 

Let  me  emphasize  my  conviction,  how- 
ever, that  it  would  be  tragic  if  such  a  tool 
were  used  to  perpetuate  the  life  of  build- 
ings structurally  inadequate  or  located 
within  neighborhoods  which  have  gone 
down-grade  so  far  that  their  recoupment 
would  be  contrary  to  the  public  interest 

The  U.  S.  Housing  Act  of  1937  doffed 
its  hat,  in  passing,  at  rehabilitation  of  ex- 
isting housing.  Under  that  act,  an  effort 
was  made  to  make  possible  rehabilitation 
of  reasonably  good  housing.  It  failed  be- 
cause the  formula  did  not  provide  adequate 
subsidy  which,  when  added  to  the  antici- 
pated income  from  the  rehabilitated  prop- 
erty, would  be  sufficient  to  take  care  of 
maintenance,  operation,  and  replacements, 
in  addition  to  amortizing  the  debt  during 
the  anticipated  life  of  the  rehabilitated 
property.  To  make  the  maximum  use  of 
such  existing  houses  for  families  of  low 
income,  additional  congressional  authority 
will  be  necessary. 


where  the  spread  of  blight  can  be  prevented 
or  arrested  by  this  means. 

3.  Instead   of  a   60  year  period   during 
which  annual  contributions  would  be  pay- 
able, the  period  should  not  exceed  30  years. 
This   more   closely   reflects   the  expectancy 
of  rehabilitated  existing  housing. 

4.  In    order    to    recognize    the    realities 
of    this    situation,    the    permissible    annual 
federal  contribution  should  be  4'/2  percent 
of   development  cost   for   rehabilitation   as 
against  a  maximum  of  3'/2  percent  for  new 
construction. 

5.  Within   the    limits    of   the   economic 
expenditure    of    subsidy,    public    housing 
agencies   should   have  the   option   of   pur- 
chasing or   leasing   the  existing  buildings. 

One  might  ask,  why  spend  an  additional 
one  percent  in  subsidy  in  order  to  rehabili- 
tate rather  than  to  build  new?  The  an- 
swer is  simple:  If  by  a  relatively  small  in- 
crease in  expenditure  we  not  only  add  to 
the  supply  of  decent  and  sanitary  housing 
for  families  of  low  income  but,  at  the  same 
time,  arrest  or  prevent  the  blight  of  en- 
tire neighborhoods,  that  additional  annual 
cost  becomes  justified. 

The  Rural  Slum 

Another  neglected  area  that  should  be 
considered  as  a  major  aspect  of  the  post- 
war housing  program  is  that  of  rural  hous- 
ing. When  our  public  housing  program 
was  initiated,  the  concentrated,  dramatic 
slums  of  our  cities  invited  the  almost  ex- 
clusive concern  of  public  housing.  It  is 
amazing  how  little  attention  has  been  given 
to  rural  slums,  one  of  the  greatest  housing 
ills  in  our  nation. 

The  U.  S.  Housing  Act  contemplated 
the  beginning  of  an  attack  on  this  prob- 
lem, and  an  industrious  effort  was  made 
to  use  an  urban  formula  to  produce  rural 
housing.  Some  500  rural  units  were  con- 
(Continued  on  page  29) 


— and   the   trim   housing   project   which   they  share   with   317  other   families   in   Macon,    Ga. 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Labor  Problem  with  a  Future 


More  than  the  rival  claims  of  CIO  and  AFL  will  be  decided  when  60,000  Western  Union 
employes  vote  this  month  in  the  NLRB  election  that   climaxes  a  year-long  controversy. 

DIANA  LEWARS 


BETWEEN  JANUARY  2  AND  10,  THE  NATIONAL 
Labor  Relations  Board  will  direct  a  collective 
bargaining  poll  to  decide  whether  60,000 
employes  of  the  nation's  newest  monopoly 
prefer  to  be  represented  by  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor,  the  Congress  of  In- 
dustrial Organizations  or  by  neither. 

The  employer  in  the  case  is  Western 
Union  Telegraph  Company,  which  recently 
completed  its  merger  with  Postal  Telegraph 
under  the  Federal  Communications  Com- 
mission's direction.  NLRB,  which  at  this 
writing  is  preparing  to  get  ballots  to  some 
19,000  telegraph  offices  from  coast  to  coast, 
has  said  that  the  imminent  election  is  the 
most  complex  and  involved  it  has  ever  been 
called  on  to  conduct.  Observers  of  the  labor 
scene  add  that  it  is  probably  one  of  the  most 
important  that  the  headline-making  labor 
board  ever  has  had  to  referee. 

The  Clash  Between  the  Unions 

The  "dispute  over  representation" — legal 
euphemism  for  the  most  determined  AFI^ 
CIO  fight  to  date — began  a  little  over  a 
year  ago  when  Postal  Telegraph's  oper- 
ations were  absorbed  into  Western  Union. 
FCC  kept  an  alert  eye  on  the  proceedings 
as  guardian  of  the  public  interest.  With  few 
exceptions,  the  multiplicity  of  problems — 
legal,  social,  and  economic — raised  by  the 
merger  have  been  settled  without  anyone 
claiming  to  have  been  fouled.  But  the  major 
exception,  the  one  big  problem  which  re- 
mains, promises  a  plague  of  labor  trouble 
for  postwar  America. 

One  question  presented  to  the  govern- 
ment by  the  merger  was,  which  union 
should  represent  the  merged  employes. 
AFL's  Commercial  Telegraphers  Union 
held  contracts  with  Western  Union;  CIO's 
American  Communications  Association  was 
the  recognized  bargaining  agency  in  Postal 
Telegraph.  The  NLRB  ordered  hearings  in 
New  York  under  a  trial  examiner  and 
eventually  the  board  invited  the  rival  unions 
to  come  to  Washington  to  put  their  case. 

During  these  hearings,  protracted  over 
many  months,  both  unions  attained  a  fierce 
degree  of  antagonism.  As  the  NLRB  poll 
nears,  AFL  and  CIO,  in  open  hostility,  are 
competing  for  the  votes  of  telegraph  work- 
ers from  coast  to  coast. 

This  competition  brings  the  two  rival 
labor  groups  into  a  head-on  national  clash 
for  the  first  time  since  the  historic  split  in 
1936,  when  John  L.  Lewis  led  the  exodus 
from  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
and  set  up  the  CIO.  At  this  point,  each 
organization  is  engaging  in  an  all-out  battle 
to  retain  its  stake  in  the  telegraph  industry. 

As  a  preview  of  an  emerging  postwar 
pattern,  the  labor  conflict  at  Western  Union 
has  exceptional  significance. 

American  unionism  is  entering  a  new 
stage.  With  over  15,000,000  wage  earners 


— Diana  Lewars,  a  Swarthmore  graduate, 
is  a  partner  in  the  New  York  firm  of 
Martin  Dodge  and  Company,  specializ- 
ing in  labor  public  relations.  She  is 
associate  editor  of  D-M  Digest,  a  fort- 
nightly review  of  the  American  labor 
press  subscribed  for  by  employers, 
unions,  public  officials  and  libraries. 


in  this  country  carrying  union  cards,  the 
major  problem  in  labor  organization  is  no 
longer  one  of  converting  non-union  workers. 
The  big  job  is  going  to  be  holding  members 
— holding  them  particularly  against  the 
raiding  operations  of  rival  unions. 

What  Lies  Ahead 

This  is  not  to  say  that  all  industries 
are  fully  organized,  or  that  all  steel  or  meat- 
packing firms,  for  example,  are  100  percent 
unionized.  The  white  collar  field  has  hardly 
been  scratched;  and  as  foreman  unionism 
continues  to  expand,  supervisory  employes 
can  be  counted  on  to  fill  out  labor's  ranks. 
But,  by  and  large,  the  frontier  days  are 
over,  the  era  of  building  fences  is  coming  in. 

What  lies  just  ahead  are  battles  to  shift 
the  division  of  union  power,  influence,  and 
membership  strength.  For  the  most  part, 
these  battles  will  see  AFL  and  CIO  affiliates 
pitted  against  one  another,  with  independent 
organizations  like  John  Lewis'  miners  and 
Matthew  Smith's  Mechanics  Educational 
Society  joining  the  contest,  fending  off  raids 
and  raiding  in  turn  whenever  there  is  an 
opening. 

Fighting  it  out  among  themselves,  labor 
organizations  will  more  and  more  tend  to 
make  inter-union  competition  a  primary 
concern,  to  some  extent  relegating  union- 
employer  issues  to  the  sidelines.  But  at  the 
same  time,  unions  are  fearful  that  employers 
will  take  advantage  of  any  schism  in  labor's 
ranks  to  put  through  a  program  of  union- 
busting.  Anticipating  that  some  employers 
may  take  V-Day  as  a  signal  to  start  settling 
old  scores,  fearing  that  a  concerted  employer 
effort  will  develop  to  restore  open-shop 
conditions  over  a  wide  segment  of  Amer- 
ican industry,  labor  feels  a  critical  need  for 
solidarity.  All  labor  factions  are  agreed  on 
one  thing:  the  necessity  for  labor  unity. 
Union  spokesmen,  preparing  for  the  post- 
war era,  have  sent  out  the  Number  One 
order  of  the  day — "Close  Ranks." 

Hence,  paradoxically  enough,  a  drive  to 
consolidate  labor's  forces  will  parallel  the 
development  of  jurisdictional  conflict  among 
union  organizations.  As  long  as  unions  seek 
to  increase  their  power  and  strength  at  the 
expense  of  other  unions,  the  nation  will  see 
a  turbulent  period  of  competitive"  agitation 
straining  the  industrial  structure.  Labor 
unity  will  thus  tend  to  be  sacrificed  to  the 


union  vs.  union  struggle  for  power. 

As  a  prototype  of  the  struggle,  the  West- 
ern Union  case  now  before  the  country  pro- 
vides a  full  scale  model  of  this  far-reaching 
development  in  the  labor  movement. 

The  Pattern  of  the  Conflict 

When  the  Western  Union-Postal  Tele- 
graph merger  closed  down  union  frontiers 
in  the  telegraph  industry,  the  two  laboi 
groups  brought  into  conflict  were  the 
American  Communications  Association 
(ACA-CIO)  and  the  Commercial  Teleg- 
raphers Union  (CTU-AFL).  The  number 
of  dues-paying  members  in  these  unions 
was  very  close  in  1943,  with  ACA-CIO 
standing  at  18,353,  and  CTU-AFL  at  20,- 
000,  according  to  Florence  Peterson  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor.  Today,  in 
Western  Union,  AFL  is  believed  to  repre- 
sent a  coast-to-coast  majority  of  the  work- 
ers; while  ACA-CIO  has  an  unchallenged 
majority  in  Western  Union  offices  in  New 
York  City,  Detroit,  Duluth,  and  Salt  Lake 
City,  and  claims  to  represent  most  W.  U. 
telegraphers  in  the  company's  Eastern, 
Great  Lakes,  and  Pacific  districts. 

Because  of  this  uneven  geographical  dis- 
tribution of  strength,  the  National  Labor 
Relations  Board  has  been  in  an  extremely 
difficult  position.  AFL  petitioned  the  gov- 
ernment for  one  general  election  for  all 
employes.  CIO  asked  for  an  election  by 
units  and  proposed  that  the  system  be 
divided  for  this  purpose  into  over  one 
hundred  separate  voting  districts. 

Arguing  from  the  fact  that  the  communi- 
cations industry  "must  and  does  function 
as  a  single  and  very  closely  integrated  oper- 
ating union"  dnd  that  working  condition! 
were  "greatly  similar  throughout  the  sys- 
tem," the  AFL  claimed  it  was  appropriate 
to  have  only  one  national  voting  unit — and 
one  national  union. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  CIO  union, 
representing  ex-Postal  employes  and  not 
having  yet  extended  and  consolidated  its 
strength  throughout  the  whole  industry,  al 
first  opposed  any  election  as  "untimely" 
until  after  the  war.  When  NLRB  threw  out 
the  postponement  plan,  CIO  then  proposed 
the  multiple  election  units,  suggesting  that 
all  cities  voting  for  the  same  union  should 
group  together  after  the  poll,  thus  forming 
two  national  bargaining  agencies,  CIO  and 
AFL. 

The  place  of  the  company  in  this  dispute 
was  on  the  side  of  the  AFL.  Western  Union 
also  requested  a  single  voting  unit,  on  the 
grounds  that  two  bargaining  agents  would 
promote  union  rivalry  among  employes  and 
"chaos"  in  labor  relations.  (From  the  point 
of  view  of  industrial  efficiency,  Western 
Union  would  prefer  to  negotiate  only  one 
contract  covering  all  its  employes.) 

The  government,  however,  ended  up  with 


JANUARY  1945 


19 


a  compromise.  NLRB  ordered  seven  voting 
units,  six  on  a  regional  basis  consisting  of 
the  geographical  districts  of  the  Western 
Union  company;  and  the  seventh,  Western 
Union's  home  office  in  New  York  City. 
Samuel  H.  Jaffee,  NLRB  examiner,  pro- 
posed this  arrangement  because  "the  time 
since  merger  is  too  recent,  conditions  are 
too  unsettled  and  abnormal,  to  declare  now 
as  most  appropriate  a  unit  which  by  its 
nature  tends  to  finality."  The  government's 
ruling — acknowledging  that  the  dispute 
will  outlive  the  election — successfully  avoids 
playing  union  favorites,  but  is  actually  pleas- 
ing to  none  of  the  interested  parties.  Since 
neither  union  is  strong  enough  to  win  all 
seven  districts,  the  immediate  result  of  the 
election  will  be  to  formalize  rival  unionism 
in  the  industry. 

Because  of  the  key  position  of  the  com- 
munications industry,  the  vast  geographical 
area  covered  by  Western  Union,  and  the 
power  and  prestige  which  will  accrue  to  the 
union  that  shows  greatest  strength,  both 
CIO  and  AFL  consider  this  election  crucial. 
Each  organization  is  turning  to  and  throw- 
ing its  machinery  into  high  gear  on  behalf 
of  its  contending  affiliate. 

The  Strategy  and  Weapons 

Philip  Murray,  CIO  president,  has  called 
Western  Union  "the  No.  1  CIO  organizing 
job  this  year,"  and  a  special  Murray  message 
which  local  CIO  officials  are  directed  to  post 
on  shop  bulletin  boards  in  plants  all  over 
the  country  states  that  "every  affiliate  of  the 
CIO  has  a  stake  in  this  election." 

According  to  Lawrence  Kammet,  pub- 
licity director  of  the  American  Communica- 
tions Association  and  editor  of  ACA  News, 
national  CIO  has  contributed  "over  $50,000" 
to  the  campaign  coffers,  and  a  partial  listing 
of  contributions  from  CIO  affiliates  includes 
$10,000  from  the  Automobile  Workers; 
$5,000  apiece  from  the  Steelworkers,  Elec- 
trical Workers,  and  National  Maritime 
Union;  $2,500  from  the  Fur  and  Leather 
Workers,  and  substantial  sums  from  the 
Rubber  Workers,  Marine  Shipyards  Work- 
ers, Office  Workers,  and  Amalgamated 
Clothing  Workers.  In  addition  to  100  full 
time,  paid  ACA  organizers  in  the  field, 
practically  all  CIO  affiliates  have  loaned  or- 
ganizers of  their  own. 

William  Green,  AFL  president,  has  also 
requested  cooperation  from  all  Federation 
affiliates  in  backing  CTU,  but  the  AFL  is 
not  geared  to  the  brisk,  coordinated  applica- 
tion of  pressure  on  a  nationwide  scale  which 
CIO  developed  to  an  efficient  level  in  its 
Political  Action  Committee  work. 

Like  ACA-CIO,  the  Federation  has  close 
to  a  hundred  professional  organizers  in  the 
Western  Union  drive,  but  they  work  their 
beats  on  a  regional  basis  without  the  direct 
wire  to  headquarters  which  characterizes 
CIO  operations.  The  AFL  union,  however, 
claims  to  use  organizers  who  know  their 
way  around  the  telegraph  industry  and  can 
talk  to  employes  in  their  own  language. 
"This,"  says  an  AFL  spokesman,  "is  in 
contrast  to  the  non-telegraph  professional 
soap-box  orators  utilized  by  the  CIO  whose 
silly-tongued  smoothness  weaves  their  webs 
of  communistic  theory,  but  who  fail  to  de- 
ceive intelligent  workers." 


The  Campaign  Arguments 

Analyzing  the  campaign  oratory  from 
each  of  the  competing  unions  reveals  basic 
patterns  which  will  show  up  again  and 
again  during  jurisdictional  friction  in  the 
years  just  ahead.  The  sales  talk  will  pick  up 
fresh  news  angles  as  history  goes  on,  but 
the  underlying  propaganda  techniques  are 
already  molded  and  set.  For  example,  chief 
selling  point  of  the  American  Communica- 
tions Association  is  CIO's  general,  "win- 
the-war,  no-strikes,  jobs-for-all"  program; 
while  AFL's  platform  emphasizes  the 
strength-through-unity  theme:  "A  national 
union  and  ...  a  national  contract."  Thus, 
for  some  time  to  come,  the  CIO  will  play 
itself  up  as  the  party  of  progress  and  action, 
and  the  AFL  will  fight  its  opponent  as  the 
divisive  factor  in  the  labor  movement. 

Following  a  long  established  procedure 
which  it  will  carry  on  into  its  postwar 
battles,  the  AFL  is  trying  to  make  com- 
munism a  major  issue  in  the  Western 
Union  election.  Publicizing  the  record  of 
ACA  officials,  alleged  to  be  part  of  the  red 
bloc  in  the  labor  movement,  is  the  chief 
offensive  weapon  employed  in  AFL  propa- 
ganda. (Communists  are  ineligible  for 
membership  in  the  Commercial  Teleg- 
raphers' Union  under  the  CTU-AFL  inter- 
national constitution.)  The  AFL  is  making 
determined  efforts  to  get  into  the  hands 
of  every  Western  Union  employe  a  copy 
of  the  Dies  committee  report  on  Joseph 
Selly,  ACA-CIO  president.  ACA's  rebuttal 
follows  standard  pattern — it  does  not  deny 
charges  of  communism,  but  counters  "red- 
baiting." Selly  says  he  is  "flattered"  by  the 
Dies  report  appraising  him  as  "potentially 
one  of  the  most  dangerous  individuals  in 
the  country." 

CIO's  attack  on  its  rival  centers,  to  a 
large  extent,  on  a  charge  of  company  union- 
ism. (To  which  AFL  retorts,  "The  ACA- 
CIO  continues  to  underestimate  the  intelli- 
gence of  Western  Union  employes.")  Any 
possible  indications  that  AFL  might  be 
teacher's  pet  are  fully  exploited  in  CIO 
propaganda.  But  the  nub  of  CIO's  "com- 
pany union"  charge  has  to  do  with  two  of 
the  AFL's  "federal"  unions  in  the  telegraph 
area,  representing  between  them  about  ten 
thousand  W.  U.  employes  in  the  Southern 
and  Gulf  districts  of  Western  Union.  These 
AFL  affiliates,  Telegraph  Employes  Union 
and  Telegraph  Workers  Federal  Labor- 
Union,  replaced  the  company  union  which 
was  outlawed  by  the  NLRB  in  1940. 

The  history  of  this  intra-AFL  relation- 
ship is  one  of  bitter  jurisdictional  warfare 
between  the  Commercial  Telegraphers 
Union  and  these  other  AFL  units,  in  the 
course  of  which  "company  union"  was  not 
an  unusual  epithet.  Now,  the  AFL  is  hav- 
ing difficulty  living  down  its  past,  and  ACA 
campaign  literature  is  not  making  it  easier. 

Against  the  common  CIO  enemy,  the 
AFL  affiliates  in  Western  Union  have 
banded  together  and  will  appear  on  the 
NLRB  election  ballot  simply  as  "AFL." 
According  to  J.  J.  Lenahan,  executive  board 
member,  CTU-AFL,  not  only  are  past 
quarrels  k  made  up  and  past  epithets  re- 
tracted, but  even  closer  relations  among 
the  AFL  groups  are  expected  after  the  elec- 
tion. If  AFL  should  win  an  overwhelming 


majority  in  Western  Union,  AFL  President 
Green  might  conceivably  use  the  situation 
to  draw  the  local  groups  into  the  Com- 
merciaj  Telegraphers'  fold. 

Meanwhile,  ACA's  newest  angle  is  the 
traditional  "smear"  technique  with  a  fresh 
coat  of  paint.  It  draws  a  parallel  between 
the  AFL  election  campaign  and  "the  Hit- 
ler-like Dewey  campaign  of  confusion,  Iks, 
bigotry,  and  red-baiting"  with  the  Western 
Union  campaign  being  waged  by  "AFL 
misleaders." 

"Misleaders"  is  a  favorite  ACA  epithet. 
In  order  to  avoid  charges  of  dual  unionism 
and  splitting  the  labor  movement,  CIO  is 
being  careful  to  refrain  from  direct  attacks 
on  the  AFL  itself.  The  CIO  line:  The 
American  Federation  of  Labor  is  an  ancient 
and  respectable  house  of  labor,  but  it  has 
fallen  to  corrupt,  tyrannical  leadership. 

The  New  Line-up 

In  the  course  of  this  vast  electioneering 
project,  both  CIO  and  AFL  hinge  an  appeal 
for  telegraphers'  votes  on  the  wage  issue — 
traditionally  basic  to  union  organizing  cam- 
paigns. ACA-CIO's  literature  stresses  wage 
demands.  The  AFL  line  minimizes  CIO- 
won  pay  boosts  as  "crumbs,"  and  promises 
instead  to  get  "MILLIONS  OF  DOLLARS  in 
wage  increases  ...  in  its  nationwide  con- 
tract negotiations."  But  the  line-up  on  the 
wage  controversy  is  not  that  of  workers  vs. 
the  boss.  Wage  claims  are  advanced  as  bait 
for  augmenting  membership. 

At  bottom,  no  new  union  strategy  has 
developed  during  the  Western  Union  con- 
flict to  forecast  novelty  in  future  inter-union 
hostilities.  The  contestants  have  merely 
adapted  standard  organizing  techniques  to 
the  new  struggle.  Only  one  of  the  regular 
trappings  of  a  union  organizing  campaign 
is  largely  ignored:  boss-baiting.  Because  this 
new  labor  struggle  is  between  unions,  the 
embattled  organizations  attack  each  other 
instead  of  concentrating  their  fire  on  the 
employer.  A  few  years  ago,  any  president 
of  Western  Union  might  have  taken  his 
place  in  labor  literature  along  with  Weir, 
Girdler,  and  Ford;  significantly,  the  present 
president,  A.  N.  Williams,  is  not  even 
mentioned  in  the  current  union  war. 

Thus,  in  the  postwar  clashes,  documented 
in  advance  by  the  Western  Union  case, 
the  weapons  will  be  familiar  but  the  battle- 
ground will  be  shifting.  As  to  the  outcome 
— the  present  case  study  leaves  that  up  in 
the  air. 

The  National  Labor  Relations  Board 
election  at  Western  Union  will  not  per- 
manently solve  the  conflict  or  end  the  com- 
petition. The  AFL  predicts  it  will  win  six 
out  of  the  seven  election  districts.  ACA- 
CIO  claims  it  will  win  four  out  of  seven. 
But  whether  CIO  or  AFL  comes  out  on  top, 
both  unions  will  continue  their  organizing. 
The  winner  will  attempt  consolidation;  the 
loser  will  fight  for  a  new  majority.  Raiding 
the  new  boundary  lines  will  continue  until, 
at  the  first  opportunity,  another  election  is 
demanded  by  one  or  the  other  union  as  it 
seeks  to  capitalize  on  a  shifting  employe 
loyalty.  To  this  writer,  the  cycle  of  jurisdic- 
tional conflict  holds  no  promise  of  orderly 
progress — for  labor,  or  for  America. 


20 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


They  Harvest  New  York's  Crops 

How  the  richest  state  in  the  Union  handles  its  indispensable 
crop-followers:  a  picture  of  the  little-known  Joads  of  the  East. 

KATHRYN  CLOSE 


IN   THE    EARLY    SUMMER   OF    1944,   THERE  WAS 

a  truck  accident  near  Binghamton,  N.  Y., 
in  which  two  children  and  an  adult  were 
killed,  and  thirty-four  others  were  seriously 
injured.  The  truck  had  been  crowded  with 
thirty-seven  women  and  children  on  their 
way  from  Scranton,  Pa.,  to  a  farm  labor 
camp  in  New  York  State.  Since  it  had  no 
tailboard,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  its 
occupants  from  being  thrown  out  and 
strewn  along  the  roadway. 

Like  other  tragedies  in  the  past,  that  acci- 
dent may  turn  out  to  be  a  motivating  force 
in  producing  some  long  needed  social  re- 
forms. By  throwing  a  dramatic  light  on  the 
dangerously  crowded  conditions  to  which 
migrant  "pickers"  are  subject  on  the  long 
hauls  to  the  crops,  it  helped  call  public 
attention  to  the  fact  that  crop-following 
families  exist  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the 
West,  and  that  their  problems  have  not  all 
been  solved  by  war  prosperity. 

The  fact  that  every  summer  thousands 
of  persons  are  brought  into  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  other  northeastern  states  to  pick 
fruits  and  vegetables  has  been  overshadowed 
by  the  great  industrial  activities  of  these 
states.  Few  people  realize,  for  instance,  that 
there  are  within  the  state  of  New  York 
some  150,000  farms,  with  a  total  of  about 
17,000,000  acres  under  cultivation;  nor  that 
this  state  ranks  high  in  the  production  of 
beans,  peas,  tomatoes,  corn,  celery,  onions, 
cabbage,  cucumbers,  lettuce,  spinach,  carrots, 
potatoes,  beets,  cherries,  strawberries,  apples, 
peaches,  prunes,  raspberries,  and  grapes;  nor 
that,  of  the  120,000  persons  required  to 
harvest  this  abundance,  from  10,000  to  20,- 
000  are  usually  imported  from  outside  the 
state. 

Guests  at  Harvest  Time 

Ever  since  the  U.  S.  Senate's  Committee 
to  Investigate  Interstate  Migration  (the 
Tolan  committee)  held  a  section  of  its  hear- 
ings in  New  York  four  years  ago,  an  uneasy 
awareness  has  been  growing  that  all  is  not 
as  it  should  be  among  these  indispensable 
summer  guests.  Last  year,  the  New  York 
Consumers  League,  spurred  on  by  the  Bing- 
hamton accident  and  other  ugly  reports, 
determined  to  find  out  more  about  condi- 
tions among  them  and  sent  an  investigator 
into  twenty-two  farm  labor  camps  in  nine 
New  York  farm  counties. 

What  the  investigator  found  stands  out 
as  a  dark  smudge  on  a  record  of  a  state 
noted  for  its  social  enlightenment.  This  was 
a  picture  of  hundreds  of  migrant  families 
living  as  pariahs,  shunned  by  the  resident 
population,  frequently  cheated,  and  rele- 
gated to  living  arrangements  so  substandard 
as  to  compare  unfavorably  with  the  worst 
city  slums. 

Some  of  the  families  who  work  in  New 
York  fields  in  the  summer  are  year-round 


— An  associate  editor  who  concentrates 
mainly  on  Survey  Midmonthly,  Kathryn 
Close  occasionally  writes  for  Survey 
Graphic  as  well.  Off  hours  she  has  just 
woven  together  into  a  telling  pamphlet, 
shortly  to  be  published  by  the  New 
York  Consumers  League,  the  results  of 
its  investigation  of  conditions  among 
New  York's  migrant  families.  Here  we 
are  privileged  to  give  an  advance  di- 
gest of  the  league's  study. 


crop  followers  who  come  from  as  far  away 
as  Florida.  Many  are  Negroes  without  home 
or  settlement,  whose  winter  existence  as 
pickers  on  Florida  farms  is  probably  no 
better  than  their  summer  life  in  the  North. 

Others  come  from  crowded  industrial 
areas  within  the  state  or  from  nearby  Penn- 
sylvania, and  are  pickers  only  in  the  sum- 
mer. Among  them  are  many  women  of 
foreign  origin — Italians,  Syrians,  Poles — 
who  go  to  the  farms  without  their  hus- 
bands, but  with  their  children,  to  pick  and 
earn  a  few  extra  dollars. 

All  are  recruited  by  agents  of  the  farm- 
ers who  usually  send  out  trucks  to  get  them, 
or  by  contractors  (padrones),  who  make 
their  living  furnishing  harvesters  to  farmers. 
Glowing  pictures  of  the  camps  and  the 
wages  to  be  earned — with  little  relation  to 
reality — are  often  painted  at  the  point  of 
recruitment.  When  families  arrive  at  a  camp 
hundreds  of  miles  from  home  and  find  a 
different  picture,  they  have  little  choice  but 
to  accept  it  as  it  is. 

These  families  have  none  of  the  protec- 
tions afforded  industrial  workers  in  New 
York  State.  Since  they  do  not  come  under 
the  State  Workmen's  Compensation  Act, 
they  receive  no  compensation  for  injury  un- 
less voluntarily  insured  by  the  farmer. 
Neither  the  state's  minimum  wage  law  nor 
the  federal  wages  and  hours  law  includes 
them.  They  have  no  unions  to  protect  them 
on  wage  promises  or  working  conditions. 

Sixty  hours  composes  the  usual  work 
week  for  migrant  pickers  in  New  York 
State — ten  hours  a  day  for  six  days  a  week, 
for  men,  women  and  some  children.  Last 
summer  there  was  at  least  one  camp  where 
women  and  children  were  forced  to  work 
ten  hours  a  day  for  seven  days  a  week. 

What  They  Earn 

Wages  among  farm  laborers  normally 
are  scandalously  low  and  work  is  irregular. 
Because  farmers  cannot  always  predict  when 
the  crops  will  be  ready  for  picking,  workers 
often  arrive  at  a  farm  too  soon,  and  so  have 
to  spend  many  days  or  even  weeks  in  idle- 
ness. Even  last  summer,  in  the  midst  of  the 
farm  labor  shortage,  eighty  migrant  work- 
ers at  one  cannery-owned  farm  were  idle 
for  four  weeks. 


On  the  whole,  however,  last  summer  good 
crops  and  the  wartime  manpower  shortage 
brought  wages  and  seasonal  earnings  that 
were  far  above  those  of  other  years.  The 
50  cents  a  bushel  then  being  paid  for  peas 
and  beans  would  have  been  unheard  of 
two  or  three  years  ago.  But  the  standard 
weight  of  a  bushel  varied  from  thirty  to 
thirty-four  pounds.  Where  the  heavier 
weight  was  demanded  there  was  much 
grumbling,  and  some  workers  packed  up 
and  left  before  the  crops  were  all  in. 

At  the  lighter  weight,  an  adult  picking 
average  size  beans  at  a  normal  speed  gath- 
ers about  fifteen  to  seventeen  bushels  in  ten 
hours.  Other  crops,  such  as  carrots,  corn, 
cabbage,  and  celery,  last  summer  paid 
around  50  cents  an  hour  for  women  and 
65  cents  for  men,  as  compared  to  35  cents 
and  40  cents  in  1942,  and  10  and  12  cents 
in  1937. 

The  average  total  earnings  of  these  mi- 
grant families  for  the  six  to  eight  weeks 
they  are  in  the  state  is  an  elusive  figure. 
No  records  are  kept,  much  depends  on  the 
condition  of  the  crops  and  the  weather,  and 
an  important  factor  is  the  size  of  the  family. 
Frequently,  the  contractor  or  farmer  makes 
deductions  in  pay  for  transportation  to  the 
camp  and  home,  for  daily  transportation  to 
and  from  the  fields,  and  sometimes  even 
for  rent.  In  six  weeks,  last  summer,  some 
families  cleared  as  little  as  $75;  others  made 
over  $300. 

Their  Parents'  Helpers 

Children  over  six  are  usually  "pickers" 
as  well  as  their  parents  and  spend  the  same 
long  hours  in  the  fields — rarely  less  than 
ten  a  day,  not  infrequently  twelve,  and  oc- 
casionally thirteen  or  fourteen.  Sometimes 
even  those  who  are  hardly  out  of  the  baby 
stage  will  go  along  to  the  fields,  as  did  one 
four-year-old  who  proudly  told  the  league's 
investigator  of  the  bushel  and  a  half  of 
beans  he  had  "picked  for  mama." 

The  youngsters,  of  course,  are  not  listed 
on  the  farmer's  payroll.  They  are  their 
parents'  helpers,  a  fact  which  hardly  eases 
the  strain  for  them.  Many  parents  constantly 
nag  their  children  on  to  greater  production. 
But  "picking  won't  hurt  them  when  they 
are  with  their  parents,"  say  the  farm 
operators. 

Poem  and  story  often  praise  the  construc- 
tive value  of  the  varied  chores  a  country 
boy  does  on  his  father's  farm.  But  the  child 
pickers  on  New  York's  large  industrialized 
farms  learn  no  useful  skills  in  their  long 
backbreaking  days  of  monotonous  work. 
They  are  subject  to  all  the  disadvantages 
of  children  in  industry,  to  none  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  the  farmer's  child. 

At  one  New  York  farm  last  summer,  the 
league's  investigator  found  sixty  school  age 
children  working  in  the  fields  on  a  weekday 


JANUARY  1945 


21 


long  after  the  school  term  had  begun.  Such 
interference  with  normal  school  attendance 
is  one  of  the  worst  aspects  of  migrancy 
among  children,  but  it  cannot  be  blamed 
entirely  upon  the  parents'  eagerness  to  make 
money.  A  child  will  prefer  the  fields  to  a 
school  where  he  is  snubbed  as  "one  of  those 
pickers."  Few  communities  seem  to  enforce 
school  attendance  laws  as  far  as  migrant 
children  are  concerned. 

A  ten-hour  work  day  for  a  migrant  farm 
worker  means  ten  hours  of  continuous 
work,  with  the  exception  of  a  short  time 
off  for  lunch.  Rest  periods  are  unknown. 
Sanitary  facilities  in  the  fields  are  complete- 
ly lacking.  Drinking  arrangements  consist 
of  a  bucket  of  water  with  a  common  dipper. 
At  the  end  of  the  day,  the  workers  ride  the 
ten  or  even  twenty  miles  back  to  their 
camp  as  they  came  to  the  fields  in  the  morn- 
ing— in  trucks  which  are  sometimes  so 
crowded  with  standing  persons  that  no  one 
could  possibly  sit  down. 

The  "Home  Away  from  Home" 

The  most  shocking  conditions  endured  by 
families  who  come  to  New  York  State  to 
pick,  however,  are  in  their  living  quarters 
rather  than  in  the  fields.  Among  the  farm 


labor  camps  owned  and  operated  by  the 
padrones  or  the  farmers  are  some  so  bad 
"that  it  would  seem  that  the  only  step  to- 
ward improvement  could  be  to  set  a  match 
to  them.  Others,  less  hopeless,  still  fall  far 
short  of  being  fit  for  human  habitation; 
some  would  be  all  right  if  they  were  not 
overcrowded. 

To  accommodate  anywhere  from  six  or 
seven  to  400  persons,  the  camps  commonly 
offer  two  types  of  construction:  long  rows 
of  attached  one-room  cabins,  built  especially 
to  house  the  harvesters;  and  farm  buildings, 
such  as  barns,  silos,  warehouses  or  aban- 
doned dwellings,  converted  to  this  purpose. 
The  best  are  the  cabins,  for  each  at  least 
has  a  window  for  ventilation,  and  complete 
walls  which  afford  some  measure  of  family 
privacy. 

Not  so  much  can  be  said  for  the  barns 
and  other  converted  buildings.  Though 
these  often  "accommodate"  from  thirty  to 
sixty  persons  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages, 
some  of  them  have  no  partitions  in  the 
sleeping  quarters.  Others  are  divided,  by 
partitions  extending  part  way  to  the  ceiling, 
into  stable-like  stalls  opening  on  a  common 
corridor.  Two  windows  at  opposite  ends  of 
the  long  corridor  are  often  the  only  ones  in 


Photos  courtesy   Koclieatcr    LJtnwcrat   and    Chronicle 
Crowded  sleeping  quarters,  with  little  ventilation,  in  a  New  York  farm  camp 


trie  building.  At  least  one  camp  has  actually 
put  old  horse  stalls  into  use  as  compart- 
ments for  human  beings.  In  one  partition- 
less  barn  last  summer  a  few  of  the  families 
had  made  a  pathetic  attempt  at  privacy  by 
stringing  wires  around  their  bunks  and 
throwing  coats  over  them  to  serve  as  screens. 
Overcrowding  is  the  rule  in  all  types  of 
accommodations.  When,  as  occasionally 
happens,  a  family  of  four  has  only  one 
double  bed  at  its  disposal,  the  members 
sleep  crosswise  so  they  will  not  roll  off.  Each 
cabin  unit  is  generally  inhabited  by  an  entire 
family — four  to  five  occupants  being  not  un- 
common, and  nine  not  unknown. 

The  migrant  women  usually  do  the 
family  cooking  within  these  crowded, 
screenless  sleeping  quarters,  on  oil  stoves 
which  they  have  brought  with  them.  Most 
of  the  camps,  however,  provide  some  cook- 
ing facilities,  euphemistically  called  "kitch- 
ens." Often  these  are  no  more  than  wood- 
burning  ranges  placed  out  in  the  open  or 
in  lean-tos  next  to  the  barracks  or  barn. 
When  the  investigator  for  the  Consumers 
League  arrived  at  a  camp  at  dinner  time 
one  evening  last  summer,  she  found  it  look- 
ing like  a  "gypsy  encampment,"  with  fires 
blazing  every  few  feet.  Many  women  were 
cooking  on  sheets  of  tin  held  over  a  wood 
fire  by  two  small  piles  of  bricks.  Water  for 
drinking,  cooking,  washing,  and  bathing 
in  this  camp  of  250  persons  was  provided 
by  two  outdoor  cold  water  faucets.  Some 
camps  of  similar  size  have  only  one  faucet. 

Naturally,  most  of  the  camps  are  dirty, 
for  extreme  overcrowding,  little  or  no  camp 
supervision,  insufficient  equipment,  inade- 
quate screening,  and  poor  ventilation  pro- 
vide little  incentive  to  cleanliness.  Garbage 
and  papers  are  strewn  about  the  grounds 
and  in  the  hallways.  In  the  sleeping  quar- 
ters, the  bedding — sometimes  no  more  than 
a  cloth  thrown  over  a  bundle  of  straw — is 
filthy.  Flies  and  other  insects  are  abundant, 
both  inside  and  out.  At  one  camp  last  sum- 
mer, a  tenant  maintained  that  the  moldy 
orange  peels  and  melon  rinds  lying  about 
the  place  had  been  there  when  she  arrived 
on  the  day  the  camp  opened  and  were  evi- 
dently left  from  the  year  before. 

To  make  matters  worse,  in  many  of  the 
camps  unsanitary  privies,  situated  close  to 
the  sleeping  quarters,  are  rarely  cleaned  out 
or  equipped  with  disinfectants.  Even  these 
"conveniences"  are  often  not  available  in 
sufficient  numbers  and  sometimes  there  is 
only  one  for  both  sexes.  At  one  celery  farm 
last  summer  the  one  privy  provided  for 
thirty-eight  migrants  became  so  offensive 
that  they  refused  to  use  it  and  took  to  the 
nearby  woods. 

Something  Besides  Work 

One  recent  improvement  in  some  farm 
labor  camps  has  been  the  inauguration  of 
centers  for  the .  day  care  of  children  con- 
sidered even  by  the  farmers  and  parents  as 
too  young  to  pick.  [See  "Care  for  Migrants' 
Children,"  by  Mebane  Hunt  Martensen, 
Survey  Midmonthly,  May  1944.]  The  cen- 
ters are  operated  by  the  New  York  State 
Migrant  Committee,  a  joint  committee  of 
the  Home  Missions  Council  of  North 
America  and  the  New  York  State  Council 
of  Churches,  largely  with  federal  funds  se- 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


cured  under  the  Lanham  act  through  the 
child  care  committee  of  the  State  War 
Council.  Not  all  camp  operators  have  been 
interested  in  this  form  of  "pampering," 
since  the  camp  must  put  up  part  of  the 
money  when  a  nursery  is  established.  Last 
summer,  out  of  nearly  400  farm  labor  camps 
in  the  state  only  nineteen  had  such  centers. 

A  few  centers  are  well  equipped  for  good 
child  care  programs,  but  others  are  hardly 
more  than  makeshift  arrangements.  How- 
ever, all  have  an  adult  in  attendance  to 
supervise  tots  who  would  otherwise  be  left 
to  run  wild  all  day,  or  be  taken  along  to 
the  fields.  In  addition  to  child  care,  the 
centers  usually  provide  the  setting  for  a 
weekly  medical  clinic. 

Since  few  of  the  camps  provide  board, 
nearby  shopping  facilities  are  important  to 
the  occupants.  What  they  find  is  usually  no 
more  than  a  roadside  stand,  selling  only 
kerosene,  bread,  canned  vegetables,  soda 
pop,  and  smoked  meats.  Operated  by  a  con- 
cessionaire or  occasionally  by  a  representa- 
tive of  the  contractor  or  grower,  these  stands 
sometimes  embody  all  the  evils  of  a  "com- 
pany store." 

Since  pickers  are  human,  in  their  few 
waking  hours  away  from  the  fields  they 
naturally  seek  entertainment.  In  many 
camps  gambling  becomes  the  big  diversion, 
for  there  is  nothing  else  to  do.  Only  in  the 
few  camps  where  the  child  care  centers  are 
equipped  with  juke  boxes  for  evening 
dances  has  there  been  any  attempt  to  pro- 
vide recreational  facilities. 

The  camps  are  usually  too  far  from  town 
for  the  migrants  to  be  able  to  go  to  a  movie 
or  even  to  church.  When  the  pickers  are 
within  walking  distance  of  town,  too  fre- 
quently they  find  a  frigid  welcome  on  the 
part  of  a  community  which  regards  them  as 
disease-ridden  and  dirty. 

The  Home  Missions  Council  alone  at- 
tempts to  bring  something  besides  work  into 
the  migrants'  lives,  sending  clergymen  into 
a  few  of  the  camps  to  conduct  religious 
services  and  occasionally  also  to  promote 
wholesome  recreational  activities.  Though 
in  the  latter  task  the  lack  of  facilities  has 
presented  an  almost  insurmountable  barrier, 
the  young  missionaries  have  made  a  little 
headway  in  the  promotion  of  baseball  games 
and  other  sports. 

Health  Is  a  Problem 

In  most  camps,  there  seems  to  be  a  gen- 
eral assumption  that  "the  boss  will  git  the 
doctor"  if  anyone  falls  sick,  but  at  one  camp 
last  summer  the  investigator  found  a  six- 
teen-year-old boy  who  had  been  in  bed  for 
three  days  without  a  doctor  having  been 
called.  Only  those  camps  with  child  care 
centers  have  weekly  medical  clinics  with  a 
doctor  or  a  county  nurse  in  attendance.  The 
doors  of  local  hospitals  are  shut  to  migrants 
as  "non-residents,"  except  in  cases  of  emer- 
gency. 

That  virulent  epidemics  do  not  sweep 
through  the  migrant  camps  periodically, 
taking  a  heavy  toll  of  lives  and  spreading 
to  the  surrounding  community,  is  perhaps 
due  to  the  alertness  of  county  health  officers 
to  whom  every  case  of  the  more  obvious 
contagious  diseases,  such  as  smallpox,  scar- 
let fever,  or  typhoid,  must  be  reported.  The 


A  barn-like  camp  community  "kitchen"— crude  equipment  and  wood-burning  stove 


somewhat  miraculous  escape  from  such 
scourges  may  also  be  attributed  in  part  to 
the  state  health  department's  insistence  on 
periodic  water  testing  within  the  camps — 
the  one  regulation  of  the  state  sanitary  code 
that  seems  to  be  strictly  enforced. 

It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the 
migrants  are  escaping  the  ravages  of  the 
more  subtle  and  insidious  contagious  dis- 
eases— such  as  tuberculosis  and  the  vene- 
real infections — diseases  that  spread  rapidly 
from  victim  to  victim,  but  do  their  maiming 
and  killing  slowly,  so  that  what  is  in  reality 
an  epidemic  remains  unnoticed.  True,  the 
state  sanitary  code  prohibits  the  admission 
to  the  camps  of  persons  "capable  of  trans- 
mitting a  communicable  disease,"  but  such 
a  prohibition  can  hardly  be  expected  to  be 
effective  without  provision  for  pre-entry 
physical  examinations.  The  extreme  over- 
crowding under  which  the  migrants  live  is, 
of  course,  the  most  favorable  climate  that 
could  be  provided  for  the  spread  of  such  in- 
fections. 

The  Tolari  committee,  in  its  report  pub- 
lished four  years  ago,  revealed  that  the  "con- 
stant characteristics  of  the  disadvantages  of 
migrancy,"  wherever  it  existed,  were  poor 
housing,  overcrowding,  lack  of  sanitation, 
poor  water  supply,  "absence  of  ordinary 
facilities,"  non-enforcement  of  school  at- 
tendance laws,  discrimination  against  mi- 
grant children  within  schools,  child  labor, 
and  exclusion  from  normal  community  life. 
That  was  in  1941  but,  in  spite  of  war  pros- 
perity, conditions  in  farm  labor  camps  are 
unchanged — at  least  in  New  York  State. 

By  Way  of  Contrast 

Yet  while  American  migrant  families  con- 
tinue to  live  under  such  disadvantages,  farm 
workers  imported  to  this  country  from 
Jamaica  and  the  Bahamas,  because  of  the 
wartime  labor  shortage,  are  provided  with 
good  living  arrangements.  Brought  in  under 
international  contracts,  these  imported  pick- 


ers command  at  least  the  same  wages  as 
our  native  migrants  (or  often  better)  but 
with  safeguards  denied  the  latter — a  guar- 
antee of  work  for  75  percent  of  the  time 
covered  by  their  contracts,  and  $3  a  day 
for  each  day  they  are  unemployed.  In  addi- 
tion, they  are  provided  with  full  dental  and 
medical  care  by  the  federal  government. 
Since  their  contracts  specify  standards  of 
living  arrangements,  most  of  them  are 
housed  in  places  that  put  the  ordinary  farm 
labor  camps  to  shame. 

For  instance,  a  former  CCC  camp  near 
Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  last  summer  housed  125 
men  from  the  Bahamas.  Its  stained  and 
painted  wooden  barracks  are  grouped 
around  a  central  lawn.  Other  buildings  con- 
tain a  well  equipped  kitchen  and  dining 
room  (where  board  was  provided  for  $8  a 
week);  sanitary  showers,  lavatories,  and 
toilet  facilities;  a  recreation  hall  with  a 
piano,  two  billiard  tables,  and  a  small  stage. 

The  provision  of  living  quarters  is,  of 
course,  a  more  complex  problem  when 
whole  families  are  involved.  Never- 
theless, here  and  there  a  forward  looking 
farm  operator,  interested  in  helping  his 
pickers,  has  proved  that  decent  family 
camps  can  be  achieved.  For  example,  the 
manager  of  a  large  New  York  hop  farm, 
besides  establishing  a  wage  inducement  of 
10  cents  an  hour  extra  for  every  worker 
who  stays  the  entire  season,  has  set  up  a 
camp  which  must  seem  luxurious  to  mi- 
grants who  have  long  followed  the  crops. 

Attached  cabins  are  equipped  with  run- 
ning water,  electric  hot  plates,  comfortable 
double-decker  beds,  and  a  heat  blowing  ar- 
rangement for  damp,  cold  weather.  Two 
shower  houses  of  eight  units  each  have  hot 
and  cold  water,  as  does  an  indoor  laundry 
with  four  tubs.  A  cafeteria  offers  appetizing 
food  at  reasonable  prices.  A  child  care  center 
is  located  in  a  new  building,  adequately 
screened  and  provided  with  hot  and  cold 
(Continued  on  page  30) 


JANUARY  1945 


23 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


Looking  in  on  the  Germans 


MANY  AMERICANS  ARE  CONVINCED  THAT 
there  is  no  difference  between  Hitler's  party 
and  the  German  masses;  that  their  aspira- 
tions coincide  to  such  an  extent  that  the  less 
violent  Germans  are  willing  to  accept  Nazi 
ruthlessness  as  the  price  of  victory.  Numer- 
ous agencies,  official  and  nonofficial,  are  try- 
ing to  determine  what  methods  shall  be 
used  to  suppress  this  aggressiveness  and 
make  the  German  a  tractable  world  citizen, 
but  few  are  trying  to  find  out  what  makes 
the  German  behave  as  he  does  today. 

There  are  a  few  contemporary  documents 
that  give  a  picture  of  this  German  of  today. 
Oddly  enough,  the  most  sympathetic  is 
drawn  by  a  Pole,  a  prisoner  of  war  who 
was  employed  as  a  farm  laborer  in  Ger- 
many. Here  "sympathetic"  is  a  relative 
term.  The  author  does  not  express  friendly 
sentiments,  but  he  understands  human 
nature  so  well  that  he  can  see  how  German 
peasants  are  themselves  prisoners — of  their 
traditional  attitudes,  their  readiness  to  take 
orders  without  question,  and  their  ability 
to  make  workhorses  of  themselves. 

Stolid  Peasants 

Alexander  Janta,  who  draws  this  portrait 
in  "I  Lied  to  Live:  A  Year  as  a  German 
Family  Slave"  (Roy  Publishers;  $2.75),  was 
better  equipped  than  American  correspon- 
dents to  get  close  to  the  German  peasant. 
As  a  Polish  journalist  he  had  been  in  close 
touch  with  Germans,  and  he  had  had  wide 
experience  with  other  nations.  A  volunteer 
in  the  French  army,  he  was  taken  prisoner 
at  the  collapse  of  France.  He  and  another 
Pole  agreed  to  pass  themselves  off  as  French, 
in  order  to  get  better  treatment  and  possibly 
the  chance  to  escape.  His  friend  confessed 
his  nationality  and  was  shot.  Mr.  Janta, 
though  he  was  thrown  with  two  Polish 
peasants  in  his  farm  work,  had  to  pretend 
ignorance  of  his  native  tongue  to  carry  out 
his  plans. 

The  reader  will  find  this  one  of  the  most 
valuable  books  on  "inside  Germany"  that 
has  come  out  of  the  war.  It  concerns  itself 
less  with  officials  than  with  plain  human 
beings.  In  certain  of  their  dealings,  these 
people  were  what  the  German  peasant  has 
been  for  many  generations;  in  others  they 
had  been  warped  by  the  Nazi  regime. 

The  Schnabel  family,  on  whose  farm  Mr. 
Janta  worked,  consisted  of  the  browbeating 
head  (an  Oberfeldwebel  of  cavalry  in  the 
first  World  War),  his  drudge  of  a  wife,  an 
arrogant  son,  and  "Granny,"  who,  like 
many  elderly  German  women,  was  appre- 
hensive of  the  future.  Their  driving  power 
tired  out  the  help,  but  the  Germans  worked 
equally  hard.  They  read  from  the  gospels 
every  Sunday  and  "found  it  easy,  by  quot- 
ing from  the  Bible,  to  justify  more  than 
one  of  their  deeds." 

(All  boo\s 


HARRY   HANSEN 

The  two  Polish  peasants  had  been  taken 
from  their  homes  and  forced  to  do  farm 
work,  but  Mrs.  Schnabel  "always  insisted, 
as  though  trying  to  foothe  a  not  quite  pure 
conscience,  that  her  Poles  were  'volunteers' 
from  Poland."  The  Schnabels  had  to  make 
some  payment  for  their  workers  to  the 
central  camp  administration  and  the  labor- 
ers were  allowed  a  pittance  to  spend  at 
certain  shops.  Poles  were  treated  as  an  in- 
ferior people,  and  many  German  farmers, 
having  understood  that  they  lived  in  filth, 
were  surprised  to  find  them  industrious  and 
scrupulously  clean.  Some  attributed  this 
cleanliness  to  German  influence. 

When  the  laborers  tried  to  buy  a  few 
bare  necessities  "the  German  looked  the 
other  way  and  sometimes  even  gave  them 
hints  where  they  could  get  things  cheapest. 
If  they  worked,  they  let  them  do  what  they 
liked  outside  of  working  hours."  The  Ger- 
man guards  were  corruptible  by  small  gifts 
and  once  they  had  succumbed  they  were 
exploited  by  the  prisoners. 

The  natural  expressiveness  of  the  Polish 
girl  offended  the  Schnabel  family.  The 
prisoners  ate  with  them,  although  this  was 
against  regulations,  because  Mrs.  Schnabel 
was  unwilling  to  have  the  extra  work  of 
two  tables.  The  Germans  "wore  a  stiff  and 
rather  tight-fitting  mask  of  conventional  be- 
havior and  adhered  to  it  strictly,  as  though 
they  were  ashamed  of  possessing  such  things 
as  human  feelings."  Readers  will  recognize 
this  as  a  universal  German  trait,  the  other 
side  of  that  excessive  sentimentality,  nos- 
talgia, and  Wehmut  also  characteristic  of 
the  German  nature. 

The  German  peasants  whom  Mr.  Janta 
saw  had  not  changed  much  with  the  years. 
Their  pride  in  German  victories,  their 
horror  of  Frenchwomen  who  painted  their 
faces,  their  willingness  to  cheat  the  govern- 
ment, were  traits  observed  during  the  first 
World  War.  The  age-old  fear  of  Russia  was 
shown  when  Russia  and  Germany  went  to 
war;  the  Schnabels  were  unsettled,  Granny 
kept  repeating,  "This  will  be  dreadful!" 
and  Schnabel  became  cooperative,  until 
Hitler's  victories  again  restored  his  con- 
fidence and  arrogance. 

This  is  an  old  story,  but  it  has  meaning 
for  us.  It  indicates  that  when  Germany  is 
defeated  these  peasants  will  remain  the 
dogged  workhorses  of  the  soil,  shrugging 
off  political  events.  (From  the  evidence  in 
this  book  I  doubt  that  the  German  under- 
ground will  be  able  to  recruit  many  peasants 
for  a  dangerous  secret  war.)  Mr.  Janta's 
account — which  has  many  other  valuable 
facets,  notably  its  description  of  how  pris- 
oners get  along  among  themselves  and  how 
their  isolation  weighs  upon  their  spirits — 
leads  me  to  believe  that  the  stolid  German 
peasant  will  remain  what  he  was  and,  in 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will 
24 


consequence,  will  make  less  trouble  for  the 
Allied  administration  than  the  strongly 
nationalistic  groups  of  the  cities. 

Conquerors  in  Poland 

In  Poland,  the  Germans  took  their  gloves 
off  and  wore  brass  knuckles.  They  pillaged, 
burned,  and  murdered.  Jan  Karski,  member 
of  the  Polish  underground,  now  working 
with  the  Polish  government  in  London, 
saw  members  of  the  Hitler  Jugend  walk 
into  the  newly  created  ghetto  of  Warsaw, 
take  pot  shots  at  windows,  and  laugh  loudly 
when  a  yell  of  pain  resulted.  He  went  to 
Belzec,  100  miles  east  of  Warsaw,  put  on 
the  Estonian  uniform  and  witnessed  the 
death  ride  of  many  Jews  who  were  thrust 
into  freight  cars  filled  with  quicklime  and 
taken  to  a  lonely  spot  many  miles  away. 
He  writes  this  without  dramatic  emphasis 
in  his  "Story  of  a  Secret  State"  (Houghton, 
Mifflin;  $3).  It  is  not  the  sort  of  thing  one 
expects  to  find  told  dispassionately,  but  Mr. 
Karski  may  have  seen  too  much  to  be  in- 
terested in  anything  but  the  plain  facts. 

He  describes  how  the  various  groups  of 
the  Polish  underground  carried  out  orders 
without  knowing  who  the  members  were. 
He  explains  the  rigid  discipline,  which  per- 
mitted no  cooperation  with  the  Nazis  and 
thus  made  a  puppet  government  impossible. 
He  was  present  when  the  underground  "ex- 
ecuted" a  traitor.  The  Poles  had  a  tradition 
of  conspiratorial  action  from  the  Tsarist 
days  and  the  underground  had  the  support 
of  the  patriotic.  They  seem  to  have  taken 
inordinate  risks.  Mr.  Karski  speaks  of  a 
woman  who  "subscribed  to  the  secret  press 
and  did  the  normal  things  that  were  de- 
manded of  her,"  living  in  fear  that  the 
secret  newspaper  might  be  found  in  her 
purse  when  she  was  with  the  German  civil 
officer  billeted  in  her  house. 

A  woman  worker  of  the  underground 
defended  those  Polish  women  who  ac- 
cepted the  attentions  of  Germans  in  order 
to  live,  explaining  that  "an  unfortunate, 
average  woman  who  wants  to  live  through 
the  war  and  wait  for  her  husband"  had  no 
alternative.  Others  were  made  of  sterner 
stuff;  they  suffered  terrible  torture  for  their 
opposition  to  the  Germans,  and  they  died. 
It  may  be  said  that  a  nation  survives  by 
both — the  inspiration  of  its  heroines  and 
the  dogged  clutch  on  life  of  its  stolid 
women  who  must  become  the  mothers  of 
the  next  generation. 

In  Hitlerland 

While  Mr.  Karski  does  not  add  much  to 
what  we  already  know  of  the  Nazis,  Jose 
Antonio  de  Aguirre,  one-time  president  of 
the  Basque  republic,  has  several  contribu- 
tions to  make  in  his  personal  memoir, 
"Escape  via  Berlin."  (Macmillan;  $3).  The 
be  postpaid) 


Basques  have  a  long  tradition  of  liberty  and 
were  given  a  measure  of  self-government  by 
the  republic  of  Spain.  When  that  govern- 
ment fell,  Mr.  Aguirre  became  a  fugitive 
with  a  price  on  his  head. 

With  the  greatest  self-confidence  he  wan- 
dered in  and  out  of  the  German  lines  as  a 
Dr.  Alvarez,  finally  going  to  Berlin  itself 
in  order  to  get  papers  to  leave  the  country 
with  his  family.  It  is  true  that  he  did  not 
rely  wholly  on  his  wits,  as  did  some  of 
the  escaped  prisoners  who  went  through 
Berlin.  He  had  the  help  of  Central  Amer- 
ican diplomats,  who  furthered  his  disguise 
and  his  passage.  Because  of  the  well  known 
respect  of  German  officials  for  documents 
bearing  seals  (the  more  seals  the  better), 
Mr.  Aguirre  had  an  easier  time  than  most. 

Aside  from  the  adventure  of  hoodwink- 
ing and  escaping  the  Germans,  Mr.  Aguirre 
tells  us  more  about  the  Basques  and  his  own 
point  of  view  than  about  the  Germans.  He 
is  convinced  that  Hitler's  regime  is  not 
bourgeois.  He  believes  that  the  advocates 
of  freedom  must  arrive  with  superior  force, 
so  that  the  German  can  see  that  liberty  can 
crush  totalitarian  doctrines. 

The  final  half  of  the  book  reveals  how 
the  Basque  diplomat  and  political  leader, 
now  a  lecturer  in  history  at  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, sees  the  democracy  of  the  future. 
Firmly  devoted  to  individual  liberty,  Mr. 
Aguirre  is  opposed  to  totalitarianism  be- 
cause it  has  no  confidence  in  human  beings 
as  individuals  but  uses  them  for  the  pur- 
poses of  the  state  or  the  ambitions  of  those 
who  control.  He  is  not  wholly  sure  that 
"the  parliamentary  system"  is  needed  in  a 
democracy,  but  he  does  insist  that  demo- 
cratic government  means  a  representative 
government,  in  which  the  "free  and  legi- 
timate will  of  the  people"  can  be  expressed. 
He  mentions  the  knotty  problem  of  "parlia- 
mentary institutions  which  mistook  the 
tyranny  of  the  majority  for  democracy."  The 
freedom  of  vote  unhindered  and  freedom 
of  worship  are  in  Mr.  Aguirre's  charter. 

Of  value  to  us  is  his  comment  on  Spanish 
Americanism  or  Latin  Americanism.  "His- 
panidad,"  he  says,  is  the  spirit  of  violence 
and  dictatorship,  usually  called  "law  and 
order"  by  its  adherents.  Because  of  the 
bridge  between  South  America  and  Spain, 
a  dictatorship  in  Spain  influences  Latin 
America  and  affects  it  unfavorably.  Mr. 
Aguirre  feels  that  perpetuation  of  the 
Franco  government  is  a  danger  to  the 
United  States  and  the  Atlantic  Charter,  no 
less  than  to  the  republican  elements  in 
Spain,  to  which  the  Basques  belong. 

THE  WILSON  ERA:  Years  of  Peace— 1910- 
1917,  by  Josephus  Daniels.  University  of 
North  Carolina  Press.  $4. 

THIS    IS    ONE   OF    THE    MOST   DELIGHTFUL    AND 

entertaining  books  ever  written  about  the 
rise  of  Woodrow  Wilson  and  his  early 
years  in  the  White  House.  It  is  a  good 
natured,  talkative,  slightly  rambling  book 
with  humor  in  it,  and  sadness  and  good 
stories  of  people. 

You  do  not  exactly  read  it.  You  listen 
to  Josephus  Daniels  as  he  tells  it  to  you. 
And  from  time  to  time  his  round,  smiling 
face  beams  at  you  from  a  photograph  or 
cartoon.  Here  is  one  of  the  men  who 


helped  make  Woodrow  Wilson  President,  a 
man  who  edited  for  many  years  one  of  the 
South's  great  newspapers — the  Raleigh 
News  and  Observer,  a  paper  with  a  daily 
circulation  larger  than  the  total  population 
of  its  North  Carolina  hometown.  Wilson's 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  tells  you,  with  great 
good  humor,  how  and  why  he  ruled  out 
liquor  aboard  the  U.  S.  fleet,  and  he  is 
quoting  the  campaign  of  opposition  and 
ridicule  which  followed  the  order. 

Daniels  tells  of  the  political  maneuvers 
that  made  Wilson  President.  He  describes 
the  row  between  McCombs  and  McAdoo 
within  the  Democratic  National  Committee 
which  might  have  ended  in  disaster.  He 
mentions  his  surprise  and  pleasure  at  Wil- 
son's invitation  to  become  Secretary  of  the 


Navy.  With  considerable  gusto  he  relates 
his  sometimes  unsuccessful  efforts  to  get  rid 
of  red  tape  and  to  shift  socially  presentable 
but  not  especially  efficient  officers.  He 
speaks  affectionately  of  Franklin  D.  Roose- 
velt, appointed  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  because  he  was  the  handsomest  man 
available.  (The  chapter  title  is  "Love  at 
First  Sight— F.D.R.  and  J.D.) 

He  talks  about  his  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances: Edison,  Admiral  Dewey,  Vice-Presi- 
dent  Marshall  (who  said  his  chief  duty 
was  "to  sleep  while  Senators  droned  and 
inquire  about  the  health  of  the  President"), 
Senator  Lodge,  William  Jennings  Bryan- 
all  the  important  figures  of  the  adminis- 
tration. 

It's  a  delightful  pageant.  It  is  not  a  com- 


WINS   WRITING  SUCCESS 
THOUGH  CRIPPLED  WITH  ARTHRITIS 

"When  I  became  almost  crippled  with  arthritis,  N.I.A.  training 
proved  its  value.  I  began  acting  as  local  correspondent  for  two 
papers.  Then  I  started  a  publication  of  my  own.  'The  Michigan 
Beekeeper'  became  a  reality  and  a  success.  Were  I  physically 
able,  I  would  crawl  to  the  top  of  the  house  and  shout  the  merits 
of  IN. LA.  training.'1 — Elmer  Carroll,  Route  3,  Box  540,  Lansing, 
Michigan. 

How  do  you  KNOW  you  can't  WRITE? 

Have  you  ever  tried? 

Have  you  ever  attempted  even  the  least  bit    of   training,   under   competent   guidance? 

Or  have  you  been  sitting  back,  as  it  is  so  easy  to  do,  waiting  for  the  day  to  come  when 
you  will  awaken,  all  of  a  sudden,  to  the  discovery,  "I  am  a  writer"? 

If  the  latter  course  is  the  one  of  your  choosing,  you  probably  never  will  write. 
Lawyers  must  be  law  clerks.  Doctors  must  be  internes.  Engineers  must  be  draftsmen. 
We  all  know  that,  in  our  time,  the  egg  does  come  before  the  chicken.  ' 

It  is  seldom  that  anyone  becomes  a  writer  until  he  (or  she)  has  been  writing  for  some 
time.  That  is  why  so  many  authors  and  writers  spring  up  out  of  the  newspaper  business. 
The  day-to-day  necessity  of  writing — of  gathering  material  about  which  to  write — devel- 
ops their  talent,  their  insight,  their  background  and  their  confidence  as  nothing  else 
could. 

That  is  why  Newspaper  Institute  of  America  bases  its  writing  instruction  on  journal- 
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Coming  in  January  for  SURVEY  Readers 


I  SPEAK   FOR  JOE   DOAKES 

by  Roy  F.  Bergengren 

Managing  Director,  Credit  Union  National  Association 

What  have  the  consumer  credit  and  consumer  cooperative  movements  to 
say  to  the  plain  citizen  about  the  problems  of  the  peace  and  after? 
Here  a  sympathetic  spokesman  for  the  common  man  tells  in  simple 
language  of  the  fears  and  hopes  of  ordinary  folks  and  tells  how  they 
can  build  the  world  they  yearn  for  through  agencies  that  social  workers 
will  find  here  described.  $2.00 


PRACTICAL  APPLICATIONS 
OF  DEMOCRACY 


by  George  de  Haszar 


"I  am  excited  about  Professor  de  Huszar's  book!  It  is  the  sole  book  of  my 
acquaintance  which  deals  entirely,  or  almost  so,  with  the  proposition  that  democracy 
can  be  learned  in  only  one  way,  namely,  through  action.  But  this  is  not  all,  he 
also  gives  some  specific  instructions  and  clues  regarding  the  types  of  situation  in 
which  the  democratic  process  is  applicable.  These  situations  lie  within  the  spheres  of 
community,  government,  education,  art,  leisure,  journalism,  administration  and 
work." — Eduard  C.  Lindeman,  Professor  of  Social  Philosophy,  New  York  School 
of  Social  Work. 

"Social  workers  and  particularly  group  workers  will  find  it  an  inspiring  guide  to 
action." — Charles  E.  Hendry,  Director,  Research  and  Statistical  Service,  Boy  Scouts 
of  America.  $2.00 


THE   ECONOMIC  ORDER 
AND  RELIGION 

by  Frank  H.  Knight,  Professor  of  Social  Sciences,  University 
of  Chicago;  and  Thornton  W.  Merriam,  Director  of  U.S.O. 
Training,  National  Council,  Y.M.C.A. 

Here  are  answers  to  the  timely  question:  what  has  ocen  tne  influence  of  Christianity 
on  our  economic  life?  That  the  influences  have  been  bad  and  have  been  good  are 
the  positions  vigorously  defended  by  two  authors  who  debate  their  views  in  a 
stimulating,  cogent  way.  A  book  to  stir  all  socially  minded  readers  as  to  the 
reasons  for  their  social  faith.  $3.00 


Already  Available  .... 


AMERICAN 
EDUCATION 
UNDER  FIRE 

by  V.  T.  Thayer 

No  other  book  so  candidly  and 
clearly  states  the  controversial  issues 
agitating  the  world  of  education — the 
"great  books"  idea,  the  place  of  re- 
ligion, the  use  of  radical  teachers, 
the  meaning  of  "progressive"  educa- 
tion. "It  displays  solid  philosophical, 
historical  roots." — New  York  Herald 
Tribune.  $2.50 


PUBLIC  SCHOOLS 
AND  SPIRITUAL 
VALUES 

by  John  S.  Brubacher 

and  others.  The  Seventh  Annual 
Yearbook  of  the  John  Dewey 
Society. 

A  realistic  approach  to  the  "hot" 
theme  of  the  need  for  religious  in- 
fluences in  public  education.  How 
can  schools  committed  to  religious 
neutrality  foster  those  spiritual  values 
needed  to  enhance  democratic  living 
— is  the  urgent  topic  here  construc- 
tively examined  by  leading  educators. 

$2.50 


HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  49  E.  33rd  St.,  N.  Y.  16 


plete  history  of  the  period,  but  it  is  far 
more  than  a  book  of  memoirs.  Here  is  a 
shrewd,  human,  liberal  man,  a  man  of 
ability  and  of  integrity,  telling  a  part  of 
his  life  story,  and  making  a  mighty  good 
story  out  of  it.  It  will  be  useful  to  his- 
torians of  the  period  because  it  contains 
much  new  material,  many  new  stories, 
anecdotes,  quotes,  and  explanations  of 
things  never  before  explained.  But  perhaps 
more  important  even  than  that,  it  is  a  re- 
markably absorbing  picture  of  how  Amer- 
ica got  this  way.  ALDEN  STEVENS 
Co-author  oj  "Victory  Without  Peace" 

EDWARD  BELLAMY,  a  Biography,  by  Ar- 
thur E.  Morgan.  Columbia  University  Press. 
*5. 

MOST  AMERICANS  KNOW  EDWARD  BELLAMY 
as  the  author  of  the  modern  world's  most 
fascinating,  effective,  and  widely  read  Uto- 
pian novel,  "Looking  Backward"  and,  per- 
haps, of  his  less  popular  but  more  scientific 
treatise,  "Equality." 

When,  more  than  a  decade  ago,  Arthur 
E.  Morgan,  then  president  of  Antioch  Col- 
lege and  chairman  of  the  Tennessee  Valley 
Authority,  was  asked  to  write  Bellamy's 
biography,  he  consented  in  the  belief  that 
the  distinguished  American  Utopian  had 
been  a  man  of  only  one  interest,  that  of 
conceiving  and  expounding  social  Utopias, 
and  that  an  adequate  biography  could  be 
written  as  a  literary  diversion  in  a  few 
months  of  leisure  time. 

No  sooner,  however,  had  Mr.  Morgan  be- 
gun his  task  than  he  began  to  arrive  at  the 
conclusion  that  Bellamy  was  "not  just  a 
Utopian,"  but  "one  of  the  most  ranging 
and  penetrating  minds"  America  had  pro- 
duced— a  man  of  many  interests,  an  in- 
tellectual contributor  to  many  causes.  At 
this  discovery,  Mr.  Morgan  started  in  his 
spare  time,  with  the  aid  of  competent  as- 
sistants, an  exhaustive  study  of  Bellamy's 
life,  collected  and  analyzed  the  scores  of 
manuscripts  and  notes  of  Bellamy  still  left 
intact,  interviewed  the  writer's  relatives  and 
many  of  his  friends  and  followers,  and, 
eleven  years  later,  produced  the  first  and 
only  definitive  biography  of  the  great 
Utopian. 

The  book  begins  with  an  appraisal  of 
the  widespread  influence  of  "Looking  Back- 
ward" on  leaders  of  modern  thought  and 
action,  brings  to  light  many  intensely  inter- 
esting and  important  facts  regarding  Bel- 
lamy as  a  rebel  against  conventional  tradi- 
tions and  environments,  a  leader  of  the  Na- 
tionalist movement,  breadwinner  and 
father,  psychologist,  eugenist,  economist, 
lover  of  nature.  Mr.  Morgan  maintains  that 
in  psychology  Bellamy  was  inherently  as 
significant  as  Freud,  that  in  eugenics  he 
antedated  present  day  accepted  principles  by 
half  a  century,  that  in  political  economy  he 
was  a  creative  genius,  that  as  a  nature  lover 
he  ranked  with  Thoreau  and  as  a  philoso- 
pher, with  Emerson.  Had  Bellamy  posses- 
sed a  vigorous  physique  and  had  he  lived 
to  a  riper  age — he  died  at  the  early  age  of 
forty-eight — Mr.  Morgan  believes  that  he 
would  have  been  widely  acclaimed  for  his 
talents  along  many  of  these  lines. 

Some  critics  of  Bellamy  in  the  past  have 
contended  that  he  had  no  deep  social  con- 


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26 


victions  before  he  began  to  write  his 
Utopian  novel,  but  that  these  convictions 
were  developed  during  the  process  of  writ- 


Several  alternative  over-all  governmental 
budgets  are  set  up  intended  to  meet  re- 
spectively the  conditions  of  low,  medium, 


ing.    Mr.  Morgan  challenges  this  point  of     high,  and  feverish  private  investment  after 
view,   and   brings   convincing   evidence   to     the  war.  These  investment  levels  are  esti- 


bear  that  the  development  of  his  social 
ideals — including  that  of  equality — began 
when  Bellamy  was  in  his  early  teens. 

The  biographer  describes  Bellamy's  activ- 
ities and  writings  with  sympathy,  under- 
standing, and  ardent  admiration,  and  de- 
fends him  against  many  of  the  accusations, 
among  them  that  of  plagiarism,  which  have 
been  brought  against  him.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  does  not  hesitate  to  criticize 
Bellamy's  errors  of  judgment  in  anticipating 
the  realization  of  his  dream  within  a  com- 
paratively few  years,  and  in  urging  a  too 
simplified,  too  all-embracing  regimented 
and  centralized  collectivism  as  the  goal  of 
social  progress.  Throughout,  the  biographer 
gives  the  reader  the  advantage  of  his  own 
rich  experience  and  considered  thinking  on 
vital  social  problems. 

While  the  book  would  have  been  more 
readable  had  some  of  the  large  number  of 
quotations  been  omitted  and  repetitious 
statements  avoided,  and  while  the  reader 
might  not  follow  the  biographer's  appraisals 
of  Bellamy's  contributions  in  certain  fields 
of  endeavor,  the  American  public  owes  a 
debt  of  gratitude  to  Mr.  Morgan  for  writ- 
ing so  authoritative,  complete,  valuable,  and 
absorbing  a  biography  of  one  of  America's 
foremost  seers  and  prophets.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  this  book  will  stimulate  a  re- 
newed interest  in  Bellamy's  works  and  in 
many  of  the  ideals  of  a  better  life  which 
he  so  ardently  espoused. 
Executive  Director  HARRY  W.  LAIDLER 
League  for  Industrial  Democracy 

ADMINISTRATIVE 
GOVERNMENT 

STATE  AND  LOCAL  FINANCE  IN  THE 
NATIONAL  ECONOMY,  by  Alvin  H. 
Hansen  and  Harvey  S.  Perloff.  Norton. 
#3.75. 

THIS      BOOK     IS     CONCERNED     LARGELY     WITH 

the  interrelationships  between  federal,  state, 
and  local  governmental  financial  operations, 
and  their  proper  adjustment  to  changes  in 
private  economic  activity  after  the  war.  At- 
tempt is  made  to  show  that  "only  where 
the  higher  levels  of  government  played  a 
role  vigorously  and  efficiently  are  condi- 
tions created  under  which  subordinate  units 
of  government  can  effectively  carry  out  the 
functions  appropriate  to  them." 

Suggestions  are  incorporated  for  the 
modernization  of  state  and  local  govern- 
ment and  their  fiscal  basis,  needed  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  an  expanded  economy. 
Special  emphasis  is  placed  on  the  need  for 
development  of  resources  on  a  regional 
basis  and  redevelopment  of  urban  areas. 
The  federal  government,  it  is  said,  should 
undertake  to  maintain  minimum  standards 
of  social  services  on  a  greatly  extended 
scale,  either  by  taking  over  completely  some 
state  and  local  functions  or  by  providing 
more  grants-in-aid.  A  compensatory  fiscal 
policy  should  be  followed  not  only  by  the 
federal  government  but,  under  the  latter's 
leadership,  in  a  limited  way  also  by  state 
and  local  governments. 


mated  at  $4  billion  a  year  at  the  low  point, 
and  at  $23  billion  at  the  peak  point.  The 
national  income  at  these  points  is  forecast 
at  $125  and  $150  billion  respectively.  The 
federal  budget  is  anticipated  in  one  case 
to  rise  to  $29  billion  and  have  a  deficit  of 
$10  billion;  and  in  the  other  case,  to  drop 
to  $22  billion  and  to  produce  a  surplus  of 
$5  billion.  It  is  believed  that  main  reliance 
in  federal  postwar  financing  should  be 
placed  on  the  personal  income  tax  in  which 
substantial  abatements  should  be  allowed 
for  invested  income.  The  federal  corpora- 


tion tax  should  be  converted  primarily  into 
an  income  tax  on  stockholders  collected  at 
the  source.  The  states  should  use  more 
extensively  the  personal  income  tax,  revise 
drastically  their  business  taxes,  and  repeal 
their  general  sales  taxes.  State  and  local 
borrowing  should  be  maintained  at  a  level 
of  only  some  $800  million  a  year. 

The  book  is  comprehensive  in  scope,  and 
stimulating.  It  brings  together  a  large  body 
of  current  thought  on  the  subject  and  is 
well  documented.  Its  uniqueness  lies  in  the 
fact  that  it  extends  to  the  field  of  state  and 
local  finance  the  Keynesian-Hansen  ap- 
proach, heretofore  applied  only  to  the  field 
of  national  finance,  and  attempts  to  outline 
an  integrated  federal,  state,  local  fiscal 
policy  for  the  postwar  period  along  liberal 


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27 


"Powerful"1  "Terrifying"2 

"Shocking"3  "Appalling"3 

"Carefully  Documented"4 

"Highly  Controversial'4 

"Highly  Readable"4 

CAREY 

Me  Williams' 

new  book 

PREJUDICE 

JAPANESE-AMERICANS 

Symbol  of  Racial  Intolerance 

It  brings  up  the  crucial  point 
that  all  Pacific  peoples  will 
judge  us  by  the  way  we  solve 
the  problem  of  U.  S.  citizens 
and  residents  of  Japanese  an- 
cestry. 

".  .  .  no  violation  of  civil  rights 
in  wartime  ever  more  squarely 
raised  the  issue  of  military 
power  versus  the  Constitution." 
— Roger  N.  Baldwin,  Director 
of  American  Civil  Liberties 
Union,  in  PM. 

"...  a  surgical  effort  to  expose 
to  light  and  air  one  of  the  most 
terrifying  war-time  develop- 
ments." -  Bernard  DeVoto, 
N.  Y.  Herald  Tribune. 

1.  Chicago  Sun 

2.  Newsweek 

3.  N.Y.  Herald  Tribune 

4.  N.Y.  Herald  Tribune 
Book  Review 


At  all  bookstores.  $3.00 


LITTLE,   BROWN    &    CO 


(In 


ines.  It  tends  to  overemphasize,  however, 
he  need  for  an  expansion  of  federal  grants- 
n-aid  after  the  war  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
o  underemphasize  the  possibilities  for  the 
expansion  of  activities  of  state  and  local 
jovernments  on  a  foundation  of  their  own 
resources.  The  title  of  the  book  is  a  mis- 
nomer. The  book  deals  as  much  with 
ederal  as  with  state  and  local  finance  in 
he  national  economy.  PAUL  STUDENSKI 
Department  of  Economics 
New  Yor/^  University 

BUREAUCRACY:  A  Challenge  to  Better 
Management,  by  J.  M.  Juran.  Harper.  $2. 

REGULATORY  ADMINISTRATION,  ed- 
ited by  George  A.  Graham  and  Henry 
Reining,  Jr.  Wiley.  #2.75. 

'BUREAUCRACY"  is  A  LITTLE  BOOK  WRITTEN 
with  restraint,  understanding,  humor,  and 
ntelligence.  The  author,  an  industrial  man- 
agement engineer  doing  his  war  stint  as  an 
assistant  administrator  in  the  Lend-Lease 
Administration,  offers  the  sober  judgment 
that  "the  utilization  of  scientific  principles 
of  management  in  government  to  the  same 
extent  as  it  is  today  practiced  in  progressive 
ndustry  could  cut  the  [federal]  govern- 
ment population  in  half,  and  this  while 
performing  all  the  present  functions  with 
at  least  present  effectiveness." 

Mr.  Juran  differs  from  those  who  (espe- 
cially in  a  campaign  year)  demand  the  use 
of  the  meat  axe  in  two  vital  respects:  as  a 
management  engineer,  he  is  not  trying  to 
eliminate  regulation  or  control  in  the  name 
of  "economy";  and  he  sees  that  the  problem 
is  one  of  years,  "even  under  the  best  con- 
ditions." It  is  a  "vibrant  and  delicate  myth" 
that  "it  is  in  the  hollow  of  the  President's 
hand  to  remedy  all  this."  The  President 
has  already  "most  emphatically  issued"  the 
desired  edict;  but  the  order  cannot  be 
carried  out,  "because  the  management 
maturity  of  the  federal  government  is  in- 
adequate to  the  task." 

Any  welfare  official  caught  in  the  toils 
of  the  audit  of  travel  vouchers  or  the 
rigidities  of  a  civil  service  system  will 
chuckle  over  Mr.  Juran's  sprightly  writing; 
it  is  refreshing  to  look  at  these  mechanisms 
that  seem  to  have  God-given  eternal  verity 
with  the  fresh  eye  of  a  skilled  management 
man.  Mr.  Juran  sees,  of  course,  how  often 
the  problems  parallel  those  of  large  scale 
corporate  enterprise;  it  is  his  saving  grace 
to  recognize,  on  the  other  hand,  the  special 
environment  of  the  public  servant.  "Life  in 
a  Goldfish  Bowl,"  "The  One-Way  Street 
of  Criticism"  (some  of  his  lively  headings) 
are  forces  that  make  the  problems  different. 
This  book  is  highly  recommended. 

In  his  introductory  essay  to  "Regula- 
tory Administration,"  the  senior  editor  ex- 
plains that  "viewed  broadly,  regulation  is 
the  process  of  getting  people  to  follow  a 
line  of  conduct  that  is  in  accord  with 
public  policy."  In  a  chapter  full  of  shrewd 
insight,  Mr.  Graham  casts  his  eye  over  the 
whole  field  of  human  conduct  and  deals 
pithily  with  the  elements  "especially  useful 
in  making  an  appraisal"  of  the  regulatory 
process. 

First,  what  is  the  problem?  "As  long  as 
the  'miasmic'  vapors  of  the  malarial  regions 
were  thought  to  produce  disease,  the  public 
answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY 

28 


got  nowhere  in  controlling  malaria."  A 
new  problem,  says  Graham  in  his  salty 
way,  "means  controversy  if  it  is  at  all  seri- 
ous. Tinkering  with  the  hive  produces  an 
inevitable  buzzing." 

Second,  what  are  the  objectives?  Regu- 
lating milk  to  assure  purity  is  one  thing; 
regulating  its  price  is  quite  something  else 
again.  If  the  legislature  doesn't  know  what 
it  wants  achieved,  it  is  useless  to  expect 
the  administrator  to  spell  it  out  clearly. 

Third,  what  is  the  authority?  "In  no 
country  in  the  world  does  official  position 
carry  less  inherent  power  than  in  the 
United  States." 

Who,  then,  is  to  be  regulated?  What  is 
to  be  the  timing?  And  what  is  the  appeal: 
"Perhaps  the  easiest  way  to  misunderstand 
regulation  is  to  fail  to  appreciate  the  wide 
variety  of  methods  by  which  consent  may 
be  sought." 

It  was  clearly  the  intention  of  the  editors 
that  each  of  the  collaborators  would  take  a 
field  of  regulation  and  deal  with  these 
sophisticated  questions.  Each  collaborator  is 
the  best  in  his  field:  Colonel  O.  W.  Wilson 
on  police;  Dr.  Gaylord  Anderson  on  public 
health;  Dean  William  E.  Mosher  on  public 
utilities;  Wilbur  La  Roe,  Jr.,  on  railroads. 
But  only  Mr.  Reining,  the  co-editor,  in  his 
essay  on  state  labor  law  administration  has 
caught  fully  the  intent.  The  others  have 
produced  solid,  comprehensive  accounts  of 
the  development  of  regulation  in  their 
fields,  but  they  have  addressed  themselves 
only  obliquely  to  Mr.  Graham's  questions. 
Each  chapter  is  worthwhile;  but  they  do 
not  add  up  to  the  study  in  comparative 
administration  that  the  editors  dreamed  of 
a  decade  ago.  There  is  a  rather  special 
chapter  by  Prof.  Leon  Marshall  analyzing 
the  "location  and  utilization  of  authority" 
in  the  division  of  review  of  NRA:  it  is  by 
way  of  an  extended  footnote. 

CHARLES  S.  ASCHER 
Regional  Representative 
National  Housing  Agency,  New  Yorf^  City 


IN  1945 


Cartf) 

Will 

QTotoarb  J!en 


CHRISTODORA 
HOUSE 


RESIDENCE 
CLUB 


PUBLIC  HOUSING 

(Continued  from  page  18) 


structed  under  the  act  prior  to  the  war- 
time cessation  of  normal  construction  ac- 
tivity; 7891  more  contracted  for  with  local, 
county,  and  regional  housing  authorities 
are  temporarily  in  a  state  of  suspension. 
Both  federal  agency  and  local  authorities 
had  to  strain  their  resources  and  ingenuity 
to  the  utmost  to  produce  a  contract,  a 
procedure,  and  regulations  which  made  even 
this  small  beginning  possible. 

Thus,  experience  shows  conclusively  that 
housing  legislation  must  frankly  recognize 
the  distinctive  differences  between  an  ur- 
ban and  a  rural  program.  The  feasibility 
of  "equivalent  elimination"  in  a  rural  pro- 
gram must  be  considered — the  provision  in 
the  present  Housing  Act  which  requires 
that  for  every  dwelling  unit  built  in  a 
public  housing  project  one  in  a  slum  area 
must  be  demolished.  The  probability  of 
prospective  purchase  as  against  rent  of 
homes  in  rural  areas;  the  limited  pos- 
sibilities of  local  contribution  and  the  need 
for  a  different  computation  of  the  annual 
federal  contribution;  the  intimate  relation- 
ship between  the  house  as  a  dwelling  unit 
and  the  farm  as  a  production  unit  and 
source  of  family  income — all  these  matters 
must  be  faced. 

Studies  have  been  made  of  the  living 
habits  in  rural  areas  and  their  special  re- 
lationship to  the  design  of  a  rural  dwelling. 
Studies  also  have  been  made  of  the  func- 
tion of  the  dwelling  house  in  the  economic 
and  social  patterns  of  the  farm.  The  re- 
sults of  such  studies  should  be  reflected  in 
legislation,  if  it  is  to  be  sufficiently  realis- 
tic to  enable  rural  communities  and  farms 
to  participate  on  an  equal  basis  with  the 
urban  centers  in  a  national  housing  pro- 
gram. 

Housing  Minority  Groups 

Another  problem  which  must  be  grap- 
pled with  realistically  in  the  postwar  period 
is  that  of  providing  adequate  housing  for 
minority  groups.  Behind  any  neat  blue- 
print of  a  well-housed  country  are  human 
complexes  that  cannot  be  overlooked.  In 
1940,  one  in  every  four  urban  houses  oc- 
cupied by  whites  was  substandard.  In  the 
case  of  non-whites,  two  out  of  every  three 
houses  were  substandard.  But  if  we  are  to 
house  America  adequately,  we  must  include 
housing  for  our  large  number  of  Negroes 
and  of  other  numerically  smaller  minority 
groups. 

The  problem  would  be  relatively  simple 
if  it  were  only  a  matter  of  providing, 
through  subsidies  for  public  housing  or 
the  necessary  aids  to  private  capital,  the 
accommodations  needed  by  our  minority 
population.  Under  the  relatively  limited 
program  of  low  rent  housing  under  the 
U.  S.  Housing  Act  up  to  the  outbreak  of 
the  war,  the  housing  needs  of  Negroes 
were  being  recognized.  Of  the  105,000 
housing  units  built  under  the  public  pro- 
gram, about  a  third  (38,600)  were  for  Ne- 


gram  7,600  additional  family  homes  had 
been  provided. 

But  the  minority  housing  problem  is  not 
one  of  buildings  alone.  More  than  anything 
else  it  is  a  matter  of  finding  space  in  which 
to  put  the  buildings.  Large  groups  of 
these  people  are  being  forced  to  live  in 
tight  pockets  of  slum  areas  where  they  in- 
crease at  their  own  peril;  they  are  denied 
the  opportunity  to  spread  out  into  new  areas 
in  the  search  for  decent  living. 

The  opening  of  new  areas  of  living  to 
all  minority  groups  is  a  community  prob- 
lem. And  it  is  one  of  national  concern. 
It  is  a  problem  that  each  community  must 
consider  and  explore  for  possible  solutions. 
Plans  for  community  development  should 
be  studied  and  re-studied  to  include  ade- 
quate provision  in  space  for  all  groups. 
Further,  where  tenants  are  displaced  to 
make  way  for  a  new  development,  whether 
residential,  industrial  or  commercial,  other 
space  in  which  they  can  live  must  be  found. 
This  is  particularly  important  in  the  case 
of  minority  groups,  for  displaced  tenants 
must  not  be  dumped  on  top  of  an  already 
overcrowded,  rimmed-in  quarter  of  town. 

Matters  for  Congress 

In  developing  our  public  housing  pro- 
gram horizontally,  as  already  suggested, 
certain  imperfections  of  our  present  pro- 
gram must  be  recognized  and  corrected. 
The  real  answer  to  many  vital  problems 
must  come  from  the  Congress  with  whom 
the  duty  and  the  responsibility  rests. 

First  of  all,  it  should  be  made  clear  that 
further  expansion  of  the  low  rent  housing 
program  is  a  matter  solely  for  congressional 
determination  and  that  it  depends  entirely 
upon  additional  authorization  for  subsidies. 
The  annual  subsidy  of  $28,000,000  max- 
imum, authorized  in  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act 
of  1937,  will  be  fully  absorbed  by  pres- 
ent commitments. 

Apart  from  the  need  for  congressional 
action  to  provide  funds  for  subsidies,  how- 
ever, experience  indicates  that  the  opera- 
tion of  the  low  rent  program  can  be  sub- 
stantially improved  if  certain  revisions  to 
the  Housing  Act  are  made. 

For  example,  the  act  now  provides  for 
use  of  federal  funds  to  finance  up  to  90 
percent  of  the  capital  cost  of  low  rent  hous- 
ing projects.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
local  housing  authorities  have  been  able 
to  obtain  from  private  sources  much  more 
than  the  remaining  10  percent  of  their  cap- 
ital financing.  Some  authorities  already 
are  getting  as  much  as  85  percent  of  their 
money  from  private  investors.  I  am  con- 
fident that  with  certain  amendments  to 
the  Housing  Act,  local  authorities  could 
borrow  100  percent  of  their  capital  funds 
direct  from  private  sources.  If  this  were 
done,  government  funds  for  permanent  cap- 
ital financing  would  be  largely  unnecessary. 

A  second  change  that  should  be  made 
in  the  law  is  to  reduce  from  60  to  45  years 
the  period  during  which  the  federal  gov- 
ernment is  committed  to  pay  annual  cash 
contributions. 

From  these  two  changes  could  flow  a 
number  of  improvements  in  the  program 
which  would  reduce  the  ultimnrr  financial 
(Continued  on  page  30) 


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8  BOOKLETS  BY 
BERTRAND  RUSSELL 

Bertrand  Russell,  the  distinguished 
philosopher,  mathematician,  logician  and 
Freethinker,  recently  said  that  he  en- 
joyed writing  booklets  for  E.  Haldeman- 
Julius  because  he  is  given  the  fullest 
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in  essays  written  for  Haldeman-Julius  that 
Dr.  Russell  can  give  circulation  to  the 
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THE  VALUE  OF  FREE  THOUGHT.  How  to 
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AN  OUTLINE  OF  INTELLECTUAL  RUB- 
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HOW  TO  READ  AND  UNDERSTAND  HIS- 
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LOGICIAN,  A  MATHEMATICIAN  .  .  3Oc 

WHAT  CAN  A  FREEMAN  WORSHIP?      25c 

WHY  I  AM   NOT  A  CHRISTIAN 25c 

HAS  RELIGION  MADE  USEFUL  CONTRI- 
BUTIONS TO  CIVILIZATION?  25c 

A  LIBERAL  VIEW  OF  DIVORCE 25c 

We  offer  all  eight  booklets  by  Bertrand 
Russell  for  only  $1.45,  prepaid.  Ask  for 
BERTRAND  RUSSELL'S  EIGHT  BOOK- 
LETS. Address: 


groes.      Under   an   earlier   peacetime   pro- 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC) 


E.  HALDEMAN-JULIUS, 
Box  R-93,  Girard,  Kansas. 


29 


(Continued  from  page  29) 

cost  to  the  government  and  at  the  same  time 
expand  the  participation  of  private  capital 
in  public  housing. 

Matters  of  Operation 

Besides  these  improvements  dependent 
upon  congressional  action,  much  could  be 
done  to  advance  the  housing  program 
through  improving  the  administrative 
process  itself  within  the  framework  of  the 
present  legislation.  The  attitude  and  policy 
of  the  federal  agency  and  the  local  public 
bodies  engaged  in  this  effort  are  perhaps 
as  important  as  perfecting  legislation. 
Above  all,  a  public  housing  program  must 
arise  from  the  communities  and  not  be  im- 
posed upon  them  by  a  central  agency.  The 
principle  of  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act,  by 
which  the  federal  government  becomes 
merely  the  helpmate  and  fiduciary  while 
the  local  public  body  is  the  active  initiator, 
developer,  and  manager  is  sound  and  im- 
portant. 

In  the  Thirties,  local  housing  authorities 
were  immature  and  understaffed;  they  re- 
quired a  certain  amount  of  paternalism. 
Today,  however,  with  several  years  of  ex- 
perience behind  them,  the  authorities  are 
prepared  to  accept  their  full  responsibilities, 
a  situation  which  must  be  recognized  both 
by  them  and  by  the  federal  agency  through 
the  adoption  of  an  appropriate  attitude  and 
administrative  policy. 

The  federal  agency  has  two  broad  pur- 
poses. One  is  to  discharge  its  legal  and 
business  responsibility  under  the  law  as 
enacted  by  the  Congress.  This  first  re- 
sponsibility of  the  agency  is  to  present  to 
the  localities  a  forthright,  concise  statement 
of  the  basic  conditions  under  which  they 
may  do  business  with  the  federal  govern- 
ment through  the  Federal  Public  Housing 
Authority.  To  illustrate:  the  government 
is  concerned  with  regard  to  cost  and  mini- 
mum standards  in  the  design  of  a  project, 
for  it  is  the  intent  of  the  law  that  financial 
assistance  shall  be  rendered  only  where 
housing  is  to  be  of  a  decent  standard  and 
falls  in  the  low  cost  category. 
•  Aside  from  meeting  such  requirements, 
it  is  for  local  housing  authorities  to  de- 
termine less  basic  questions —  whether,  for 
instance,  there  shall  be  a  porch  or  a  breeze- 
way,  a  pitched  or  a  flat  roof,  inside  tile 
or  plaster,  or  any  other  specific  feature 
adapted  to  local  needs  or  preference. 

The  federal  agency's  responsibility  does 
not  end,  however,  when  it  puts  into  force 
what  the  law  requires.  It  also  has  an 
obligation  of  service  to  the  authorities  and 
to  the  communities.  Implicit  here  is  the 
obligation  to  display  leadership  in  devising 
methods  for  improvements  in  design,  man- 
agement, operations,  administrative  proces- 
ses, and  lowering  of  costs.  The  Federal  Pub- 
lic Housing  Authority  is  indeed  a  veritable 
storehouse  of  experience  in  one  of  the  great- 
est experiments  in  housing  history.  To  syn- 
thesize that  experience  and  to  make  it 
available  for  the  guidance  of  local  authori- 
ties is  one  of  its  major  tasks. 

As  a  corollary  to  these  functions  of  a 
federal  agency,  the  local  public  housing 
body  must  develop  certain  essential  char- 
acteristics and  attitudes.  Indeed,  in  this 


group,  more  than  in  any  other  place  in 
the  chain  of  operations,  must  rest  the  vital 
spark  of  initiative  and  accomplishment,  the 
understanding  of  the  basic  problem  and 
the  ability  to  tackle  it  soundly,  steadfastly, 
and  resourcefully. 

It  must  be  a  local  body  in  the  real  sense 
of  the  word,  responsible  to  the  community 
and  not  to  a  federal  agency,  an  integral 
part  of  the  stream  of  community  life.  It 
must  offer  leadership  for  those  less  able  to 
speak  for  their  own  necessities  and  must 
work  with  other  leadership  that  seeks  better 
housing  for  all.  Finally,  it  must  be  a  dy- 
namic force  unwilling  to  rest  until  the  solu- 
tion of  housing  for  low  income  families  has 
been  applied  all  across  the  board. 

No  one  can  foresee  the  destiny  of  the 
public  housing  program  in  the  immediate 
future.  It  would  be  foolhardy  to  ignore 
the  existence  of  well-intentioned  opposition 
or  the  presence  of  selfish,  uninformed, 
and  reckless  critics.  But  good  housing  must 
cease  to  be  regarded  as  a  national  luxury. 
It  is  inconceivable  that  this  country  will 
continue  to  subscribe  to  the  doctrine  of 
scarcity  in  the  second  most  important  neces- 
sity of  man's  life. 

The  acceptance  of  the  view  that  good 
housing  is  a  scarce  commodity  to  be  ra- 
tioned on  a  high-dollar  market  inevitably 
implies  that  the  nation  can  afford  the  price 
of  all  the  ills  that  center  around  slums 
and  blight.  America,  strong  and  indomit- 
able though  she  seems,  cannot  continue  to 
permit  the  ebbing  of  its  strength  through 
the  airless,  lightless  coops  of  her  slums. 


THEY  HARVEST  CROPS 

(Continued  from  page  23) 


running  water,  cooking  facilities,  and  a 
juke  box  for  evening  entertainment.  Three 
paid  supervisors  see  that  the  camp  is  kept 
in  order.  There  are  tightly  lidded  refuse 
barrels  before  each  cabin. 

There  Are  Laws  .  .  . 

The  deplorable  conditions  under  which 
most  migrant  farm  workers  live  in  New 
York  cannot  be  blamed  entirely  on  the 
lack  of  legislation.  There  are  state  laws 
— many  of  them — which  apply  to  mi- 
grants as  well  as  others.  Under  them, 
no  camp  is  supposed  to  operate  without 
a  permit  from  the  local  health  authority, 
the  issuance  depending  upon  compliance 
with  the  state  sanitary  code.  Yet  camp 
after  camp  contains  flagrant  violations  of 
the  code — overcrowding,  inadequate  ven- 
tilation, lack  of  fire  exits,  cooking  arrange- 
ments in  sleeping  quarters,  lack  of  kitchen 
screening,  filthy  privies,  absence  of  recep- 
tacles for  garbage  disposal,  and  in  some 
instances  location  of  buildings  on  surfaces 
preventing  adequate  drainage.  Temporary 
permits,  issued  to  allow  a  period  for  the 
correction  of  violations,  provide  the  loop- 
hole— unfortunately  they  are  renewable, 
apparently  indefinitely. 

New  York  State  law  also  prohibits  the 
farm  employment  of  children  under  four- 
teen, except  on  their  own  families'  farms, 
and  requires  work  permits  of  those  between 
fourteen  and  sixteen  so  employed.  But 


most  children  harvesting  New  York's 
crops  never  heard  of  working  papers,  nor 
did  their  parents.  The  grower  or  con- 
tractor, who  needs  all  the  hands  he  can 
get,  does  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  inform 
them,  since  he  does  not  care  to  risk  losing 
all  of  his  youngest  pickers. 

Another  law  prohibits  an  auto  truck  with 
twenty  or  more  passengers  from  going 
farther  than  ten  miles — with  more  than 
a  third  of  the  occupants  standing;  with- 
out suitable  seats  securely  attached 
to  the  body;  without  side  racks  at  least 
three  feet  in  height  above  the  floor;  with- 
out a  tailboard  or  tail  gate  that  is  securely 
closed.  But  the  truck  in  the  Binghamton 
accident,  though  carrying  thirty-seven  per- 
sons a  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred 
miles,  had  no  tailboard  and  no  benches. 
Such  amenities  are  rarely  supplied  in  the 
trucks  that  do  the  daily  hauling  to  and 
from  the  fields,  and  sometimes  not  even 
in  trucks  that  bring  families  all  the  way 
from  Florida.  Said  one  driver  who  hauled 
a  "load  of  pickers"  more  than  1,100  miles 
from  the  South  to  New  York:  "They  pre- 
fer to  sit  on  their  suitcases." 

Attitudes  Must  Change 

Obviously,  one  way  to  improve  condi- 
tions among  the  migrant  families,  with- 
out whom  much  of  New  York's  abundant 
farm  produce  would  go  to  waste,  is  to  en- 
force existing  legislation.  This  is  the  first 
step  in  a  platform  prepared  by  the  New 
York  Consumers  League  as  a  result  of  its 
investigation.  The  war  emergency,  the 
league  maintains,  is  hardly  an  excuse  for 
violating  laws  which  were  flagrantly  ignored 
long  before  the  war,  and  probably  will 
continue  to  be  ignored  after  the  war  un- 
less definite  steps  are  taken  to  impose  recog- 
nition of  their  existence.  As  a  corollary 
to  this  recommendation,  the  league  urges 
the  elimination  of  their  practice  of  issuing 
temporary  permits  to  the  camps. 

Strict  law  enforcement,  however,  the 
league  insists,  must  be  accompanied  by 
other  more  positive  activities  if  appreciable 
improvements  are  to  be  achieved.  Among 
these,  the  league  recommends  additional 
legislation  to  bring  agricultural  workers 
in  under  the  protection  of  the  state  Mini- 
mum Wage  Law  and  under  the  Work- 
men's Compensation  Act.  Though  wages 
are  not  now  the  problem  they  were  be- 
fore the  war,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent 
them  from  falling  back  to  below  subsistence 
levels  as  soon  as  the  manpower  shortage  is 
relieved. 

Pointing  out  that  the  whole  problem 
of  insecurity  among  migrants  is  tied  up 
with  the  fact  that  they  have  no  way  of 
holding  the  farm  operators  or  padrones 
to  their  promises,  either  in  regard  to  wages 
or  living  conditions,  the  league  recom- 
mends the  regulation  of  labor  contractors 
through  a  system  of  state  licensing,  which 
would  require  the  use  of  written  contracts 
between  padrone  and  worker.  This  would 
extend  to  our  native  farm  workers  some 
of  the  security  now  being  enjoyed  by  the 
imported  Jamaicans  and  Bahamans. 

But  unless  the  prevailing  attitudes  among 
most  farmers  and  their  town  neighbors 
toward  the  men,  women,  and  children, 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


who  each  year  are  drawn  into  the  state 
to  gather  the  yield  of  a  generous  soil, 
can  be  transformed  into  friendliness  and  a 
positive  interest,  law  enforcement  will  at 
sest  be  sporadic  and  new  legislation  will 
DC  of  little  avail.  On  this  theory  the  league 
is  girding  itself  to  undertake  an  intensive 
public  education  program  in  the  farm  areas 
of  the  state.  It  has  been  encouraged  to 
find  alert  groups  in  scattered  areas  of  the 
state  who  are  already  working  on  this  prob- 
lem. 

When  the  realization  begins  to  dawn,  in 
Bouckville  and  Poolville  and  a  host  of  other 
communities,  that  crops  are  gathered  not  by 
"pickers"  but  by  people  who  feel  hunger, 
who  think,  tire,  love,  fear,  hope,  and  de- 
spair, then  a  force  will  be  generated  that 
will  begin  to  stretch  democracy's  tent  ropes 
to  take  in  these  long  excluded  outsiders. 


AGENDA  FOR  AMERICANS 

(Continued  from  page  14) 


some  ideas  thrown  out  to  get  us  started. 
A  preliminary  draft  prepared  by  the  steer- 
ing committee  is  now  before  you.  Each 
delegate  has  his  copy.  Your  task  is  to 
round  out  this  preliminary  draft;  take  it 
as  far  as  you  can,  as  deep  as  you  can,  while 
holding  general  agreement.  We  want  to 
obtain  maximum  agreement  among  our- 
selves. None  of  us  belongs  to  pressure 
groups,  but  some  of  us  have  pet  ideas. 
I  implore  you  to  drop  them  if  they  stand 
in  the  way  of  agreement.  It  isn't  you  who 
must  be  vindicated,  it  is  your  country. 
Broader  still,  it  is  democracy  which  must 
be  vindicated. 

We  are  sick  and  tired  of  hearing  it  said 
that  we  can  never  get  anywhere  because 
our  government  is  so  rotten — meaning,  in 
a  democracy,  that  we  are  rotten.  We  are 
sick  and  tired  of  running  around  in  circles 
wringing  our  hands  because  we  can  pro- 
duce so  much.  That  is  a  game  for  people 
in  a  mental  hospital,  not  for  civilized  men. 
The  war  has  interrupted  the  game,  but  if 
we  let  things  drift  die  mental  cases  will  be 
back. 

The  question  before  us  here  is  not 
whether  there  shall  be  government  inter- 
ference in  the  economy.  That  question  was 
settled  in  the  affirmative  by  the  first  admin- 
istration of  George  Washington,  when  cus- 
toms tariffs  were  enacted.  The  question 
before  us  here  is  what  tynd  of  government 
interference.  Will  it  be  to  subsidize  pow- 
erful pressure  groups,  or  to  keep  all  Amer- 
ica strong? 

•       •       • 

The  Chairman  took  out  his  handkerchief 
and  ran  it  across  his  forehead.  It  was  a 
hot  morning  in  Idaho.  Out  the  windows 
the  mountains  loomed  through  the  haze, 
and  the  pine  trees  on  their  flanks  looked 
green  and  cool. 

I  guess  that  is  all,  he  said.  Now  we  have 
to  go  to  work.  .  .  .  And  he  sat  down. 

There  was  very  little  applause.  The  men 
and  women  facing  him  knew  there  was 
nothing  to  celebrate.  A  milestone  in  the 
history  of  their  country  had  been  reached. 
If  it  was  to  be  safely  passed  it  meant  the 
hardest  kind  of  work. 

(In  answering 


SAVE  ALL  WASTE  PAPER  ESPECIALLY  HEAVY  BROWN  PAPER 


Two  VALUES  FOR  ONE 


Assured  Income  for  Life 


Joy  in  Helping  Others 


OUR  GUARANTEED  \j 
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Your  money  works  for  YOU  during  your  lifetime,  and  for  OTHERS  after 
you're  gone,  by  helping  to  finance  the  religious  and  charitable  program 
of  this  great  organization. 

A  SAFE,  DEPENDABLE   INVESTMENT 

1  It  guarantees  you  an  income  for  life  from  2Vi  to 
7%  according  to  age. 

2  It  is  thoroughly  safeguarded  by  certified  account- 
ing reports  and  is  backed  by  the  reputation  and 
resources  of  this  national  institution. 

3  It  has  the  legal  reserve  and  surplus  fund  protec- 
tion required  by  law. 

A  SOUND   ANNUITY  ...  AN   ACT  OF   CHARITY  .  .  . 
FOR   THE   SAME    INVESTMENT 

Gift  annuity  agreements  are  issued  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  New  York  State  Insurance  Department. 

Send  for  illustrated  booklet  for  full  details 


The  SALVATION  ARMY 

(A  New  York  Corporation) 

130  West  14th  Street  •  New  York  1 1,  N.  Y. 


Please  send  me  your  Annuity  Booklet  No.  25 
telling  about  your  plan  for  a  life  income  from  a  gift. 


Name       

Address 

Date  of  Birth. 


advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 
31 


THE  BOOKSHELF 


NEW  PAMPHLETS  ABOUT  CHILDREN 

Helpful  and  Authoritative 
Booklets  for  Parents 

WHAT    MAKES   A    GOOD    HOME? 15C 

WHAT    MAKES    GOOD    HABITS? ISc 

(both    for    25e) 
WHEN    CHILDREN    ASK    ABOUT    SEX.  .  .    2Sc 

DISCIPLINE:    WHAT    IS    IT? ISC 

TODAY'S  CHILDREN  FOR  TOMORROW'S 
WOULD:  A  Guide  to  the  Study  of  Children 
from  Infancy  to  SU  Years  (for  group 
leaden)  3OC 

Order   these   from   Dept.  S. 
CHILD    STUDY    ASSOCIATION    OF    AMERICA 

221   We.t   S7th   St.,  New  York   19,  N.  Y. 
and    write    for   complete   list    of   publications 


SECTARIAN   WELFARE   FEDERATION 
AMONG  PROTESTANTS 

by   Leonard   A.   Stidley 

A  comparative  study  of  the  I-rotestant.  Jewish,  and 
Roman  Catholic  Welfare  Federations  with  especial 
emphasis  upon  the  Federation  of  Protestant  Welfare 
Agencies.  Inc..  of  New  York  City.  Throws  light  upon 
the  nature  of  welfare  federation  throughout  the  coun- 

ASSOCIATION    PRESS 
347    Madison    Avenue  New    York    17,    N.    Y. 


BERNARD  SHAW  SAYS:  "The  future  belongs 
to  the  vegetarians."  Read  world-wide  develop- 
ments on  the  vegetarian  creed  which  numbered 
amonjr  its  disciples  Shelley,  Plato,  Rousseau. 
Pythagoras,  and  todav  includes  Mahatma  Gandhi 

VFrtTAo'ilw11  C.ipps>  '",THE  AMERICAN 
VEGETARIAN.  A  monthly  newspaper  of  8 
pages,  packed  with  features,  editorials,  news, 
special  articles,  personals,  etc.  Only  $1.00  for  12 
^o'r'/xr  issu£s'  THE  AMERICAN  VEGE- 
TARIAN, 117  West  48th  Street,  Dept.  S,  New 

THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  NURSING 
•hows  the  part  which  professional  nurses  take  in 
the  betterment  of  the  world.  Put  it  in  your 

NVw^Y    *k'°N  "  year'     17'°   Broadwa'r  at  S8   St- 

FOREIGN  LANGUAGE  DICTIONARIES 

DICTIONARIES  AND  GRAMMARS 

For   10J    LUUOUUKH.     Catalog    Free 

Schomhofs.    Boi   *.    Harraril    Stiuara, 

Cambridge.    Uusutauett* 

_  |  _  LANGUAGES  _ 

PHONOGRAPH  COURSES.  Mail  Orders.  All 
M«ke«.  Bookl«  G.  LANGUAGE  SERVICE,  IS 
E«t  41»t  St..  New  York  17,  N.  Y. 

29  LANGUAGES  BY  LINGUAPHONE.  Russian, 
Spanish,  Portuguese  —  Direct  conversational 
method  for  mastering  any  language  quickly, 


New    York   20.     CI    7-0830. 


SPANISH,    RUSSIAN,    FRENCH,   all   other   Lan 
guages.        Phonograph     Courses.        Bought,     Sold 

Y^^N.  YV    M£Y?07 


PROFESSIONAL  SERVICES 


SPECIAL  articles,  theses,  speeches,  papers.  Re- 
search, revisjon,  bibliographies,  etc.  Over  twenty 
years'  experience  serving  busy  professional  per- 
sons Prompt  service  extended.  AUTHORS 
RESEARCH  BUREAU,  516  Fifth  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 


ORIGINAL  SERMONS,  SPEECHES,  LEC- 
TURES, Club  Papers,  professionally  prepared. 
Criticism,  rewriting,  plotting,  ghostwriting  of 
book-length  manuscripts,  short-stories,  feature 
articles.  Testimonials  galore.  Printed  Lectures, 
Sermons  and  Outlines  also  furnished.  FREE 
Circular.  Dept.  "S."  Continental  Writers'  & 
Speakers'  Bureau,  210  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 


HELEN  GUILES,  Literary  Agent.  Short  stories, 
current  articles,  book  manuscripts  and  poetry  ex- 
pertly criticised  and  marketed.  131  West  69th 
Street,  New  York  City. 


MANUSCRIPT  TYPING:  INTELLIGENT, 
prompt,  inexpensive.  Ambassador  Office  Service, 
17  East  48th  Street,  New  York.  WI  2-1127. 


MANUSCRIPT  TYPING,  also  Stenotype  Report- 
ing, Mimeographing.  Prompt,  efficient  service ; 
reasonable  rates.  ROLEN  REPORTERS,  351 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Dickens 
2-0296. 


WE  PUBLISH,  PRINT  and  DISTRIBUTE  your 
manuscripts  in  pamphlet  and  bonk  form.  Folder 
B.  WILLIAM-FREDERICK  PRESS:  Pamphlet 
Distributing  Company,  313  West  35th  Street, 
New  York  1. 


COFFEE 


CONNOISSEURS,  GOURMETS,  people  who  know 
coffee.  .  .  .  Famous  blend,  rich,  winey  taste, 
unforgettable  aroma.  Send  $1  for  trial  package — 
2  pounds  postpaid.  Specify  grind.  Richard  H. 
Toeplitz,  Suite  205,  342  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York  17,  N.  Y. 


COLOR  REPRODUCTIONS 


SET  OF  TWELVE  color  reproductions,  includes 
Brueghel,  Cezanne,  Eakins,  Renoir,  Picasso, 
Degas  and  other  masters.  Averapre  size  10x12". 
Excellent  for  framing  for  home  Decoration.  $4.95 
for  set.  Worth  $10.00.  Irisam  Studio,  291  Lin- 
coln Place,  Brooklyn,  New  York. 


INDIAN  PIPE 


SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


BOOKPLATES 


FREE      CATALOG,      showing      several      hundred 

beautiful  designs. 
ANTIOCH    BOOKPLATES,    Box   218,   Yellow   Springs,    Ohio 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical "social  work  oositinns. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


EMPLOYERS  AND  APPLICANTS:  Our  simph- 
ned,  confidential  service  brings  the  right  person* 
together  quickly  and  at  surprisingly  small  cost. 
Just  send  us  complete  details  of  the  administrative 
or  staff  position  you  have  open  or  desire,  together 
with  a  three  months  service  fee  ot  $3.00.  (No 
other  charges!)  Descriptions  of  openings  are 
mailed  only  to  most  likely  candidates,  who,  if 
interested  then  apply  direct  to  employers  on  spe- 
cial forms  we  furnish.  Central  Registry  Service, 
109  South  Sunwood,  Columbus  9,  Ohio. 

PAROLE  OFFICER— Male.  New  York  State  resi- 
rlents.  Vacancies  principally  in  New  York  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  7'/,%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679, 
Albany,  New  York. 


THOROUGHLY  TRAINED  AND  EXPERI- 
ENCED Case  Work  Director  and  two  Senior 
Case  Workers  needed  immediately,  suitable  salary 
and  permanent  employment  assured.  Must  have 
had  college,  School  of  Social  Work  experience 
and  some  years  of  actual  case  work  and  super- 
visory experience  with  reputable  children's 
agency.  Apply,  furnishing  references  as  to  char- 
acter, health,  habits,  education,  experience,  etc., 
to  The  Children's  Home  Society  of  Florida,  403 
Consolidated  Blcig.,  Jacksonville  2,  Florida. 


CASE  WORKERS  in  family  service  and  child 
placement  departments  by  Jewish  Agency  where 
staff  members  participate  in  community  planning 
and  extension  of  service  to  meet  wartime  needs. 
Good  opportunities  for  advancement.  Salary  range 
$1760.00  to  $2760.00.  7957  Survey. 


SPECIAL  WORKER— in  Jewish  multiple  lervice 
case  work  agency  to  carry  selected  case  load  and 
assume  special  respoasibilties  involving  community 
organization  and  interpretation.  Salary  range 
$2400  to  $3500.  79*6  Survey. 


EXECUTIVE  WANTED.  Jewish  Welfare  Society 
of  Seattle,  Washington,  is  looking  for  an  execu- 
tive director  who  is  a  graduate  of  an  accredited 
graduate  school  and  a  member  of  the  American 
Association  of  Social  Work,  with  psychiatric  or 
child  welfare  experience.  A  person  who  is  capable 
of  taking  part  in  community  activities.  High 
standards  and  good  salary  are  maintained. 


OPPORTUNITIES      AVAILABLE— WANTED— 

(a)  Director  of  social  service  department,  350-bed 
hospital — bed  capacity  to  be  increased  to  500 
within  year;  minimum  starting  salary,  $250; 
East.  (b)  Several  psychiatric  social  workers; 
large  charity  hospital  located  short  distances  from 
university  medical  center  and  several  large  cities; 
salaries  range  from  $2500  to  $3000;  Middle  West, 
(c)  Psychiatric  social  worker;  state  hospital; 
$200,  complete  maintenance;  town  of  75,000, 
Middle  West.  SG1-1.  Burneice  Larson,  Director, 
The  Medical  Bureau,  Palmolive  Building,  Chi- 
cago, Illinois. 


WANTED:  Family  Case  Worker  for  new  commu- 
nity social  agency  created  and  controlled  by  or- 
ganized labor,  both  A.  F.  of  L.  and  the  C.  I.  O. 
Union  Organization  for  Social  Service,  411  Cooper 
Street,  Camden,  New  Jersey.  Tel:  Ca.  1815. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 


MAN,    31,    M.S.W.,    five    years    experience:     case 

worker,  supervisor,  executive  small,  non-sectarian 
family  agency,  desires  position  with  agency  or  on 
faculty  school  of  social  work  in  community  with 
sailboating1  facilities.  Approximate  salary  $4000. 
8078  Survey. 


YOUNG  WOMAN,  16  years'  experience  in  various 
branches  of  social  work  including  case  work,  pub- 
lic relations,  desires  connection.  8077  Survey. 


SCHOOL  OF  NURSING 


SCHOOL  OF  NURSING  of  Yale  University 

A  PraffMtttn  /or  thf  '  o/l««.  Woman 

in   Intensive  and   basic  eiperience  In  the  various  branches  of  nursing  Is 
offered  during  the  twemy-eteht  months'  course  which  leads  to  the  degree  of 

MASTER   OF   NURSING 

A    Kn.-hclor's    decree    In    arts,    science    or    philosophy    from    a   college   of 
•uproved  standing  is  required  for  admission. 

for  Catalog**  and   Information  addraiit 

The  Dean,  YALE  SCHOOL  OF  NURSING 

New    Haven,    Connecticut 


BACK  THE  ATTACK 
WITH  WAR  BONDS 


SIMMONS   COLLECE 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  MS 

Medical  Social  Work 

Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Bearon  Hill,  Boston 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

32 


Western    Reserve    University 

SCHOOL  OF  APPLIED 
SOCIAL  SCIENCES 


Social  Work  Prepares 

"For  the  Task 
That  Lies  Ahead" 

Apply  Now 
Next  Session  Begins  February  12 

Write 

Admission  Office 

2117  Adalbert  Road 

Cleveland  6,  Ohio 


Why  can't  slum  clearance 

and  decent  housing 
be  left  to  private  enterprise? 

NATHAN  STRAUS 

Fii-st  Administrator  of  the  U.  S.  Housing  Authority 

answers  irrefutably  this  question 
and  every  question  advanced  by 
the  enemies  of  public  housing 


MYTHS 
OF  HOUSING 

With  proven  facts,  graphic  charts  and  tables,  the 
one  man  in  America  best  qualified  to  discuss  low- 
cost  housing  strikes  at  the  heart  of  this  vital  and 
controversial  subject.  THE  SEVEN  MYTHS  OF 
HOUSING  has  three  objectives.  The  first:  to  show 
that  slum  conditions  in  town  and  country  can  be 
eliminated  only  by  a  program  of  subsidized  public 
housing.  The  second:  to  disprove  the  many  argu- 
ments now  being  secretly  but  powerfully  urged 
against  a  federal  housing  program.  The  third:  to 
offer  a  specific  plan  for  better  housing  conditions 
in  the  post-war  period. 

At  all  bookstores  •  fi.f; 


ALFRED  A. KNOPF.  501  Madison  Ave..N.Y.2g 


SMITH    COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Open*  June,  1945 

The  Accelerated  Coarse  provides  two  years  of 
academic  credits,  covering  two  quarters  of  theory, 
three  quarters  of  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
meet  the  complex  problems  of  postwar  rehabilitation. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 

Contents  for  December  1944 

Medical     Social     Work     in     the     Vocational     Rehabilitation 
Program  Eleanor  Cockerill 

A    Task    for    Social    Work    in    Connection    with    Psychiatric 
Rehabilitation  Helen  Witmtr  and  Phebe  Rich 

Abstracts  of  Theses:  Smith  College  School  for  Social  Work, 
1944 

For  further  information  write  to 

THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


®ntoer*ttp  of  Chicago 

School  of  Jtfocixt    S>txmtt  Ainmniatrsttim 
Spring  quarter  begins  March  26,  1945 


Academic  Year,  1945-46 

Summer  Quarter,  1945 

(1)  Full  quarter  credit  courses,  includ- 
ing Field  Work,  ten  weeks,  June  25 
— August  31. 

(2)  Special  three  week  courses,  carrying 
University   credit,   for   experienced 
social  workers. 

Autumn  Quarter  begins  October  2 
Winter  Quarter  begins  January  2 
Spring  Quarter  begins  March  25 


THE  SOCIAL  SERVICE  REVIEW 

Edited  by  Edith  Abbott 
A  Professional  Quarterly  for  Social  Workers 


NOW!  Enjoy  Learning  to  Speak 

SPANISH 

Only  15  Minutes  a  Day! 


Learn  as  a  child  learns— by  LISTENING  to  native 
instructors  on  these  brand  new  CORTINA  RECORDS! 


RUbt  in  your  llTinK  room  your  In- 
structors l*tt  to  you  in  even-day 
Spanish  —  Just  like  any  native 
would,  on  the  streets,  in  shops,  io 
offices  of  any  Latin  American  city. 
The  whole  family  enjoys  learning 
Spanish—this  easy  Cortina  way. 


Doing  business 
with  our  I*tln 
American  cus- 
tomers is  so 
much  more  prof- 
lUble  and  en- 
}orable  when  >cni 
•peak  their  lan- 
ruate. 


Mow  much  more 
the  pleasures 
South  of  the 
Rto  Grande 
will  mean  to 
you  when  you 
really  under- 
stand the  lan- 


DO  YOU  realize  how 
much  it  can  mean  to 
you  to  speak  and  under- 
stand Spanish? 

A  whole  new  world  of 
opportunity  is  opening  up 
south  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
Take  advantage  of  these 
opportunities  there,  or 
cash  in  on  them  here  at 
hontf!  Millions  of  dollars 
are  invested — more  mil- 
lions are  being  laid  out 
every  week — to  devejop 
the  endless  industrial, 
mining,  farming,  engi- 
neering and  other  re- 
sources of  Mexico,  Cuba, 
Panama,  Central  and 
South  America.  The  im- 
mense volume  of  bus- 
ness  and  travel  with 
our  100,000,090  Spanish- 
speaking  neighbors  is 
calling  for  men  and 
women  who  can  speak 
their  language,  be  friends 
with  them  instead  of 
merely  "foreigners" ! 

It's   today's   biggest   chance 
— a  business  and   social   part- 
nership    that     present     world 
conditions  have  made  us  real- 


ize as  nothing  else  could. 
And  right  here  in  the  United 
States  there  are  countless 
openings  for  correspondents, 
sales  agents  and  managers, 
clerks,  mechanics,  secretaries, 
stenographers,  engineers,  men 
and  women  who  know  Span- 
ish, who  can  talk  with  cus- 
tomers when  they  arrive  and 
correspond  with  them  when 
they've  gone  back  home  I 

The  Air  Lines  are  fast 
bringing  about  a  whole  new 
world  tor  you,  as  an  Ameri- 
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time  you  won't  be  satisfied 
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SURVEV 


3O  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


GRAPHIC 


Air  Age  Transportation 

by  William  Fielding  Ogburn 

Bridges  to  the  Future  by  James  T.  Shotwell 
Health:  Today  and  Tomorrow  by  Michael  M.  Davis 
Postwar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment  by  Mabel  Newcomer 
'n  the  Calendar  of  Our  Consciences  by  Justine  and  Shad  Polier 
Icoholism— Abraham  Myerson,  M.  D.     Letters  &  Life— Harry  Hansen 


A  Special  New  Republic  Supplement — Just  Issued 

The  Challenge  to  Progressives 

by  James  G.  Patton  and  James  Loeb  Jr. 


(President,  National  Farmers'  Union) 


(Director,  Union  for  Democratic  Action) 


Including  an  8-page  chart  which  completes  the  voting  record  of  the  (last)  78th  Congress 
on  all  vital  issues,  lists  the  new  Congressmen,  and  gives  by  a  tabulation  of  votes 
the  margin  of  victory  in  the  last  election  of  all  present  members  of  Senate  and  House 


1.    The    New    Political    Era 

What  will  be  the  situation  of  the  Progressive 
without  FDR  on  the  ballot? 


2.  Toward    a    Realistic   Program 

What's  wrong  with.  Liberal  programs?  Why 
does  a  platform  have  to  consist  of  more  than 
merely  desirable  planks? 

3.  A   New   Political    Strategy 

What  are  the  periods  through  which  the  coun- 
try has  gone  in  Roosevelt's  first  three  adminis- 
trations? What  alternatives  confront  the  fourth 
term? 


4.  Who    Are    the    Progressives? 

What  social  groups  in  America  must  and  can 
be  won  over  to  the  cause  of  progressivism? 
What  is  to  be  done  about  the  farmer,  the  non- 
political  trade  unionist,  the  independent  voter, 
the  returning  veteran? 

5.  The    Parties 

What  are  the  progressive  potentialities  of  the 
major  parties?  The  possibilities  of  a  national 
third  party? 

6.  Conclusion 

What  can  Progressives  do  now?  What  is  needed 
.  programmatically,  organizationally  and  psycho- 
logically? What  is  the  role  of  "professionals"? 
What  are  the  responsibilities  of  the  Progres- 
sives today? 


This  penetrating  and  non-doctrinaire  study 
is  as  timely  as  it  is  necessary.  Written  by 
what  might  be  termed  two  "professionals" 
of  long  and  distinguished  standing  in  the 
progressive  ranks,  the  supplement  sees  the 
present  situation  confronting  liberals  for 
what  it  is  and  the  effective  possible  courses 
of  action  that  can  be  taken  to  meet  it.  Theirs 
is  no  idle  discussion  carried  on  in  terms  of 


"What  could  be  done  if,"  but  rather  in  terms 
of  "What  can  bb  done  because."  Here  is 
analysis,  appraisal,  proposal,  that  is  realis- 
tic, plain-spoken,  hard-hitting  and  confi- 
dent. It  adds  up  in  short  to  a  CHAL- 
LENGE that  you  and  every  other  Progres- 
sive will  sooner  or  later  have  to  read. 
Copies  of  the  supplement  are  available 
separately  at  our  usual  low  quantity  rates. 


Prices:  1  copy  lOc;  16  for  $1 ;  34  for  $2;  90  for  $5 


THE  NEW  REPUBLIC 

40  East  49th  Street,  New  York  17,  N.  Y. 

For  the  enclosed please  send  me  postpaid copies  of  THE  CHALLENGE  TO 

PROGRESSIVES. 


Name   City 

Street   .  . .  State 


<    1-2-4S 


J 


A  non-partisan,  non-profit,  educational  society  or- 
ganized in  1912  (o  promote  the  common  welfare 


PUBLISHERS  OF  SURVEY  GRAPHIC  AND  SURVEY  MIDMONTHLY       •       112  EAST  19  STREET      •       NEW  YORK  3,  N.  Y. 


OFFICERS 

RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  President 
ACNES  BROWN  LEACH,  Vice  President 
JOHN  PALMER  CAVIT,  Vice  President 
PAUL  KELLOGG,   Editor 
ANN  REED  BRENNER,  Secretary 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS:  Joseph  P.  Chamberlain,  Chairman. 


DOROTHY  L.  BERNHARD 
JACOB   BILLIKOPF 
NELLIE  LEE  BOK 
EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN 
EARL  C.   HARRISON 
RALPH    HAYES 


SIDNEY   HILLMAN 
FRED  K.  HOEHLER 
BLANCHE   ITTLESON 
ALVIN   JOHNSON 
EDITH  MORGAN  KING 


W.  W.   LANCASTER 
AGNES  BROWN  LEACH 
WILLIAM   M.  LEISERSON 
THOMAS   I.  PARKINSON 
JUSTINE  WISE  POLIER 


WILLIAM   ROSENWALD 
BEARDSLEY    RUML 
EDWARD  L.  RYERSON 
LOWELL  SHUMWAY 
HAROLD  H.  SWIFT 
ORDWAY  TEAD 


To  Every  Member  of  Survey  Associates: 

On  January  1,  1945 — for  the  first  time  in  a  decade — our 
Membership  Roster  exceeded  2,100  at  the  turn  of  the  year.  In 
the  course  of  1944,  members  and  contributors  backed  our  ad- 
venturous program  the  first  six  months;  stood  by  in  tough 
going  the  second  six;  and  saw  us  through  on  December  31. 

Beyond  all  peradventure,  our  exploratory  work  in  these 
critical  times  hangs  on  your  sustained  participation.  That  has 

• — made  possible  our  service  of  inquiry  and  interpreta- 
tion in  fields  of  the  common  welfare  and  the 
tested  procedures  which  give  it  validity; 

• — made  for  growth  in  circulation — which  in  regular 
and  special  numbers  wins  hearings  from  4  to  40 
times  that  of  reports  and  ordinary  books  dealing 
with  kindred  subject  matter. 

Without  advance  pledges  in  the  early  months  of  1944,  it  would 
have  been  foolhardy  for  us  to  have  projected: 

American  Russian  Frontiers — Survey  Graphic  for  Feb- 
ruary. Ninth  in  our  CALLING  AMERICA 
series  of  specials  which  go  back  to  Munich. 

Juvenile  Delinquency  —  Survey  Midmonthly  for 
March;  with  its  promptings  for  concerted  action 
in  our  domestic  life,  now  and  after  the  war. 

The  Call  of  Our  Cities — Survey  Graphic  for  April; 
with  its  canvass  of  possibilities  for  urban  de- 
velopment and  postwar  housing. 

These  projects  gave  a  shove  to  record  circulation  showings  by 
mid-years — which,  in  turn,  gave  us  momentum  to  weather  a 
fall  quarter  preoccupied  with  presidential  elections.  (Off-season 
for  a  non-political  venture  like  ours.) 

Gain  in  Our  "Educational  Reach" 

With  result,  that  we  entered  1945  with  an  overall  subscrip- 
tion list  of  34,000 — a  gain  of  18%  over  a  year  ago.  During 
the  twelve  months,  each  of  two  special  numbers  reached  cir- 
culations more  than  twice  that  figure: — 

Graphic  special,  American  Russian  Frontiers,  long 
since  in  2nd  edition.  Combined  circulation  of 
CALLING  AMERICA  series— half  a  million. 

Midmonthly  special,  American  Ploughshares  (Au- 
gust) ,  fourth  in  a  series  reinforcing  annual  drives 
on  which  hang  fortunes  of  social  agencies,  at 
home  and  overseas.  Combined  circulation  • —  a 
quarter  million. 

A  Committee  of  Librarians  (Harper's)  selects  "10  Out- 
standing Articles  of  the  Month  in  American  Magazines."  In 
1944,  one  out  of  ten  of  them  was  from  Survey  Graphic: — 


February  Meet  the  Russian  People 

March  American   Postwar  Potentials 

May  Blazing  New  Legislative  Trails 

Civilian   Internment — American  Way 
June  Germans  and  the  German  Problem 

Trouble  at  the  Grass  Roots 

July  On  Being  An  American 

August  Allies  in  Exile 

September  Labor  in  Politics 

October  Screening  and  Remaking  Men 

November  The  Nazis'  Last  Front 

UNRRA  On  the  March 
December  Big  Government 


Albert  Rhys  Williams 

Randall  S.  Williams 

Phillips  Bradley 

Earl  G.  Harrison 

Egon  Ranshofen-Wertheimer 

Eduard  C.  Lindeman 

Felix  Frankfurter 

George  Soloveytchik 

Beulah  Amidon 

Flanders  Dunbar,  M.D. 

Paul  Hagen 

Herbert  H  Lehman 

Stuart  Chase 


To  Every  Reader  of  Survey  Graphic: 

We  invite  each  and  all  of  you  to  join  the  fellowship  of  Sur- 
vey Associates  in  this  New  Year. 

Our  Memorandum  to  Members  (in  the  adjoining  column) 
will  show  you  how  genuinely  in  1944  our  members  helped  us 
breast  the  stresses  of  one  war  year.  Clues,  also,  to  how  much 
they  will  mean  in  making  the  most  of  our  service  to  another. 

For  example,  in  underpinning  the  10th  of  our  CALLING 
AMERICA  series — a  Survey  Graphic  special  on  THE  BRITISH 
AND  OURSELVES,  which  current  developments  make  all  the 
more  imperative  as  our  next  "adventure  in  understanding". 

A  first  charge  on  Survey  Midmonthly  in  the  months  ahead  is 
to  appraise  developments  bound  up  in  the  fortunes  of  dis- 
charged service  men  and  dislocated  war  workers. 

Our  January  Graphic  carried  forward  the  series  on  watersheds 
as  "footholds  for  revival"  (Morris  L.  Cooke,  consultant)  and 
introduced  a  new  series  on  the  social  impact  of  science,  spurred 
on  by  the  war  (Waldemar  Kaempffert,  consultant).  In  this  is- 
sue, come  instalments  by  two  regular  contributors  hereafter: 

Prof.  James  T.  Shotwell,  historian  of  World  War  I, 
chairman  of  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Or- 
ganization of  Peace — who  will  illuminate  moves 
in  liquidating  the  war  and  in  fabricating  security. 

Dr.  Michael  M.  Davis,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Research  in  Medical  Economics — a  lay  authority 
in  fields  ranging  from  medical  care  to  the  insur- 
ances; editor  of  our  new  health  department. 

The  publishing  receipts  of  our  periodicals  cover  their  pub- 
lishing expenses.  They  are  the  "carriers"  for  that  work  of 
swift  research  and  interpretation  which  is  the  prime  justification 
for  our  existence  as  an  educational  society,  and  for  our  in- 
vitation to  you  to  become  a  $10  cooperative  member. 

If  you  feel  that  you,  yourself,  might  share  in  what  we  call 
our  "living  endowment",  //  would  give  a  lift  to  our  spirits  in 
doing  justice  to  the  opportunities  which  press  in  upon  us  month 
by  month. 

Such  claims  are  inveterate — and  our  needs  ever  so  urgent  in 
these  times. 


Sincerely, 


Editor 


For  Your  Convenience  .  .  . 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  Inc.,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 
Enroll  me  as  a  $10  Cooperating  Member  of  Survey  Associates. 

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Name 


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Address 


A  membership  Includes  a  joint  subscription  to  Survey  Graphic 
and  Survey  Midmonthly  for  the  12  months  the  membership  runs. 
We  shall  be  glad  to  send  the  balance  of  your  present  subscription 
to  a  friend  of  your  choice  or  to  a  war  camp  library. 


SURVE\  GRAPHIC  for  February.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  2.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES.  INC.  Publication  Office  34 
North  Crystal  Street.  East  Stroudsburu.  Pa.  Editorial  and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street.  New  York  3.  N.  Y.  Price  this  Issue  30  cents:  $3  a  year;  Foreim 
postage  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents.  Entered  as  second  class  matter  on  June  22.  1940  at  the  post  office  at  East  Stroudsbure.  I'a.,  under  the  Act  of  March 
3.  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  In  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  3,  1917,  authorized  Dec.  21.  1921.  1'rtoted  In  U.S.A. 


Gun  crew  officers,  in  helmets  and  flash 
gear,  keep  careful  watch  following  an 
attack  on  their  carrier.  Action  took  place 
in  the  Southwest  Pacific.  Officer  at  right 
is  relaying  observations  by  telephone. 


Ite  ****** 

4  **        ^»t  o* 


J.HE  telephone  and  radio  on  ships  and  planes 
have  made  a  vast  change  in  naval  warfare. 

Our  Navy  has  more  of  these  things  than  any 
other  navy  in  the  world.  The  battleship  Wis- 
consin alone  has  enough  telephones  to  serve  a 
city  of  10,000. 

A  great  part  of  this  naval  equipment  comes 
from  the  Western  Electric  Company,  manufac- 
turing branch  of  the  Bell  System. 

That  helps  to  explain  why  we  here  at  home 
are  short  of  telephones  and  switchboards. 


BELL     TELEPHONE     SYSTEM 


Among  Ourselves 

I  HERE  is  A  HOLIDAY  GREETING  WHICH  is  TIMELY 
•  in  February,  and  through  all  the  shadowed 
1  months  of  war.  We  are  privileged  to  reprint, 
I  in  part,  "Peace  on  Earth,"  written  for  the  New 
1  School  Bulletin  of  December  25,  by  Alvin 
I  Johnson,  director  of  the  School,  and  a  member 
I  of  the  board  of  Survey  Associates: 

"Peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men.  Or 
should  we  read,  Peace  on  earth  to  men  of 
if  good  will?  The  manuscripts  vary,  and  all  of 
ij!  them  are  uncertain  of  interpretation.  I  prefer 
I  the  former.  I,  a  miserable  sinner  before  the 
J  Lord,  am  yet  capable  of  wishing  sincerely 
ij;  peace  on  earth  to  men  of  good  will.  .  .  . 

"But  it  was  a  choir  of  angels  that  sang  peace 
I  on  earth.  I  doubt  that  angels  would  have  sung 
I  a  limited  liability  prayer.  Peace  on  earth,  good 
|i|  will  to  men  is  a  sentiment  more  fitting.  It  is 
|  a  sentiment  of  great  splendor,  and  great  wis- 
lij  dom.  For  there  will  never  be  peace  on  earth 
i()  for  men  of  good  will  until  there  is  good  will 
|  for  all  men,  men  of  all  races  and  colors  and 
1  creeds;  even  men  sullied  with  vices  and 
I  gangrened  with  crime. 

"How  long,  O  Lord,  how  long!  Nineteen 
I  hundred  and  forty-four  years  have  passed  over 
I  the  world;  but  millions  of  men  are  locked  in 
I  deadly  strife,  men  and  women  and  little  chil- 

I  dren   are   being  done   wantonly   to   death   by 
|  men   of  the  seed  of  wolves  and   jackals.    In 

II  His  own  time,  we  must  say. 

".  .  .  Each  age  has  its  sufficient  reason  for 

I  despair.  Yet  all  through  the  ages  the  song  of 

!  the  angels  has  sounded,  faintly  over  the  clash- 

l  ing  of  arms  or  clearly  over  the  sleeping  plains 

I  and  sheltered  valleys,  Peace  on  earth,  good  will 

I  to  men. 

"We  are  nearer  to  its  realization  today. 

I  Slowly  but  surely  the  life  is  being  ground  out 

I  of  the  savage  enemies  of  peace.  The  racial  and 

|  national  bigotry  we  all  entertained  in  our 

i  breasts  in  greater  or  less  measure,  has  been 

I  stamped  indelibly  as  potential  murder.  .  .  . 

I  More  millions  are  trying  to  cast  it  out  than 

I  ever  before.  More  millions  than  ever  before 

I  are  determined  upon  a  world  organization  that 

I  will  preclude  war.  Of  itself  this  will  not  bring 

I  the  peace  of  the  angels;  but  it  will  prepare 

I  the  way  for  peace." 

Co-op  Freedom  Fund 

A     FUND    TO    HELP    CONFISCATED,    BOMBED,    AND 

scattered  cooperatives  in  Europe  and  Asia  get 
on  their  feet  after  the  war  is  being  collected 
!  by  the  Cooperative  League  of  the  USA.  Co-ops 
proved  their  worth  as  instruments  of  rehabilita- 
tion after  the  last  war.  UNRRA  and  private 
agencies  are  committed  to  using  them  as  dis- 
tribution agencies  where  they  exist.  The  Co-op 


In  January  Survey  Midmonthly 

Public  Welfare  Faces  the  Unknown 

by  Kathryn  Close 
The  In-Migrant   "Menace" 

by  Jack.  Yeaman  Bryan 
When    Pin-Setters    Are    Children 

by  Kate  Cliigston 

Regardless  of  Race  by  Kathryn  J.  Sample 

The  Blind  Are  Not  Apart 

by  M.  Michael  Gtfjner 
A   State   Cancer   Program   by   Alice   June   Dritz 


VOL.  XXXIV  CONTENTS 

Survey  Graphic  for  February  1945 


No.  2 


Cover:  Helicopter,  Courtesy  Aviation  News 

James  T.  Shotwell:  Photograph  36 

Bridges  to  the  Future JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  37 

Health — Today  and  Tomorrow MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  40 

Joe  Doakes,  Patriot *. MIRIAM  ALLEN  DEFoRD  43 

No.  1  Prison:  Photographs 44 

On  the  Calendar  of  Our  Consciences JUSTINE  and  SHAD  POLIER  47 

Roads  to  Alcoholism ABRAHAM  MYERSON,  M.D.  49 

"An  Ordinary  American"  KATHRYN  CLOSE  52 

Air  Age  Transportation WILLIAM  FIELDING  OGBURN  55 

Aircraft  for  Postwar  Needs:  Photographs 56 

Postwar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment MABEL  NEWCOMER  60 

Clean  Sweep  in  Puerto  Rico MARJORIE  R.  CLARK  63 

"My  Happy  Days":  Photographs 66 

Letters  and  Life 68 

To  Be  Young,  Poor,  and  Black HARRY  HANSEN  68 

An  Author  Replies:  A  Communication Louis  H.  PINK  75 

Copyright,   1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publication  Office:   34  North  Crystal   Street,   East   Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH 
P.  CHAMBERLAIN,  EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN,  EARL  G.  HARRISON,  RALPH  HAYES,  SIDNEY  HILLMAN,  FRED 
K.  HOEHLER,  BLANCHE  ITTLESON,  ALVIN  JOHNSON,  EDITH  MORGAN  KING,  WILLIAM  W.  LANCASTER, 
AGNES  BROWN  LEACH,  WILLIAM  M.  LEISERSON,  THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIEH, 
WILLIAM  ROSENWALD,  BEARDSLEY  RUML,  EDWARD  L.  RYERSON,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL 
SHUMWAY,  HAROLD  H.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY  TEAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG.        . 

Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AMIDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL,  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN, 
KATHRYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HARRY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOEB  KEL- 
LOGG, LOULA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEON  WHIPPLE.  Contributing  editors:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KURTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MARY  Ross, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDON;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  Representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

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Freedom  Fund  will  be  used  to  rebuild  shat- 
tered warehouses  and  stores,  to  return  leaders 
and  employes  to  their  communities,  to  train 
competent  new  people.  The  establishment  of 
the  fund  was  part  of  the  centennial  celebration 
of  Rochdale  Day.  It  was  on  December  21, 
1844,  that  the  first  Toad  Lane  Co-op  store 
opened  for  business. 

"Sweating  It  Out" 

SOME  GI's  AREN'T  WAITING  FOR  EDUCATORS  AND 
community  agencies  to  look  after  their  post- 
war adjustment — they  are  briskly  tackling  that 
themselves.  Witness  "Sweating  It  Out,  a  Per- 
sonal Bulletin  About  Private  and  Not  So  Pri- 
vate Matters"  a  copy  of  which  recently  landed 


in  our  office.  The  Bulletin,  mimeographed  on 
both  sides  of  a  single  sheet,  is  "the  pet  recrea- 
tion" of  its  editor,  Pfc.  Jerome  E.  Klein.  The 
purpose  is  to  "help  get  acquainted"  with 
people  on  whom  Pfc.  Klein  "hopes  to  call 
later,"  because  "landing  a  public  relations  posi- 
tion is  Number  One  on  my  list  of  postwar 
plans."  The  paper  is  made  up  of  cheerful  bits 
about  AUS  life  in  France.  For  example: 

"The  food  here  is  good — when  it  is  delivered 
to  our  kitchen.  We  do  get  the  best,  despite  the 
efforts  of  our  cooks.  The  other  day,  the  mess 
sergeant  had  a  smile  on  his  face  when  the  men 
lined  up  for  chow.  'Dinner's  going  to  be  dif- 
ferent tonight,  boys,'  he  said,  'I  just  found  out 
you  add  water  to  these  dehydrated  foods'." 


Blackstone 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 
His  series  "Bridges  to  the  Future"  begins  now 


Through  good  fortune,  the  readers  of  Survey  Graphic 
will  be  able,  month  by  month,  to  see  developments  in  the 
tough  process  of  fabricating  a  new  world  through  his  eyes 
as  chairman  of  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organiza- 
tion of  Peace.  There  are  few  such  eyes. 

The  studies  of  that  voluntary  commission  over  the  past 
six  years  have  thrown  light  on  issues  that  are  coming 
to  the  fore  from  Dumbarton  Oaks  to  the  farthest  of  the 
seven  seas.  Moreover,  Mr.  Shotwell's  books,  "On  the  Rim 
of  the  Abyss"  (1936),  and  "What  Germany  Forgot" 
(1940),  "The  Great  Decision"  (1944),  have  stood  for 
clarity,  dependable  forecast,  and  the  rare  gift  of  express- 
ing the  hopes  and  common  sense  of  humankind  in  words 
that  chime  in  our  hearts. 

•«••»••»• 

So  far  as  background  goes,  consider  the  150  volumes 
making  up  the  economic  and  social  History  of  World 
War  I  and  some  30  volumes  exploring  Canadian-Ameri- 
can relations  as  crucial  to  the  Western  Hemisphere. 
Professor  Shotwell  edited  both  series  as  director  of  the 
Division  of  Economics  and  History  of  the  Carnegie  En- 
dowment for  International  Peace.  There  is  no  other 


such   research  authority  in  fields  which  have  taken  on 
emergent  significance  in  these  critical  years. 

Bryce  Professor  of  the  History  of  International  Rela- 
tions, he  has  been  a  member  of  the  history  department 
of  Columbia  University  since  1900.  That,  in  a  sense,  has 
been  home  base  for  his  activities.  In  1917-18,  he  was  a 
member  of  "The  Inquiry" — the  American  preparatory 
committee  for  Versailles.  In  1918-19,  he  was  chief  of  the 
division  of  history  and  member  of  the  International  Labor 
Legislation  Commission  at  the  Peace  Conference  in  Paris. 
In  1919,  he  was  American  member  of  the  organizing 
committee  of  the  International  Labor  Conference. 
•*••»•  + 

Small  wonder  that  medals  from  half  a  dozen  govern- 
ments attest  to  such  services.  Or  that  he  has  been  called 
in  as  a  frequent  counselor  at  Washington  in  the  1940's. 

Clues,  also,  to  why  an  expert  in  research,  an  authority 
in  fields  that  occupy  the  stage  of  wartime  public  concern, 
he  welcomes  the  opportunity  to  put  the  quintessence  of 
his  current  thinking  before  a  group  of  readers  who  not 
only,  in  the  old  phrase,  "mark  and  learn,"  but  put  their 
convictions  to  work  as  citizens. 


URVEV 


GRAPHIC 


Magazine  of 
Interpretation 


Published  by 
Survey  Associates 


Bridges  to  the  Future 

Prosecution  of  victory  is  one.  Fabrication  of  enduring  peace  is  another.  Between  them, 
and  overlapping  them,  lies  the  liquidation  of  the  war  which  (as  in  Italy  and  Greece) 
calls  for  drawing  "a  frontier  between  emergency  action  and  long  term  planning." 

A  plea  for  mutual  understanding  in  the  process 
JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


THOUGHTFUL  PEOPLE  MAY  BE  DIVIDED  INTO 
two  classes.  There  are  those  who  are  so 
sure  they  are  right  that  they  are  intol- 
erant of  other  people's  opinions.  And  there 
are  those  who  try  to  understand  what 
other  people  are  thinking,  and  why  they 
are  thinking  that  way. 

In  the  long  history  of  politics,  the  path- 
way of  progress  is  blazed  by  the  inde- 
pendent thinker,  but  the  great  reforms 
are  never  permanent  or  secure  unless  they 
are  supported  by  the  majority  of  those 
whose  lives  are  affected  by  them.  In  or- 
der to  get  started  these  may  have  to  do 
what  the  doctrinaire  regards  as  comprom- 
ising with  principle.  The  practical  man 
keeps  reminding  us  that  the  best  may 
often  be  the  enemy  of  the  good.  The 
idealist,  on  the  other  hand,  has  an  equal- 
ly strong  case  against  losing  sight  of  fun- 
damentals by  yielding  too  much  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  moment. 

This  is  the  statement,  in  general  terms, 
of  the  conflict  of  ideas  which  seems  to  be 
emerging  at  the  present  time  between  Euro- 
peans and  Americans  concerning  the  aims 
of  war  and  peace.  The  question  which 
confronts  us  is  much  greater  than  that  of 
the  war  itself. 

That  is  nothing  short  of  the  greatest 
reform  which  has  ever  been  attempted 
in  the  history  of  civilization — to  eliminate 
war  as  an  instrument  of  national  policy. 
So  far-reaching  a  change  in  human  af- 


fairs is  not  only  a  challenge  to  our  think- 
ing but  to  our  ways  of  living  as  well. 
Clearly  the  fortunes  of  all  mankind  will 
be  affected  by  it.  Therefore,  while  stem- 
ming from  the  idealists  who  boldly  chal- 
lenge the  future,  the  change  must  have 
the  support  as  well  of  those  practically- 
minded  people  who  have  to  work  it  out 
in  the  everyday  world  of  men  and  nations. 

To  the  Europeans  we  seem — of  all 
things — doctrinaire,  and  to  us  they  seem 
to  be  unduly  compromising  to  the  point 
of  turning  back  to  the  old  system  of  power 
politics  which  breeds  war.  On  both  sides^ 
there  has  been  recent  evidence  of  a  lack 
of  confidence  in  the  ultimate  purposes  of 
the  other.  This  is  not  serious  enough  to 
cause  concern  over  our  joint  war  effort, 
for  the  brutal  aggression  of  Germany  and 
Japan  bring  the  Allies  together  in  self 
defense. 

But  the  fact  that  the  misunderstandings 
have  political  or  economic,  rather  than  mil- 
itary, significance  does  not  lessen  the  ur- 
gent need  to  get  rid  of  them. 

Can  We  Win  the  Peace? 

Everyone  has  come  to  know  that  the 
results  of  victory  in  the  first  World  War 
were  lost  in  the  peace  that  followed,  and 
there  is  universal  concern  lest  this  should 
happen  again.  To  prevent  a  repetition  of 
that  calamity,  we  must  start  to  deal  with 
the  problem  now. 


37 


There  is  no  better  starting  point  than 
the  technique  of  the  old  masters  in  di- 
plomacy who  tried  always  to  put  them- 
selves in  the  place  of  their  opponents  in 
a  dispute,  so  as  to  understand  what  were 
the  real  difficulties  before  them  in  reach- 
ing an  agreement.  The  Europeans  need 
to  know  what  lies  behind  our  way  of 
thinking.  We  need  to  know  the  prob- 
lems which  are  uppermost  in  the  minds 
of  Europeans.  If  we  face  the  issues  hon- 
estly upon  this  basis,  we  may  make  prog- 
ress. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  can  never  hope 
to  make  an  international  organization  work 
so  long  as  we  ignorantly  distrust  each  other 
without  attempting  to  understand.  Most 
people  would  be  ready  to  accept  this  dic- 
tum to  the  extent  of  trying  to  get  the 
other  person,  or  the  other  nation,  to  un- 
derstand our  own  point  of  view.  That 
would  only  involve  our  insisting  more  and 
more  upon  it  and  arguing  more  and  more 
for  it.  While  the  method  has  its  advan- 
tages, because  it  tends  to  clarify  our  own 
thinking,  it  can  never  go  more  than  half 
way  toward  international  understanding. 

The  hardest  but  the  most  necessary  of 
all  disciplines  is  to  try  to  see  ourselves  as 
others  see  us.  It  can  also  be  rather  dis- 
concerting. 

The  chief  problems  in  the  international 
liquidation  of  the  war  are  those  which 
arise  from  the  inescapable  responsibilities 


of  Great  Britain,  the  USSR,  and  the 
United  States — in  their  dealings  with  the 
liberated  nations.  These  are  responsibili- 
ties for  which  neither  the  liberators  nor 
the  liberated  are  wholly  ready,  owing  to 
the  continued  pressure  of  war  needs. 

Our  own  participation  is  as  yet  much 
less  than  that  of  either  Great  Britain  or 
Soviet  Russia.  As  we  pass  judgment  upon 
what  they  have  done  or  are  doing  in  south- 
ern or  eastern  Europe,  we  should  keep 
in  mind  the  problems  with  which  we  our- 
selves will  be  confronted  in  the  time  to 
come.  Within  the  limits  of  this  article 
it  is  impossible  to  single  out  by  way  of 
illustration  more  than  one  fraction  of  this 
large  field — the  policies  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment and  our  relations  to  them. 

Greece  an  Example 

In  my  opinion,  the  present  British  gov- 
ernment has  made  serious  blunders  in  Italy 
and  Greece,  but  we  should  be  making  an 
equally  serious  blunder  if  we  allowed  these 
incidents  to  destroy  our  confidence  in  the 
good  faith  of  the  British  people. 

I  cannot  believe  that  the  nation  which 
gave  us  Magna  Carta  and  the  Bill  of 
Rights,  and  which  has  served  as  a  model 
for  the  free  peoples  of  the  European  con- 
tinent in  representative  government,  is 
ready  to  endorse  a  political  leadership 
which  would  transform  the  United  Na- 
tions into  a  Holy  Alliance  and  prevent  the 
growth  of  free  governments  throughout 
Europe. 

Temporary  intervention  in  Greece,  for 
example,  to  maintain  law  and  order  is  a 
very  different  thing  from  the  planned 
maintenance  of  foreign  control.  We  our- 
selves have  intervened  in  Latin  America 
upon  more  than  one  occasion,  and  we 
are  even  now  making  our  wishes  known 
to  Argentina  in  no  uncertain  terms. 

Such  policies  do  not  become  permanent 
in  these  nations  which  cherish  the  principle 
of  human  freedom  as 'the  very  basis  of  their 
way  of  life. 

The  opposition  to  the  Churchill  policy 
is  nonetheless  real  in  British  labor  and  lib- 
eral circles  because  they  have  not  risked 
voting  against  the  government  in  wartime. 
They  all  know  that  the  dangers  which 
confront  Great  Britain  in  a  world  of  an- 
archy are  only  in  a  degree  less  serious  than 
those  of  war  itself.  For  Great  Britain  can- 
not live  without  foreign  trade,  and  at  the 
end  of  this  war  more  than  70  percent 
of  that  trade  will  be  gone,  while  British 
capacity  for  output  will  be  lessened  by 
debt  and  outworn  industrial  machinery. 

A  nation,  worn  out  by  years  of  war 
and  with  two  thirds  of  its  houses  destroyed 
or  damaged,  is  anxious  for  friends  who 
understand  its  problems,  and  Britain  has 
been  looking  to  us  for  that  friendship. 
This  is  certainly  a  good  base  to  work  from 
in  building  our  policies  for  the  liquidation 
period. 

But  on  either  side  mistakes  are  being 
made  which,  if  continued,  may  have  far- 
reaching  and  ruinous  consequences  for 
both  nations.  For  those  in  both  countries 
who  regard  Churchill's  way  for  saving 
Britain  as  a  resort  to  the  old  method  of 


power  politics,  there  is  a  more  sensible 
way  of  dealing  with  it  than  simply  de- 
nouncing it  as  something  we  do  not  be- 
lieve in. 

That  way  is  by  planning  economic  co- 
operation with  the  British  and  the  other 
freedom-loving  peoples  of  the  world  in  or- 
der to  give  them  a  fair  chance  to  recover 
a  decent  way  of  life.  We  should  do  this 
in  our  own  interest  fully  as  much  as  in 
theirs. 

For  we  cannot  solve  our  own  problem 
of  postwar  employment  if  the  rest  of  the 
world  should  be  shut  off  from  us  by 
barbed-wire,  economic  frontiers — as  will 
certainly  be  the  case  if  we  do  not  keep 
open  the  two-way  street  of  international 
commerce.  Foreign  trade  is  not  charity, 
it  is  good  business;  but  there  cannot  be 
trade  unless  customers  can  afford  to  buy. 
We  must  offer  Britain  a  chance  to  rebuild 
her  export  trade  and  to  earn  a  living. 

It  would  be  sheer  hypocrisy  for  us  to 
preach  against  political  imperialism  if  we 
were  to  build  up  an  economic  imperialism 
on  the  ruins  of  a  wartorn  world.  The 
answer  to  that  would  be  economic  warfare 
which  might  ultimately  lead  toward  another 
war.  There  are  tendencies  in  this  coun- 
try now  toward  economic  imperialism, 
against  which  we  have  to  be  on  our  guard. 
We  must  not  misuse  the  economic  strength 
which  has  made  us  the  most  powerful  na- 
tion in  the  world.  If  we  do,  we  shall 
pay  dearly  for  our  blunders  in  the  years 
to  come. 

The  path  to  follow  is  that  laid  down 
by  Secretary  Hull  throughout  these  past 
years:  international  economic  cooperation 
on  fair  terms  and  world  markets  for  our 
goods,  with  equal  trading  opportunity  for 
all.  The  soundest  of  all  policies  is  that 
based  upon  the  interest  of  the  common 
man  everywhere,  who  is  the  consumer  as 
well  as  the  producer.  The  goal  is  a  ris- 
ing standard  of  living  in  America  and 
throughout  the  world. 

This  is  but  a  part  of  the  problem  of  war 
liquidation,  but  it  at  least  indicates  the 
need  for  turning  from  negative  to  posi- 
tive policies,  upon  which  we  may  bxiild  for 
the  long  future  as  well. 

Four  American  Trys 

Building  for  the  long  future  still  re- 
mains the  chief  interest  of  the  United 
States.  Our  fundamental  war  aim  is  the 
great  reform  of  the  elimination  of  inter- 
national war  and  we  have  gone  at  it  in 
the  very  way  which  might  be  expected 
of  us  in  the  light  of  our  past  history  and 
our  present  situation  in  the  world. 

This  is  our  fourth  effort  at  world  or- 
ganization. The  earlier  ones  were  partial 
and  incomplete,  and  their  failure  was  not 
unexpected  by  many  of  us.  This  time 
Americans  are  in  earnest,  having  learned 
by  experience. 

A  glance  at  past  history  is  essential.  First 
of  all,  there  were  the  Hague  Conferences 
on  disarmament,  of  1899  and  1907,  which 
became  peace  conferences,  in  a  limited  way, 
on  our  insistence.  True  to  the  traditions 
of  a  federal  republic  in  which  the  states 
and  the  central  government  are  held  to- 


gether under  a  constitutional  framework 
with  a  Supreme  Court  to  adjust  differences 
and  guarantee  human  rights,  we  sought  to 
buttress  international  law  by  courts,  by 
judicial  settlement  of  international  disputes. 
Subsequent  history,  however,  showed  that, 
valid  as  it  is  within  definite  frontiers,  the 
judicial  settlement  of  disputes  is  not  a  sub- 
stitute for  war.  And  our  own  insistence 
upon  sovereignty  proved  to  be  one  of  the 
strongest  obstacles  in  the  development  of 
this  judicial  method  of  ours  for  interna- 
tional organization. 

Second,  after  World  War  I  we  imposed 
upon  the  world  the  splendid  architecture 
of  the  League  of  Nations  and  then  left 
it  weakened  and  partly  untenanted  because 
of  our  own  unwillingness  to  accept  the 
obligation  of  peace  enforcement  as  set  forth 
in  the  Covenant. 

Third,  we  tried  to  turn  this  failure  into 
a  merit  by  insisting  that  the  Briand-Kel- 
logg  Pact  for  the  Renunciation  of  War 
should  have  only  moral  opinion  behind 
it,  until  that  far-off  day  when  international 
law  would  be  respected  by  "the  public 
opinion  of  mankind." 

To  other  nations,  and  to  many  Ameri- 
cans as  well,  this  history  of  frustration  has 
been  a  poor  introduction  to  any  fourth 
try  in  planning  for  world  peace  at  the 
end  of  this  second  World  War.  But  it 
also  made  Secretary  Hull's  great  gesture 
at  the  Moscow  Conference  of  October, 
1943,  all  the  more  dramatic.  And  then 
came  the  Moscow  Conference,  followed  a 
year  later  by  that  of  Dumbarton  Oaks. 

The  American  Way 

Even  so,  doubts  as  to  America's  final 
attitude  toward  the  creation  of  an  interna- 
tional organization  to  maintain  peace  still 
lingered,  especially  in  the  minds  of  Euro- 
pean observers.  They  were,  therefore,  not 
a  little  surprised  at  the  apparent  strength 
of  the  movement  which  developed  in  the 
United  States  in  support  of  the  Organiza- 
tion which  was  to  take  the  place  of  the 
old  League  of  Nations,  a  movement  in 
which  both  political  parties  participated. 

The  Europeans  have  failed  to  appreciate 
that  the  attitude  of  the  American  people 
toward  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  Agreement  is 
wholly  in  line  with  our  way  of  approach- 
ing vast  political  problems. 

Traditionally,  Americans  first  assert,  and 
then  attempt  to  establish,  the  great  prin- 
ciples of  human  conduct  in  the  confidence 
that  the  details  can  be  taken  care  of  if  the 
principles  are  right.  If,  later  on,  we  some- 
times fail  to  live  up  to  these  principles,  or 
to  insure  their  effective  embodiment  in  in- 
stitutions, we  are  nevertheless  insistent 
upon  proceeding  as  architects  or  engineers 
so  as  to  have  a  structure  ready  and  wait- 
ing for  mankind  to  enter. 

In  domestic  affairs,  the  emphasis  which 
we  place  upon  the  Constitution  is  a  case 
in  point.  We  make  it  work  not  only  by 
insisting  upon  the  legal  framework,  but 
also  by  insisting  upon  the  sphere  of  free- 
dom for  the  individual  which  is  safeguard- 
ed by  the  courts  from  government  inter- 
ference. Somehow,  we  make  it  work. 

As  an  American,  I  am  bound  to  share  in 


38 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


this  habit  of  mind  and  to  be  proudly  aware 
of  the  boldness  in  design  and  the  sig- 
nificance in  imaginative  conception  which 
we  have  contributed  to  the  structure  of 
international  peace.  But,  at  the  same  time, 
the  sobering  history  of  past  failures  to 
make  good  the  promises  which  we  have 
given  the  world  leads  me  to  pause  and 
reflect  that  in  part  our  failure  is  due  to  a 
too  great  insistence  upon  having  our  own 
way,  and  in  part  to  unwillingness  to  learn 
the  reasons  why  other  people  think  dif- 
ferently. 

Perhaps  the  most  helpful  contribution 
we  could  make,  therefore,  at  this  junc- 
ture is  to  try  to  see  just  what  is  in  the 
mind  of  other  nations  with  reference  to 
these  plans  for  permanent  peace,  and  why 
there  should  be  variance  of  opinion  or  of 
planning  among  peoples  who  are  equally 
anxious  to  safeguard  it.  For  we  may  find 
to  our  surprise  that  those  who  seem  to  be 
turning  aside  or  holding  back  from  the 
great  enterprise  on  which  we  have  be- 
gun, do  so  not  because  of  any  fundamental 
difference  of  opinion  or  lack  of  anxious 
hope  for  peace  and  security,  but  for  two 
reasons  which  we  must  try  to  understand 
— if  we  and  the  other  nations  are  ever 
going  to  make  a  world  organization  work. 

Stumbling  Blocks 

The  first  impediment  to  understanding 
has  already  been  indicated.  It  is  the  un- 
certainty in  the  minds  of  other  peoples 
as  to  how  far  they  can  count  upon  our 
remaining  steadfast  of  purpose  in  the  years 
to  come.  This  is  a  matter  which  cannot 
be  settled  by  formal  guarantees,  for  no 
one  can  predict  what  may  happen  to  us 
or  to  the  rest  of  the  world  in  so  rapidly 
changing  an  era.  Yet  if  we  do  not  get 
started  we  shall  never  have  any  organi- 
zation at  all;  and  unless  other  nations  have 
some  confidence  in  our  good  faith  and  po- 
litical stability,  the  starting  may  never  take 
place.  Every  great  political  creation  is 
an  act  of  faith. 

The  tragic  lesson  of  the  second  World 
War  has  been  learned  by  the  American 
people  fully  as  much  as  by  any  other  na- 
tion. Indeed,  to  judge  by  public  utter- 
ances abroad,  we  seem  to  have  learned 
that  lesson  somewhat  more  definitely  and 
clearly  than  in  the  case  of  Europeans. 
There  are  not  many  Americans  now  who 
are  willing  to  accept  the  age-old  maxim 
that  war  can  be  permitted  to  be  the  final 
argument  of  nations.  The  belief  that  war 
is  an  international  crime  is,  and  always 
will  remain,  an  American  orthodoxy. 

Therefore,  America's  stability  of  purpose 
can  be  counted  upon  so  long  as  we  are 
convinced  that  the  international  arrange- 
ments to  maintain  peace  will  really  work 
and  that  our  purpose  is  not  being  betrayed 
by  others. 

The  second  impediment  to  international 
understanding  at  the  present  time  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  nations  which  have 
been  most  directly  in  the  path  of  the  war 
have  other  urgent  things  that  must  be 
done  before  they  are  in  a  position  to  enter 
fully  into  the  long  range  planning  of  the 
postwar  world.  The  conflagration  of  this 


war  has  left  ruins  far  beyond  anything 
we  can  imagine — viewing  it  from  across 
the  wide,  if  narrowing,  seas.  Not  only 
has  the  war  destroyed  city  and  country- 
side, to  a  degree  unknown  since  the  days 
of  Attila  or  Tamerlane,  but  it  has  burned 
up  the  souls  of  men  as  well.  Years  lived 
under  brutal  tyranny,  in  which  millions 
have  been  enslaved,  have  devastated  the 
moral  bases  of  society  and  made  faith  in 
a  world  order  of  justice  and  peace  seem 
like  a  mirage. 

Yet  there  are  millions  of  sturdy  souls 
who  have  survived  the  ordeal  and  whose 
immediate  problem  is  to  restore  the  sim- 
ple, homely  activities  of  daily  life.  They 
have  to  regain  faith  in  the  honesty  and 
friendship  of  their  next-door  neighbors  be- 
fore they  can  give  undivided  attention  to 
neighboring  nations.  They  have  to  clear 
the  ground  of  the  ruins  which  lie  around 
them  before  they  can  rebuild  their  homes; 
they  have  to  mark  out  their  garden  plots 
obliterated  by  the  march  of  armies;  and 
they  have  to  see  to  it  that  law  and  order 
are  restored,  making  headway  against  the 
danger  of  anarchy  due  to  the  lawlessness 
ot  years  of  war.  It  takes  time  for  the 
restored  governments  to  become  reliable 
safeguards  of  settled  life.  In  the  interval, 
factional  and  civic  strife  is  almost  inevit- 
able. 

For  these  people,  the  contributions  of 
UNRRA  are  not  enough.  They  want  the 
assurance  not  only  of  settled  order  at 
home  but  of  guarantees  against  aggres- 
sion during  the  period  of  postwar  adjust- 
ments. Until  these  steps  are  taken,  they 
are  not  yet  ready  to  give  undivided  atten- 
tion to  long  term  planning. 

To  them  our  interest  in  a  universal  or- 
ganization for  peace  and  security  seems 
something  like  rebuilding  a  cathedral  be- 
fore they  have  homes  to  live  in  again 
along  the  city  streets.  This  does  not  mean 
that  they  have  no  interest  in  the  archi- 
tecture of  the  structure  of  peace,  for  it 
will  ultimately  mean  more  to  them  than  to 
anyone  else.  But  they  and  their  neigh- 
bors have  old-time  quarrels  which  come  to 
the  fore  in  situations  like  these,  and  will 
not  yield  to  mere  preaching  by  those  who 
do  not  fully  appreciate  what  is  at  stake. 

Clearing  the  Air 

While  this  is  an  over-simplification  of 
the  divergence  in  interests  of  Europeans 
and  Americans  in  the  peace  settlement, 
it  may  at  least  help  to  clarify  oar  differ- 
ences in  approach  and  so  open  paths  for 
real  solutions.  No  fair-minded  American 
will  deny  that  the  European  nations  which 
have  suffered  most  from  the  second  World 
War  are  even  more  anxious  than  we  are 
to  avoid  a  third  one.  No  fair-minded 
European  can  deny  the  practical  bent  of 
the  American  mind  in  the  problems  of  re- 
construction. 

It  is  true  that  militarism  has  been  a 
European  disease  in  which  innocent  na- 
tions have  been  involved  along  with  the 
guilty.  But  that  contagion  is  now  burn- 
ing itself  out,  and  the  chief  germ  carriers, 
the  Axis  powers,  are  certain  to  be  ren- 
dered harmless  for  some  time  to  come. 


Only  when  this  happens  will  the  inherent 
strength  of  the  forces  for  peace  in  Eu- 
rope have  a  chance  at  genuine  expression, 
and  we  can  certainly  count  upon  it  that 
they  will  express  themselves  in  terms  simi- 
lar to  our  own. 

It  is  equally  clear  that  Americans  will 
not  confine  their  future  interests  in  peace 
to  dogmatic  institutionalizing,  but  will  co- 
operate wherever  possible  to  restore  and 
vitalize  the  life  of  free  nations. 

The  problem,  therefore,  which  concerns 
both  the  Old  World  and  the  New  is  to 
draw  the  frontier  between  emergency  ac- 
tion and  long  term  planning.  This  fron- 
tier, however,  is  not  a  clear-cut  line  but 
covers  the  whole  wide  area  of  the  liquida- 
tion of  the  war — an  area  varying  in  extent 
and  in  time  according  to  the  circumstances 
of  each  nation,  but  everywhere  presenting 
problems  which  each  in  its  own  way  feels 
cannot  be  left  for  solution  to  the  normal 
processes  of  peacetime  political  life. 

For  total  war  does  not  end  by  trum- 
pets blowing  the  order  to  cease  fire  on 
the  field  of  battle.  Few  people  are  so 
naive  as  to  believe  that  a  fully  panoplied 
peace  will  suddenly  take  command  of  a 
world  that  has  suffered  so  much  and  so 
long  from  force  and  violence. 

The  liquidation  of  the  war  will  there- 
fore take  place  in  many  different  ways. 
Some  of  it  will  be  by  mob  action  or  in- 
dividual revenge,  without  the  consent  of 
any  government.  Some  of  it  will  be  by 
communities  acting  on  their  own  with  lit- 
tle regard  for  the  admonitions  addressed 
to  them  by  governments  which  have  been 
in  exile  throughout  most  of  the  conflict. 
Some  of  it  will  be  by  these  governments 
without  waiting  for,  or  thinking  of,  the 
opinion  of  the  outside  world — mere  in- 
stinctive reaction  to  the  terrible  circum- 
stances of  the  hour.  Much  of  it,  however, 
will  be  by  responsible  governments  aware 
of  their  responsibility  not  only  to  their 
citizens  but  to  the  community  of  nations 
as  a  whole. 

The  Call  for  a  Positive  Policy 

Now  while  this  process  is  going  on — 
and  it  will  go  on  because  that  is  the  in- 
evitable consequence  of  the  greatest  crime 
in  history — what  are  we  to  do  about  it? 
The  United  States  will  have  its  political 
capacity  and  maturity  tested  as  never  be- 
fore. How  can  we  keep  an  even  course 
toward  our  ultimate  goal  of  a  lasting  peace 
with  freedom? 

Clearly,  this  calls  for  a  positive  policy 
on  our  part  with  reference  to  war  liqui- 
dation— not  merely  one  of  fault  finding 
from  a  safe  distance.  We  can  be  helpful 
only  insofar  as  other  nations  will  recog- 
nize that  our  concern  is  friendly  and  not 
based  upon  a  fundamental  distrust  of  them. 
To  the  extent  that  we  distrust  them,  they 
will  distrust  us. 

This  does  not  mean  that  we  should  be 
the  ready  dupes  of  scheming  reactionaries, 
but  it  does  mean  making  the  effort,  first 
of  all,  to  understand  why  other  nations 
act  in  the  way  they  do,  and  not  to  pre- 
judge what  they  are  doing  until  we  really 
know  the  reason  why. 


FEBRUARY  1945 


39 


HEALTH- 

Today  and  Tomorrow 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


SLOGANS  COME  TO  MEMORY  THAT  GO  BACK 
to  early  developments  in  American  health 
and  social  work.  In  contrast,  slogans  that 
strike  eye  and  ear  today  bring  sharper  and 
broader  issues  to  mind.  Take  this  sequence 
over  the  years: 

Wipe  out  tuberculosis.  Buy  Christmas 
Seals. 

Does  the  grandfather  who  sneered  at 
asepsis  have  a  grandson  who  scoffs  at  medi- 
cal social  service?  Plug  for  it,  doctor  I 

All  the  nation's  future's  mended — // 
mothers  and  babies  are  well  tended.  Put 
the  Children's  Charter  to  wor\. 

Healthy  minds  ma\e  peaceful  nations. 
Boost  mental  hygiene  in  words  of  two 
syllables. 

In  causes  of  death,  hearts  are  trumps. 
Play  the  winning  cards:  Research,  Educa- 
tion and  Care. 

Cancer  falls  more  Americans  than  Hitler. 
Fight  cancer  with  bullets  of  knowledge. 

Public  health  is  purchasable.  Buy  an  up- 
to-date  health  department  for  everybody 
everywhere. 

Good  medical  care  should  be  available  to 
everyone  according  to  need  and  regardless 
of  ability  to  pay.  Let's  legislate  national 
health  insurance. 

All  these  slogans  are  still  very  much  alive 
but,  one  might  say,  the  later  the  live-r.  The 
younger  the  hotter.  There  is  a  change  in 
political  climate  as  well  as  a  lapse  in  years 
between  "Fight  Tuberculosis"  and  "Health 
Security";  between  Dr.  Herman  M.  Biggs' 
"Public  Health  Is  Purchasable"  and  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's  "Adequate  Medical  Care 
...  a  Basic  Human  Right."  In  the  per- 
spective of  today,  a  health  department  in 
Survey  Graphic  must  keep  its  sights  on  the 
focal  issue,  which  is  to  extend  medical  care 
— without,  however,  neglecting  the  outer 
circles  of  the  limelight.  Moreover  technical 
interpretation  must  be  infused  with  the  shot- 
in-the-arm  that  brings  muscles  into  action. 

The  Thirties 

A  dozen  years  ago,  the  American  Medical 
Association  fought  a  delaying  action  against 
Blue  Cross  hospital  insurance  plans  as  a 
dangerous  change  from  the  status  quo;  now 
the  AMA  rallies  to  them  as  a  bulwark 
against  presently  feared  changes.  By  the 
late  Thirties,  the  threat  of  public  action 
springing  from  the  National  Health  Con- 
ference (called  at  Washington  by  the  Inter- 
departmental Committee)  stimulated  some 
state  medical  societies  to  a  positive  policy. 
Health  insurance  plans  have  been  set  going 
since  by  about  twenty  of  them;  but  these 
mostly  limit  themselves  to  surgery  and 


obstetrics  for  hospitalized  cases  and  have  in 
most  instances  acquired  only  a  handful  of 
subscribers. 

Voluntary  health  insurance  as  responsibly 
proposed  by  the  Committee  on  the  Costs  of 
Medical  Care  was  "socialism  and  commun- 
ism" according  to  Dr.  Morris  Fishbein  in 
1932.  In  the  climate  of  today,  voluntary 
health  insurance  is  the  official  AMA  way  of 
salvation,  blessed  by  the  same  high  priest 
so  long  as  it  is  under  "medical  control" 
and  so  long  as  it  follows  the  traditional 
form  of  individual  practice.  Meanwhile, 
voluntary  health  insurance  with  group 
medical  practice,  dramatized  for  the  nation 
in  Henry  J.  Kaiser's  great  war  plants  on 
the  West  Coast,  offers  complete  medical 
care,  and  follows  a  pattern  which  has  been 
successful  in  other  industries  and  a  few 
cooperative  ventures,  but  which  is  still  op- 
posed by  "organized  medicine." 

The  Forties 

With  the  Forties,  the  progressive  front 
has  advanced  and  widened.  1944  saw  liberal 
physicians  aligning  their  professional 
knowledge  with  the  political  weight  of 
organized  labor.  1945  is  seeing  a  revised 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  in  Congress, 
going  beyond  the  earlier  draft  in  provisions 
to  promote  the  quality  of  medical  care, 
assist  research,  advance  hospitalization  and 
health  services  in  rural  areas,  and  make 
decentralized  administration  more  explicit. 

In  1944,  the  Health  Program  Conference 
of  physicians  and  laymen  issued  its  report 
on  these  matters.  [Survey  Graphic,  Decem- 
ber 1944,  page  491.]  In  that  same  year  the 
American  Public  Health  Association 
adopted  a  progressive  national  Medical  Care 
Program.  [American  Journal  of  Public 
Health,  December  1944,  page  1252.]  When 
an  editorial  in  the  fournal  of  the  American 
Medical  Association  [October  14,  1944, 
page  434]  testily  called  the  Public  Health 
Association  to  account  for  not  consulting 
the  national  medical  body  before  expressing 
views  upon  a  medical  question,  the  public 
health  leaders  held  their  ground,  though 
they  were  too  polite  to  retort:  "Yes,  many 
of  us  are  physicians,  but  we  are  also 
citizens." 

1944  witnessed  an  aggressive  move  by 
organized  medicine  on  another  positive 
policy.  The  National  Physicians'  Com- 
mittee, the  propaganda  arm  of  the  Amer- 
ican Medical  Association,  came  out  for 
health  insurance  run  by  private  insurance 
companies,  and  staged  two  lush  meetings 
at  the  Waldorf-Astoria  in  New  York  to 
hold  out  bait  to  the  insurance  companies 
of  a  half-billion  dollars  or  so  of  new  busi- 
ness and  to  industry  of  "better  labor  re- 


Barney  Stein 
MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  Associate  Editor 

The  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Re- 
search in  Medical  Economics  will,  from 
now  on,  write  regularly  for  Survey  Graphic 
in  these  times 

— when  Health  has  become  a  prime  factor 
in  war — and  postwar — developments; 
— when  conservation  of  the  armed  forces 
has  become  part  of  modern  strategy, 
spurring  both  scientific  discovery  and 
advances  in  preventive  and  curative 
medicine; 

— when  selective  service  examinations 
again  have  dramatized  the  extent  of 
uncared  for  disease  and  defect; 
— when  physical  and  mental  rehabilita- 
tion of  discharged  servicemen  and  war 
workers  is  a  mounting  charge  on  the 
medical  professions,  on  educators  and 
social  workers,  industries  and  com- 
munities; and 

— when,  as  pointed  out  in  this  initial  can- 
vass, the  Extension  of  Medical  Care 
has  become  a  focal  issue  in  public 
concern. 

Thoroughly  conversant  in  these  fields. 
Dr. "Davis  is  a  ranking  lay  consultant  on 
the  organization  of  medical  care. 

As  director  for  medical  services  of  the 
Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  he  was  one  of  the 
initiators  in  the  late  '20s  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Costs  of  Medical  Care  which, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  Dr.  Ray  Lyman 
Wilbur  (then  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in 
the  Hoover  Administration),  canvassed  the 
whole  terrain. 

His  most  recent  contribution  was  as 
chairman  of  the  Health  Program  Confer- 
ence, made  up  of  physicians  and  lay  ex- 
perts, which  has  presented  "Principles  of  a 
Nation-Wide  Health  Program."  These  he 
interpreted  in  Survey  Graphic  for  Decem- 
ber. 

Our  association  with  him,  however,  goes 
back  to  1927-28,  when  we  brought  out  a 
series  of  articles  in  which  he  broke  original 
ground  as  director  of  the  Committee  on 
Dispensary  Development,  New  York. 

His  monthly  department  will  review 
events  and  point  up  issues  as  he  sees  them, 
whether  embedded  in  old  mind-sets  and 
time  worn  neglect  or  revealed  in  plans  for 
voluntary  agencies  and  proposals  for  legis- 
lation. More,  it  will  be  his  province,  in 
collaboration  with  the  staff  of  Survey 
Associates,  to  develop  for  new  times  our 
coverage  of  Health — Today  and  Tomorrow. 


40 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


lations"  (especially  less  unionism).  The 
meetings  were  just  as  frank  as  that. 

In  1944,  the  committee  seems  to  have 
raised  about  $300,000,  about  half  from 
physicians  and  medical  organizations,  the 
remainder  mostly  from  the  drug  business.  It 
now  appeals  for  $500,000  a  year  for  three 
years  for  its  double-barreled  campaign — to 
push  its  favored  brands  of  health  insurance 
on  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other  side  to 
fight  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  with 
such  slogans  as 

"Political  Medicine" 

"The  Socialization  of  Medical  Practice  in 
the  United  States." 

Thus  has  this  issue  of  the  1940's  been 
shrewdly  misconstrued  in  fifteen  million 
copies  of  one  pamphlet,  in  weekly  releases 
to  12,000  publications,  in  uncounted  meet- 
ings and  broadcasts,  and  in  the  well-im- 
pelled personal  propaganda  of  individual 
physicians  to  their  patients  and  their  con- 
gressmen. So  far,  this  campaign  proceeds 
without  blushing  or  concealment. 

California — As  a  Test  Tube 

"I  am  a  student  nurse,"  said  a  letter 
coming  to  me  the  first  working  day  of 
1945,  "and  in  my  social  problem  class,  I 
was  asked  to  find  out  the  present  status 
of  socialized  medicine.  Please  tell  me  what 
it  is." 

An  answer  to  this  maiden's  prayer  came 
on  the  same  date — a  December  29  copy  of 
the  San  Francisco  News,  headlined  across 
the  front  page: 

"Gov.  WARREN  ASKS   COMPULSORY 

HEALTH  PLAN." 

"I  am  not  for  socialized  medicine,"  the 
governor  declared,  "where  doctors  are  put 
on  the  public  payrolls  and  care  is  paid  for 
from  government  funds.  I  don't  believe  in 
that  system.  ...  I  do  want  to  spread  the 
costs  of  medical  care  by  compulsory  con- 
tributions of  workers  and  industry,  both 
of  whom  would  be  beneficiaries." 

During  the  past  six  months  I  have  been 
asked  at  least  a  dozen  times  to  debate 
"socialized  medicine."  Most  often  the  re- 
quests are  from  a  woman's  club  or  a  student 
society  that  is  as  naive  on  the  subject  as 
the  young  nurse  and  her  "social  problem" 
teacher.  Sometimes  the  invitation  is  from 
a  group  that  would  like  to  put  the  liberal 
side  into  a  false  position.  Governor  Warren 
defines  socialized  medicine  for  what  it  is — 
an  issue  of  no  importance  in  the  United 
States  because,  like  sin  in  Calvin  Coolidge's 
philosophy,  everybody's  against  it.  To  those 
who  see  pink  in  any  fresh  green  landscape 
and  who  find  facts  difficult  weapons, 
"socialized  medicine"  is  a  useful  bludgeon, 
knobbed  with  epithets  and  stuffed  with 
emotion. 

Why  does  the  Republican  governor  of 
California  corne  out  now  for  compulsory 
health  insurance,  about  which  the  American 
Medical  Association  continues  to  say  hard 
words? 

For  the  past  twenty  years  and  more,  this 
state  of  contrasts  and  surprises  has  had 
fuller  experience  than  any  state  with  varied 
plans  of  voluntary  health  insurance,  and 
has  had  plenty  of  controversy  to  dramatize 
them.  In  California  as  elsewhere,  it  is  likely 


that  for  every  member  a  voluntary  health 
insurance  plan  enrolls,  at  least  one  or  two 
converts  are  made  for  the  idea  of  health 
insurance  in  general — converts  who  can't 
or  won't  join  the  voluntary  plan.  Com- 
pulsory health  insurance  bills  have  been 
hardy  perennials  in  the  California  legisla- 
ture, blossoming  every  few  years  but  thus 
far  always  nipped  before  fruiting  by  the 
California  Medical  Association  and  its  allies. 
Four  years  ago  this  state  medical  society 
set  up  the  California  Physicians  Service,  a 
non-profit,  wholly  owned  subsidiary  which 
has  enrolled  about  one  percent  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  state  for  very  limited  medical 
and  surgical  services.  Also,  through  a  restive 
partnership  with  government,  it  has  en- 
rolled a  lately  decreasing  number  in  some 
war  housing  projects.  Last  winter  a  public 
opinion  poll,  sponsored  by  the  state  society, 
found  (in  the  words  of  its  official  reporter): 

-"that  50  percent  of  the  citizens  (of 
California)  are  definitely  in  favor  of  federal 
medicine; 

-"that  34  percent  are  against  it;  and 
— "that  16  percent  haven't  as  yet  made 
up  their  minds." 

Organized  labor  makes  its  first  choice  a 
national  plan,  but  will  push  a  state  plan  if 
Congress  delays.  Shocked  by  its  own  survey, 
the  embattled  California  doctors  put  forth 
a  conference  committee,  meeting  with  labor, 
in  the  attempt  to  work  out  a  mutually 
acceptable  plan.  What  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  Society?  If  compulsory  health  in- 
surance has  to  be,  let  it  be  a  plan  which  the 
doctors  would  run  through  their  California 
Physicians  Service.  The  price  of  medical 
acquiescence  in  "compulsion"  would  be 
medical  control  over  administration. 

A  meeting  of  the  Society's  House  of 
Delegates  on  January  5  condemned  com- 
pulsory health  insurance.  But  the  governor 
had  already  spoken. 

However,  it  may  be  inferred  that  Gov- 
ernor Warren  saw  an  opportunity  to  make 
political  capital  by  coming  out  earlier  for 
a  public  measure  which  will  certainly  have 
large  popular  support.  Labor  will  be  behind 
it  in  principle,  and  the  medical  society 
will  doubtless  work  with  Governor  War- 
ren on  the  details  of  a  bill.  Meanwhile, 
labor  is  introducing  its  own  bill.  So  the 
pot  will  boil! 

Other  states,  and  especially  New  York, 
present  suggestive  though  as  yet  obscured 
parallels.  In  New  York,  organized  labor 
is  politically  influential  and  wants  com- 
pulsory health  insurance.  The  state  medical 
society  is  well  organized,  well  financed, 
fearful,  shrewdly  led,  and  in  every  way  but 
in  official  commitment  supported  Governor 
Dewey  and  fought  Roosevelt  and  Senator 
Wagner  in  the  last  election.  The  governor 
•has  appointed  a  State  Medical  Care  Com- 
mission having  a  broad  mandate  and  due 
to  report  in  1946.  In  that  year,  the  governor 
and  most  of  the  legislature  will  face  a  state 
election.  By  1945,  assuming  no  national 
health  program  supervenes,  it  remains  to 
be  seen  what  medical-labor-political  align- 
ments in  New  York  will  give  most  to 
whom. 

California's  experience  especially  supports 
n  generalization  based  on  much  other  evi- 


dence. Ihe  policy  ot  the  medical 
that  have  been  active  in  medical-economic 
matters,  has  developed  in  three  stages.  Flat 
opposition  has  been  the  first.  Delaying 
action  is  the  second.  The  third  stage  is 
represented  by  the  well-tested  American 
adage,  "If  you  can't  lick  'em,  join  "em." 
The  third  stage  is  infiltration  into  admin- 
istration. 

In  national  affairs,  as  well  as  in  Cali- 
fornia, the  signs  are  already  up  that  the 
third  stage  is  upon  us.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  many  physicians  disapprove 
policies  of  obstruction,  delay,  and  intrigue. 
In  the  past,  few  have  expressed  themselves 
openly,  but  the  Physicians  Forum  and  the 
Committee  of  Physicians  for  the  Improve- 
ment of  Medical  Care  have  shown  the  way. 

Wartime  Needs  and  Moves 

The  triumphs  of  military  medicine  in 
this  war,  with  unprecedented  records  of  con- 
trolling disease  and  rehabilitating  the 
wounded,  have  made  as  profound  an  im- 
pression on  the  public  mind,  on  the  one 
side,  as  the  rejection  of  over  four  million 
young  men  for  diseases  and  defects  has 
made  on  the  other.  It  is  anybody's  guess 
what  effect  these  experiences  will  have  upon 
popular — and  particularly  veterans' — atti- 
tudes toward  medical  care  in  postwar  years. 

The  critical  shortage  of  doctors  in  many 
war  areas  and  the  sharp  increase  in  the 
long  standing  rural  shortage,  have  found 
us  as  yet  unready  to  take  effective  action. 
Any  considerable  action  would  be  difficult 
anyway  until  medical  demobilization  from 
the  armed  forces  begins.  Unless  plans  are 
ready  for  attracting  doctors  to  the  places 
that  need  them  at  that  time,  most  of  the 
young  doctors  will  seek  opportunity  in  the 
cities  which  already  have  the  largest  ratio 
of  physicians  in  proportion  to  population. 

Wartime  has  witnessed  an  "efficiency 
reorganization"  of  the  U.  S.  Public  Health 
Service  which  should  help  it  carry  growing 
responsibilities.  A  major  forward  step  was 
the  formation  of  a  Tuberculosis  Division 
within  the  Service,  with  money  enough  to 
help  states  and  localities  establish  needed 
sanatoria  and  other  services.  The  National 
Tuberculosis  Association  and  its  branches 
supported  this  bill  in  Congress.  As  the 
national  program  gets  into  action,  the  vol- 
untary tuberculosis  agencies  will  need  to 
adjust  their  own  educational  and  service 
programs  to  it. 

During  1945  it  is  estimated  that  about  a 
half  million  wives  and  babies  of  enlisted 
men  will  be  cared  for  under  the  national 
"Emergency  Maternity  and  Infant  Care 
Program."  The  Children's  Bureau  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor,  which  ad- 
ministers it,  has  weathered  a  series  of  medi- 
cal attacks  and  held  congressional  support. 

A  vast  expansion  of  medical  care  and 
rehabilitation  for  servicemen  is  certainly 
ahead,  throwing  responsibilities  upon  the 
Veterans  Administrations'  hospitals  and 
clinics  such  as  will  justify  every  effort  to 
test  and  improve  the  quality  of  these  serv- 
ices. A  national  program  of  physical  re- 
habilitation of  handicapped  civilians  has 
been  started,  with  federal  grants  to  state 
agencies.  Medical  rehabilitation  of  4-F's  at 
national  expense  may  be  undertaken  if  the 


FEBRUARY  1945 


41 


war  and  the  manpower  shortage  last  long 
enough.  The  extreme  shortage  of  psychi- 
atrists and  psychiatric  social  workers  for 
military  and  civilian  service  has  been 
brought  out  by  experts,  but  has  not  yet 
been  translated  into  terms  appreciable  by 
the  general  public. 

The  Blue  Cross  hospital  insurance  plans 
have  reached  their  year  of  largest  growth — 
over  three  million  additional  members  in 
1944 — bringing  their  total  in  the  United 
States  to  over  sixteen  million  beneficiaries. 
Sharing  the  fears  of  the  medical  societies 
as  to  encroachment  by  government  action. 
Blue  Cross  seeks  further  expansion  more 
militantly  than  ever. 

The  American  Hospital  Association 
sponsors  Blue  Cross,  opposes  compulsory 
insurance  by  government  action,  but  would 
like  government  funds  (local,  state,  and 
federal)  to  pay  hospitals  for  the  care  of 
indigent  persons.  The  association  has  set 
up  a  national  Commission  on  Hospital 
Care,  an  independent  body  with  funds  from 
several  foundations,  which  is  now  begin- 
ning a  two-year  study  of  hospital  needs  and 
ways  of  meeting  them  throughout  the 
United  States.  This  year  the  association 
sponsors  a  bill  in  Congress  to  aid  local 
areas,  through  the  states,  to  construct  or 
improve  hospitals  after  careful  state  studies 
have  determined  the  places  of  need.  Thus 
the  hospital  bodies  are  now  furthering  sev- 
eral positive  programs  of  both  voluntary 
and  governmental  action. 

Across  the  Atlantic  and  Back 

Overseas,  Great  Britain  moves  with  de- 
liberation and  assurance  toward  a  National 
Health  Service.  "Our  policy,"  declared 
Winston  Churchill  almost  a  year  ago,  "is 
to  create  a  National  Health  Service  in  order 
to  ensure  that  everybody  in  the  country, 
irrespective  of  means,  age,  sex  or  occupa- 
tion, shall  have  equal  opportunities  to  bene- 
fit from  the  best  and  most  up-to-date 
medical  and  allied  services  available." 


The  objections  raised  at  the  British 
Medical  Association's  meeting  in  December 
to  the  Government's  White  Paper  are  less 
to  principles  than  to  methods  of  administra- 
tion and  are  to  be  interpreted,  in  large  part, 
as  preparing  the  best  bargaining  position 
in  forthcoming  negotiations  with  the  gov- 
ernment. 

A  not  inconsiderable  section  of  British 
medical  men  favor  a  completely  salaried 
state  service.  This  minority  is  vocal  because, 
unlike  the  Journal  of  the  American  Medical 
Association,  the  British  Medical  Journal 
opens  its  columns  to  dissenting  views  and 
every  week  publishes  opinions  of  all  shades. 
The  contrasting  practice  in  the  United 
States  has  been  criticized  by  Dr.  Allen 
Butler  of  Harvard  Medical  School  in  these 
words: 

"...  the  societies  representing  so-called 
organized  medicine  permit  the  public  ex- 
pression of  no  minority  opinion.  The 
majority  opinion  is  considered  the  unani- 
mous opinion.  Unfortunately  this  restriction 
of  minority  opinion  inhibits  considered  dis- 
cussion and  the  development  of  sound 
progressive  thought." 

On  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  Canada's 
national  health  insurance  bill,  introduced 
by  the  government  and  approved  in  prin- 
ciple by  the  Canadian  Medical  Association, 
was  reported  out  of  committee  last  fall  after 
elaborate  hearings.  Delay  in  action  is  likely 
because  of  war  conditions.  Meanwhile,  sev- 
eral of  the  provinces  are  working  on  their 
own  bills.  In  Canada,  compulsory  health 
insurance  is  not  called  socialized  medicine. 
The  differences  of  opinion  about  the  bill 
are  not  basic  political  cleavages  as  with  us, 
but  concern  such  matters  as  coverage,  ad- 
ministration, the  amount  and  allocation  of 
costs. 

Perhaps  it  is  because  of  exposure  to  the 
Gulf  Stream  of  progressive  British  influence 
that  our  northern  neighbor  has  a  more 
temperate  medical  climate  than  ours. 


Here  in  the  USA 

What  way  of  getting  and  paying  for 
medical  care  do  the  American  people  want? 
Public  opinion  polls  are  beginning  to  probe 
the  question.  Such  a  poll  by  the  National 
Opinion  Research  Center  of  Denver,  publi- 
cized last  October,  told  us: 

that  68  percent  of  the  people  "think  it 
would  be  a  good  idea  for  social  security  to 
cover  doctor  and  hospital  care";  and 

that  "58  percent  still  think  it  a  good  idea 
if  2l/2  percent  were  taken  out  of  people's 
pay  checks  instead  of  the  present  one  per- 
cent." 

In  contrast,  the  National  Physicians'  Com- 
mittee's own  poll,  six  months  earlier,  came 
out  with  nearly  opposite  findings  and  a 
mass  of  prejudicial  questions  and  comment. 
But  the  California  poll  tends  to  support 
that  of  the  Denver  agency,  as  did  much 
earlier  polls  by  Fortune  and  others.  Several 
state  medical  societies  now  have  polls  in 
progress.  Thus  far,  we  have  learned  that  at 
least  with  a  subject  as  complex,  technical, 
and  emotionalized  as  medical  care,  the  way 
you  bait  your  questions  has  a  lot  to  do  with 
the  kind  of  fish  you  catch. 

One  story  the  polls  surely  tell:  The  issues 
of  medical  care  have  become  public  issues. 
In  the  past  twenty  years  they  have  moved 
from  the  library  to  the  committee  room, 
from  the  committee  room  to  the  forum, 
from  the  forum  to  legislative  chambers.  On 
all  these  levels  today,  in  all  sorts  of  private 
and  public  agencies  all  over  the  land,  action 
is  taking  place,  experience  accumulating, 
patterns  evolving. 

As  to  prognosis,  it  may  be  that  the  acts 
and  expressions  of  experienced  public  men, 
whose  political  fortunes  are  at  stake,  will 
supply  a  better  index  than  polls  as  to  the 
trend  of  populer  sentiment  and  the  balance 
of  conflicting  forces.  Watch  California,  New 
York,  and  the  two  focal  points  on  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue  in  the  Nation's  Capital. 


THESE  PUBLIC  ENEMIES 

MEAN  BUSINESS!.' 


VENEREAL  PISEASES 
STRIKE  RUTHLESSLY 
-KILL  ANP  INJURE 
THOU  SAN  PS  EACH  YEAR. 

HELP  STAMP  OUT  THESE 
HOME-FKOHTEHfMI£Sl 


..  .VISIT  YOUR  DOCTOR  OR 
NEAREST  HEALTH  CENTER  FOR 
LITER ATURE  £  I N  FORMATION. 


New  York  City  Department  of  Health  poster,  the  first  on  venereal  diseases  to  be  accepted  for 
use  in  the  city's  street  cars  and  buses.  A  familiar    comic    strip    figure    conveys    the    message 


42 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Volunteers,  working  in  two  shifts,  got  seven  and  a  half  million  ration  books  to  California  citizens  in  record  time 

Joe  Doakes,  Patriot 

He  is  4-F  because  he  made  a  mistake.  Just  the  same,  behind  bars  at  San 
Quentin  he  is  fighting  his  country's  battles  with  everything  he's  got. 


IT  ISN'T  HIS  REAL  NAME,  OF  COURSE.  HE  Dis- 
graced that,  long  ago,  and  he  is  only  a 
number  now,  one  of  some  3,500  inmates 
of  the  overcrowded  California  State  Prison 
at  San  Quentin. 

But  Joe  Doakes  is  something  else  besides 
a  burglar,  a  pickpocket,  a  confidence  man, 
or  what  have  you  in  the  criminal  line.  He 
is  also  an  American.  He  can't  get  out  and 
fight.  He  earns  practically  nothing.  Yet  here 
is  just  a  part  of  what  he  and  the  others  in 
this  prison  have  done  since  Pearl  Harbor: 

Woven  by  hand,  with  speed  and  com- 
petency far  ahead  of  civilian  units,  hun- 
dreds of  huge  anti-submarine  nets;  braided 
scores  of  rope  ship  fenders,  a  highly  skilled 
process;  reconditioned  and  assembled 
flanges,  valves,  and  other  machinery  for 
naval  vessels;  manufactured  thousands  of 
mattress  covers  and  pillow  cases  for  the 
army  and  navy;  reclaimed  hundreds  of 
tons  of  rubber  and  metal  covered  copper 
wire  and  cable  salvaged  from  damaged 
warships;  produced  thousands  of  steel  com- 
partment feeding  trays  for  the  navy;  trim- 
med thirty  Christmas  trees  for  Hamilton 
Field  General  Hospital;  made  hundreds  of 
model  planes  for  pre-flight  training  of  army 
and  navy  pilots;  produced  a  multitude  of 
splints,  stretchers,  and  other  supplies  for 
the  Red  Cross.  In  all,  they  have  manufac- 
tured war  materials  to  the  value  of  $2,550,- 
000.  Thirty  inmates  have  received  National 
Service  Emblems  from  the  government. 
The  WPB  has  named  San  Quentin  as  the 
No.  1  prison  in  volume  of  war  production. 

There  are   stories   attached   to   some   of 


MIRIAM  ALLEN  deFORD 

these  activities.  For  example:  the  jute  mill, 
which  used  to  make  burlap  grain  bags  for 
farmers,  was  considered  a  hell-hole  by  the 
men.  All  "fish" — newcomers — had  to  serve 
at  least  a  year  in  it- — hard  work,  noisy  ma- 
chines, air  full  of  lint.  It  was  a  great  day 
when  a  man  was  transferred  to  another 
shop,  a  punishment  to  be  sent  back.  But 
when  the  WPB  allowed  the  prison  to  take 
on  a  contract  for  rovings  and  string  to  be 
•made  into  rope  for  war  use,  and  an  appeal 
was  made  for  400  men  to  volunteer  to 
man  the  jute  mill  to  capacity,  600  asked 
to  be  assigned  to  this  toughest  spot  in  the 
prison. 

Hundreds  of  men  have  been  paroled  to 
shipyards  and  other  war  industries  and  to 
the  merchant  marine,  sailing  into  combat 
zones.  Hundreds  more  are  now  training  at 
San  Quentin  in  welding,  shipfitting,  marine 
electrical  installation,  and  marine  cooking 
and  baking,  to  prepare  them  for  war  work 
after  parole.  Recently,  by  an  arrangement 
with  the  International  Association  of  Ma- 


— By  a  well  known  journalist  and  author, 
a  former  Philadelphian  who  for  some 
years  has  made  her  home  in  San  Fran- 
cisco. Miss  deFord  (in  private  life  Mrs. 
Maynard  Shipley)  contributes  articles, 
stories,  and  verse  to  current  magazines, 
and  is  the  author  of  several  books,  in- 
cluding "They  Were  San  Franciscans," 
a  volume  of  biographical  sketches,  and 
"Who  Was  When?  A  Dictionary  of 
Contemporaries." 


chinists  (AFL),  men  trained  as  machinists 
for  war  plants  will  be  paroled  or  released 
as  full-fledged  journeymen. 

Five  hundred  men  helped  harvest  Cali- 
fornia's vital  food  crops  in  1943;  350  more 
fought  forest  fires  at  risk  of  their  lives.  This 
past  year — on  urgent  request  of  farmers 
and  forest  wardens — both  harvest  and  for- 
estry camps  were  reopened  and  again  fully 
manned.  Many  of  these  men  had  never 
left  the  prison  since  they  entered  it,  years 
before,  and  escape  would  have  been  easy 
— but  no  one  tried  to  escape.  Once  an  emer- 
gency call  came  at  night.  A  hundred  men 
volunteered  to  go  300  miles  by  bus  to  fight 
a  raging  forest  fire. 

Every  Literate  Man  Pitches  In 

The  most  spectacular  job  Joe  Doakes 
and  his  fellow-inmates  have  done  thus  far 
was  putting  out  War  Radon  Book  No.  3 
to  every  citizen  of  California. 

Seven  and  a  half  million  ration  books, 
worth  $2,400,000,000,  came  to  San  Quentin 
under  armed  guard,  with  a  motorcycle  po- 
lice escort.  There  they  were  turned  over  to 
convicted  forgers,  thieves,  and  highway 
robbers.  The  OPA  had  allowed  3  percent 
for  errors;  the  errors  made  were  exactly 
1/2,000  of  one  percent.  Once  a  single  book 
was  mislaid.  The  men  worked  all  night 
until  it  was  found,  wrongly  filed. 

The  OPA  allowed  58  days  for  the  job.  It 

took  just  43.  An  inmate  director  and  his 

inmate  assistant  worked  out  an  entirely  new 

way  of  handling  the  job,  and   proved   it 

(Continued  on  page  46) 


FEBRUARY  1945 


Making  bunks  for  the  navy 


i 


Weaving  huge  anti-submarine  nets 


Building  assault  boats  for  the  armed  forces 


How  San  Quentin  earned  the  title  of 
No.  1  prison  in  volume  of  war  pro- 
duction and  turned  out  essential  ma- 
terials valued  at  £2,550,000. 


Printing  emergency  signs 


Braiding  rope  fenders  for  ships 


far  superior  to  the  one  the  OPA  had  estab- 
lished. No  wonder  the  OPA  cited  them. 

Practically  every  literate  man  in  San 
Quentin  was  used  on  this  giant  unpaid 
task — every  one  a  volunteer.  In  many  cases 
men  worked  a  day  shift  on  the  ration  books 
and  then  volunteered  to  do  a  swing  shift 
also.  The  inmate  workers  in  the  prison 
offices,  trained  office  workers,  volunteered 
for  work  on  the  night  shift,  carrying  on 
their  regular  jobs  all  day  then  working  on 
the  radon  books  from  6  P.M.  to  midnight. 
The  end  result  was  a  record  for  the  entire 
country. 

One  human  interest  story  that  came  out 
of  the  ration  book  servicing  is  too  remark- 
able not  to  be  told.  Here  it  is  in  the  words 
of  the  prisoners'  own  paper. 

"A  man  on  a  prolonged  drunken  spree 
found,  when  he  finally  became  sober,  that 
his  wife  and  two  children  had  left  him — 
and  he  was  in  jail  for  cashing  worthless 
checks.  Sentenced  to  prison,  the  first  year 
dragged  by.  He  was  unable  to  locate  his 
family — finally  gave  up  trying. 

"When  the  OPA  ration  book  project 
began  here,  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  vol- 
unteer. He  worked  faithfully,  and  for  long 
hours,  each  day.  He  had  been  working 
over  a  month,  when,  one  day,  on  top  of  a 
pile  of  applications  on  his  table  was  an 
envelope  addressed  in  familiar  handwrit- 
ing. He  stared,  unbelieving — then  tore  open 
the  envelope. 

"The  signature  on  the  application  was 
that  of  his  wife;  the  dependents'  names, 
those  of  his  children. 

"He  wrote  to  his  wife,  begged  forgive- 
ness. It  was  given.  Today  he  is  a  parolee, 
reunited  with  his  loved  ones,  making  good." 

The  Best  They  Can  Do 

Up  to  date,  Joe  and  the  rest  of  the  San 
Quentin  men  have  bought  more  than  $525,- 
000  worth  of  war  bonds  and  stamps.  In 
every  drive  they  have  doubled  the  quota 
set  for  them.  Only  the  men  in  the  camps 
earn  money,  and  all  they  get  is  50  cents  a 
day  above  living  expenses.  All  the  money 
men  within  the  prison  walls  have  is  from 
the  sale  of  small  objects  through  their 
Hobby  Shop,  or  what  is  sent  them  by  rela- 
tives or  friends  to  buy  tobacco,  candy,  and 
such  small  luxuries. 

Those  who  cannot  buy  bonds  or  stamps 
pledge  a  pint  of  blood  to  the  mobile  unit 
of  the  Red  Cross  Blood  Bank  which  visits 
the   prison   regularly.   Here   is   the   pledge 
form  they  use: 
"A  Wounded  Soldier 
Any  Front 
Dear  Soldier: 

Separately,  in  care  of  the  American  Red 
Cross,  I  am  sending  you  a  pint  of  my  blood. 

I  would  like  to  be  fighting  beside  you, 
but  I  am  a  4-F  so  this  is  the  best  I  can  do 
for  you. 

The  4-F  is  because  I  made  a  mistake,  but 
my  mind  and  body  are  sound  and  my  heart 
and  blood  are  definitely  1-A. 

I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  come  home 
soon — home  to  all  of  us  who  admire  and 
respect  you. 

Until  then,  I'll  send  you  my  blood  every 
time  I  have  a  chance. 

Name  No.    " 


Up  to  the  time  of  writing,  some  1,500 
inmates  have  given  nearly  3,000  pints  of 
blood.  Many  of  them  donate  regularly  every 
eight  weeks.  Several  men  already  belong 
to  the  "gallon  club"— eight  pints.  The  Red 
Cross  has  awarded  San  Quentin  a  certificate 
of  appreciation. 

Besides  war  bonds  and  stamps,  San 
Quentin  men  paid  for  260,000  cigarettes  in 
the  "Smokes  for  the  Yanks"  drive — paid, 
in  most  cases,  by  going  without  cigarettes 
themselves.  They  bought  a  station  wagon 
for  the  San  Rafael  Chapter  of  the  Red 
Cross  and  they  subscribed  nearly  $600  to 
the  last  March  of  Dimes.  "Give  up  seven 
ice  cream  bars,  or  two  jars  of  peanut  butter, 
or  a  couple  of  packs  of  cigs,"  pleaded  the 
prison  paper,  The  San  Quentin  News.  So 
they  did. 

Men  who  had  no  relatives  to  name  as 
beneficiaries  on  bonds,  for  the  most  part 


Warden  Duffy,  whom  prisoners  applaud 

named  the  Army  and  Navy  Relief  Society 
or  the  Shriners'  Hospital  for  Crippled  Chil- 
dren. Several  named  Alcoholics  Anony- 
mous, which  has  a  flourishing  branch  at 
San  Quentin.  A  Chinese  inmate  chose  Mme. 
Chiang  Kai-shek.  Jim,  who  is  serving  a 
lot  of  time  for  multiple  bigamy,  bought 
four  $25  bonds,  and  named  a  different 
wife  as  beneficiary  of  each! 

But  the  pay-off  in  bond  beneficiaries  may 
be  credited  to  Charles,  who  is  in  San  Quen- 
tin because  he  passed  a  $50  rubber  check 
on  a  Los  Angeles  barkeep.  Came  the  war 
— and  this  same  saloonkeeper  found  him- 
self convicted  of  subversive  activities,  given 
a  stiff  prison  sentence,  and  ordered  to  be 
deported  to  his  native  Germany  after  the 
war.  So  Charles  decided  to  repay  his  debt. 
He  bought  a  $50  bond  and  sent  it  to  the 
seditionist,  with  an  accompanying  note: 
"When  you  arrive  in  Berlin  there  will  be 
plenty  of  Americans  there  who  will  gladly 
cash  this  for  you." 

One  elderly  inmate,  an  Italian  by  birth, 
put  his  entire  life's  savings  of  $4,500  into 
war  bonds;  and  it  was  honest  money, 
earned  by  hard  work  before  he  went  wrong. 
He  has  two  sons  in  the  service,  one  per- 
manently injured  at  Pearl  Harbor.  Many 
of  these  men  who  have  bought  bonds  to 
the  limit  of  their  capacity,  who  are  work- 


ing their  heads  off  on  camouflage  nets  or 
assault  boats  or  rope  cargo  slings,  who 
respond  instantly  to  every  appeal  for  vol- 
unteers for  the  hardest,  dirtiest,  most  dan- 
gerous tasks,  have  sons  or  brothers  now 
serving  overseas. 

But  even  those  who  have  not,  know  bet- 
ter than  most  men  what  freedom  means. 
They  are  eager  to  work  for  it,  to  have  a 
chance  to  fight  and  die  for  it.  They  may 
not  always  have  been  good  citizens.  But 
today  they  are  good  Americans. 

Changing  "the  Joint" 

One  man  has  changed  San  Quentin  from 
one  of  the  worst  prisons  in  America  to 
one  of  the  very  best.  He  is  the  warden, 
Clinton  T.  Duffy.  Mr.  Duffy  is  the  son  of 
a  prison  guard,  brought  up  in  San  Quentin 
and  familiar  with  it  from  childhood.  The 
men  feel  sincerely  that  he  is  their  friend; 
recently,  when  he  returned  from  a  session 
of  the  National  Prison  Congress,  there  was 
spontaneous  applause  when  he  appeared  in 
the  yard.  His  weekly  column  in  the  well- 
edited  prison  paper,  The  San  Quentin  News, 
is  a  model  of  man-to-man  frankness  and 
fairness.  Under  his  administration,  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  prison  has  altered. 

Here  is  a  sample:  A  Negro  boy,  sudden- 
ly taken  ill,  collapsed  in  the  line  of  in- 
mates waiting  in  heavy  rain  to  go  to  the 
mess  hall.  Instantly  the  man  next  him,  a 
total  stranger,  whipped  off  his  raincoat  and 
threw  it  over  the  boy  until  he  was  taken 
to  the  hospital.  An  old  timer,  watching  the 
scene,  said  to  no  one  in  particular,  "This 
joint  has  sure  changed!" 

In  the  four  years  since  Mr.  Duffy  became 
warden,  the  dungeon  and  the  notorious 
"spot"  in  the  solitary  confinement  section 
have  been  abolished,  and  all  corporal  pun- 
ishment went  with  them.  An  Inmates'  De- 
partmental Representative  Committee  has 
been  established,  which  encourages  initia- 
tive and  suggestions  by  inmates;  a  recent 
contest  (with  prizes  in  canteen  cards)  for 
the  best  suggestions  for  use  of  the  war 
bonds  bought  by  the  men  brought  forth 
hundreds  of  letters.  Motion  pictures  are 
shown  weekly,  and  radio  headphones  have 
been  installed  in  inmates'  quarters.  There 
are  regular  programs,  including  question- 
answering  by  the  warden,  over  this  "Grey 
Network."  The  inmates'  own  weekly  radio 
program  of  music  and  information  is  about 
to  start  its  sixth  series  over  the  Mutual 
Network,  on  a  national  hook-up. 

All  this  is  in  addition  to  the  war  mate- 
rial contracts,  the  establishment  of  the  har- 
vest and  forestry  camps,  the  expansion  of 
educational,  athletic,  health,  and  religious 
activities,  the  building  up  of  the  weekly 
News  and  the  immense  improvement  in 
the  meals,  once  a  prime  source  of  trouble. 
Whether  it  is  in  the  rehabilitation  of  a 
discouraged  man  by  means  of  plastic  sur- 
gery, the  fostering  of  an  active  branch  of 
Alcoholics  Anonymous,  or  the  encourage- 
ment of  a  flourishing  Hobby  Shop  where 
men  may  sell  the  things  they  make  in 
spare  hours,  the  influence  of  Warden  Duffy 
is  felt  everywhere  in  San  Quentin.  But 
surely  he  has  done  no  greater  thing  than 
to  help  Joe  Doakes  to  realize  himself  as  a 
patriotic  American. 


46 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


On  the  Calendar  of  Our  Consciences 

The  promise — and  the  pitfalls — we  confront  in  drafting  anti-discriminatory 
legislation  that  will  square  with  principles  we  have  held  aloft  in  the  war. 


ON  THE  EARLY  ORDER  OF  BUSINESS,  NOT  ONLY 

of  the  new  Congress  but  of  the  grist  of 
legislatures  meeting  this  year,  is  the  call  for 
measures  to  outlaw  discrimination  — 
whether  in  employment  or  in  union  mem- 
bership— on  account  of  race,  color,  creed 
or  national  origin. 

Creative  proposals  to  establish  such  a 
legal  basis  for  carrying  over  into  industrial 
relations  the  standards  acclaimed  in  our 
Bill  of  Rights  failed  of  enactment  in  1944. 
This  was  true  under  both  a  Democratic 
administration  at  Washington  and  a  Re- 
publican administration  at  Albany. 

In  New  York,  the  passage  of  such  a  law 
now  appears  certain  in  1945.  In  his  mes- 
sage in  January,  Gov.  Thomas  E.  Dewey 
heralded  the  legislation  which  has  since 
been  submitted  by  the  Temporary  State 
Commission  Against  Discrimination.  "The 
need  for  action  in  this  field  of  human  rela- 
tions," he  declared,  "is  imperative." 
Whether  other  states — Pennsylvania  and 
Illinois  are  examples — will  follow  suit  de- 
pends, to  a  large  extent,  upon  the  coordi- 
nated efforts  of  their  minority  groups — 
church,  liberal,  and  labor. 

Federal  enactment  in  1945  hangs,  in 
turn,  on  active  interest  among  these  same 
groups  the  country  over.  Representative 
Charles  La  Follette  (R.  Ind.)  introduced  in 
the  House  on  January  3  a  bill  to  make  the 
Fair  Employment  Practice  Committee  a 
permanent  agency.  While  Director  of  War 
Mobilization  James  F.  Byrnes  failed  to  men- 
tion the  necessity  for  such  an  agency  in 
his  New  Year's  Day  statement  on  man- 
power, PM's  Washington  bureau  later  told 
of  a  conference  between  the  President  and 
Chairman  Malcolm  Ross  of  the  FEPC  in 
which  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  reported  to  have 
held  that  the  passage  of  this  bill  is  "impera- 
tive." 

On  the  congressional  stage,  however,  the 
prospect  is  clouded  by  bitter  opposition 
among  not  a  few  representatives  of  south- 
ern states  and  by  likely  recourse  to  filibuster 
in  the  Senate. 

This  drive  for  legislation  registers  mount- 
ing American  concern  to  reconcile  a  deep 
spiritual  conflict  between  our  ideals  and 
our  practices.  It  confronts,  also,  practical 
obstacles  in  attempting  to  secure  adequate 
machinery  for  coping  with  a  complex  eco- 
nomic situation. 

Americans  Face  Our  Dilemma 

Under  the  impact  of  war  and  resistance 
to  the  Nazi  creed  of  racial  superiority,  we 
have  come  to  recognize  the  existence  of 
what  Gunnar  Myrdal  has  described  as  "An 
American  Dilemma."  That  is  the  title  of 
his  own  concluding  volume,  crystallizing 
the  comprehensive  survey  of  "The  Negro 
in  American  Life"  carried  out  under  the 


JUSTINE  and  SHAD  POLIER 

— By  a  justice  of  the  Domestic  Relations 
Court  of  New  York.  Judge  Justine  Wise 
Polier  saw  earlier  service  as  counsel  to 
the  City's  Emergency  Relief  Bureau  and 
as  referee  in  the  Workmen's  Compensa- 
tion Division  of  the  State  Department  of 
Labor.  And 

— By  a  specialist  in  administrative  law, 
who  has  recently  returned  to  private 
practice  from  federal  service  as  director 
of  enforcement  of  the  Fuel,  Automotive 
and  Consumer  Durable  Goods  Division, 
Office  of  Price  Administration. 

In  this  article,  the  authors — who  in 
private  life  are  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Shad 
Polier — focus  their  insight  and  experi- 
ence on  a  momentous  and  developing 
field  in  applied  democracy. 


sponsorship  of  the  Carnegie  Corporation. 

This  distinguished  Swedish  scholar, 
chosen  as  director  of  the  study  for  the 
very  detachment  of  his  approach,  exposes 
the  root  problem  in  our  treatment  of  all 
minority  groups.  We  shall  never  again  be 
unmindful  that,  as  he  puts  it,  this  is  "a 
problem  in  the  heart  of  the  American.  It 
is  there  the  decisive  struggle  goes  on." 

Mr.  Myrdal  drives  home  that  the  Amer- 
ican dilemma  is  the  ever-raging  conflict  be- 
tween our  American  creed  of  liberty  and 
equality,  of  justice  and  fair  opportunity  for 
everybody — and  our  everyday  conduct  and 
feelings.  In  varying  degrees,  in  different 
communities,  he  found  this  conflict  raging 
within  Americans,  no  less  tfyan  between 
Americans.  It  does  not  concern  the  Negro 
alone.  All  minority  groups  are  involved: 
here  Jews;  there  Catholics;  elsewhere 
Mexicans;  and  so  on. 

The  war  has  sharpened  our  sense  of  this 
conflict.  We  have  seen  on  a  worldwide 
screen  how  hatred  and  war  are  bred  by  the 
destruction,  subjugation  or  humiliation  of 
human  beings  by  reason  of  race  or  color, 
creed  or  national  origin;  how  they  threaten 
the  well-being  of  people  everywhere.  Our 
sense  of  guilt  is  deepened  because  in  fight- 
ing the  war  our  country  had  need  for  all 
Americans;  has  called  to  them;  and  has 
received  their  vigor  and  skills  in  industry, 
their  valor  on  the  battlefront.  We  realize 
that  in  mustering  and  waging  war  we  have 
given  our  promise,  implicit  if  not  explicit, 
that  the  United  States  means  to  live  up  to 
its  creed. 

New  York  a  Testing  Ground 

While  by  no  means  entirely  typical  of 
the  situation  elsewhere,  significance  is  to  be 
found  in  considering  the  attitudes  of  the 
people  of  New  York  State  and  efforts  there 
to  ban  discrimination.  To  be  found,  also, 
in  scanning  alternative  bills  offered  for  their 


consideration  in  1944  and  in  1945  and  the 
reception  accorded  these.  At  the  same 
time,  analyses  of  recent  public  opinion  polls 
throw  light  nationally  on  the  attitudes  of 
white  Americans  toward  Negroes;  and 
light,  also,  on  the  old  controversy  as  to  the 
relative  merits  of  education  vs.  legislation 
as  means  for  bringing  improvement  about. 

There  is  increasing  evidence  that  public 
opinion  in  New  York  today  is  determined 
that  the  problem  of  discrimination  shall  be 
dealt  with  firmly.  The  ghosts  of  riots  in 
Harlem  have  never  been  laid.  Nor  have 
sensational  newspaper  accounts  obscured 
the  fact  that  at  the  bottom  of  such  clashes 
lie  disparities  in  economic  opportunity. 

New  York  City  itself,  like  several  other 
large  urban  communities,  might  almost  be 
said  to  be  made  up  of  minority  groups, 
each  having  a  vital  stake  in  eliminating 
discrimination.  Whatever  their  competitive 
drives  for  self-preferment,  they  have  come 
to  recognize  their  common  helplessness 
without  the  intervention  of  government. 

These  conditions  are  not  new.  Over  the 
years,  piecemeal  laws  have  been  enacted  by 
the  New  York  legislature  prohibiting  dis- 
crimination in  state  and  municipal  employ- 
ment. More  recently  public  utilities  have 
been  placed  in  the  same  category.  Dis- 
crimination has  been  "outlawed"  in  hotels, 
theaters,  stores,  and  other  establishments 
which  hold  themselves  out  to  serve  the 
public. 

In  a  few  instances,  individuals  have 
been  aggressive  enough  to  press  these  rights 
by  suits  at  law  only  to  be  awarded  amounts 
so  small  as  to  rob  them  of  even  token  sig- 
nificance. Violations  of  legislatively  de- 
clared civil  rights  have  gone  unchecked 
because  of  an  utter  lack  of  machinery  to 
cope  with  them.  Violators  of  these  rights 
have  regarded  the  laws  as  a  nuisance,  the 
risk  of  prosecution  or  suit  as  simply  an- 
other expense  of  doing  business.  Mean- 
while, there  has  been  resort  to  subterfuges 
which  achieve  the  appearance  of  non-dis- 
crimination while  still  accomplishing  the 
opposite  result. 

First  Drafts — As  Yardsticks 

Against  this  background,  two  bills  were 
prepared  by  a  distinguished  committee  of 
citizens  appointed  by  Governor  Dewey  un- 
der the  chairmanship  of  Alvin  Johnson, 
director  of  The  New  School.  Last  spring, 
one  bill  proposed  establishment  of  a  bureau 
in  the  office  of  the  State  Attorney  General, 
to  investigate  violations  of  the  anti-discrim- 
ination statutes  already  in  existence,  to  hold 
public  hearings  and  to  prosecute  violators. 

Coming  to  grips  with  fundamentals,  a 
second  bill  was  drawn  so  as  to 

— declare  the  opportunity  to  obtain  em- 
ployment, without  discrimination  because 


FEBRUARY   1945 


47 


of  race,  color,  creed  or  national  origin,  to 
be  a  civil  right; 

— declare  illegal  any  discrimination  in 
employment  or  union  membership  on  such 
account; 

• — prohibit  employment  agencies  from 
participating  in  such  illegal  practices; 

— establish  a  commission  to  administer 
these  newly  declared  civil  rights. 

This  bill  was  grounded  on  the  precedents 
established  in  federal  and  state  Labor  Re- 
lations Acts  which  provide  for  protection  of 
wage  earners  in  their  right  to  organize  and 
bargain  collectively.  Let  us  look  at  the 
pattern.  Under  it,  the  commission  would 
have  been  empowered  not  only  to  hold 
hearings  upon  complaints  of  discrimination 
but,  if  it  found  the  charges  sustained,  to 
issue  remedial  orders  enforceable  in  the 
courts.  To  that  end  the  commission  would 
have  been  authorized  to  require  both  the 
cessation  of  the  discriminatory  conduct  and 
the  correction  of  the  injury  already  done. 
Persons  denied  employment,  discharged,  or 
refused  promotion  could  be  ordered  hired, 
reinstated,  or  advanced — and  given  wages 
lost  as  a  result  of  their  employers'  -illegal 
conduct. 

Similarly,  the  commission  would  have 
been  empowered  to  order  a  union  to  cease 
refusing  membership  because  of  a  worker's 
race,  color,  creed  or  national  origin,  and 
could  require  the  elimination  of  Jim  Crow 
locals.  Failure  to  obey  the  order  of  the 
commission,  when  backed  by  a  court  de- 


cree, was  to  be  made  a  contempt  and,  there- 
fore, punishable  by  fine  or  imprisonment. 

To  the  disappointment  of  many  citizens, 
Governor  Dewey  declined  to  support  the 
bills  without  further  study.  Resignations 
from  the  committee  followed  and,  with 
legislative  sanction,  he  appointed  a  Tem- 
porary State  Commission  Against  Discrim- 
ination under  the  chairmanship  of  Irving 
M.  Ives,  majority  leader  of  the  Assembly, 
who  for  seven  years  has  been  chairman  of 
the  New  York  State  Joint  Legislative  Com- 
mittee on  Industrial  and  Labor  Relations.* 

The  Second  Drafts 

At  a  series  of  committee  hearings  held 
by  the  new  Temporary  Commission,  be- 
ginning in  December,  the  public  was  given 
an  opportunity  to  criticize  or  endorse  drafts 
of  "tentative  proposals"  for  legislation. 

The  two  proposals  followed  in  general 
the  lines  laid  down  by  the  governor's  earlier 
committee.  Certain  variations,  however, 
introduced  serious  administrative  defects. 

Thus,  in  what  might  be  termed  the  At- 
torney General  Bill,  the  provision  for  a 
separate  bureau  in  his  office  was  eliminated. 
This  would  avoid  budgetary  responsibility 
and  no  staff  of  specialists  would  be  created 
who  could  truly  make  the  enforcement  of 
these  civil  rights  a  state  no  less  than  a 
county  concern.  Moreover,  the  right  of  the 

*Sec  "Blazing  New   Legislative  Trails,"  by   Phillips 
Bradley   Survey    Graphic,    May   1944. 


TWO  FRIENDS  AWARD 

The  National  Urban  League  has  established  a  new  award  to  be  bestowed  periodically  upon  in- 
dividuals who  have  made  outstanding  contributions  in  promoting  interracial  good  will.  The 
award  will  be  in  the  form  of  a  portrait  medal  of  L.  Hollingsworth  Wood  and  Eugene  Kinckle 
Jones — a  tribute  to  the  long  and  productive  association  of  these  two  men,  one  white,  the  other 
Negro,  in  the  league's  work. 

The  photograph  shows  the  president  of  the  league,  William  H.  Baldwin,  holding  the  mas- 
ter medal;  and,  left  to  right,  the  Negro  sculptor,  Richmond  Barthe,  who  made  the  design, 
Mr.  Wood  and  Mr.  Jones. 


Attorney  General  to  prosecute  was  made 
conditional  upon  his  finding  that  a  local 
district  attorney  had  refused  or  was  un- 
able to  institute  criminal  proceedings.  This 
would  basically  weaken  enforcement.  To 
provide  that  an  Attorney  General  must  first 
supersede  local  authorities  might  well,  as  a 
matter  of  practical  politics,  mean  that  he 
would  seldom  act  at  all. 

In  what  might  be  termed  the  Unfair 
Employment  Practice  Bill  (far  the  more 
important  of  the  two  drafts)  the  oppor- 
tunity to  obtain  employment  without  dis- 
crimination because  of  race,  creed,  color,  or 
national  origin  was  recognized  as  a  civil 
right  and  declared  to  be  such. 

The  draft  forbade  discriminatory  employ- 
ment practices  based  on  race,  color,  creed 
or  national  origin  on  the  part  of  private 
employers,  employment  agencies,  and  labor 
unions.  (Unfortunately,  exempted  from 
this  prohibition  were  social  clubs,  fraternal, 
charitable,  educational,  and  religious  asso- 
ciations or  corporations  not  organized  for 
private  profit,  farmers  not  employing  more 
than  three  employes  and  employers  of 
domestics.) 

A  State  Commission  Against  Discrimina- 
tion was  provided  for  to  receive,  investigate, 
and  pass  on  complaints  alleging  such  dis- 
crimination. It  was  also  authorized  to  create 
citizen  advisory  agencies  and  conciliation 
councils  local  or  otherwise;  these  to  be  com- 
posed of  citizens  serving  without  pay  to  aid 
in  effectuating  the  purpose  of  the  proposed 
legislation.  The  commission  might  empower 
such  bodies  to  study  the  problems  of  dis- 
crimination •  in  all  or  specific  fields  of 
human  relations  and  to  foster  through  com- 
munity effort  good  will  between  various 
groups  in  the  population. 

To  the  extent  that  this  constituted  a  rec- 
ognition of  the  need  for  education  and  citi- 
zen action  at  the  local  level  it  was  sound. 
However,  the  permissive  note  and  vague 
language  employed  as  to  the  powers  of  such 
councils  left  much  to  be  desired  even  by 
those  who  believe  that  education  and  action 
in  communities  should  be  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  permanent  Commission  Against 
Discrimination. 

Among  the  unfair  employment  practices 
forbidden  to  employers  or  employment 
agencies  were  discriminations  in  any  aspect 
of  the  employment  relationships — question- 
ing job  applicants  about  their  race,  color, 
creed  or  national  origin,  publishing  dis- 
criminatory help-wanted  ads — or  discrimi- 
nating because  any  person  has  opposed  any 
unlawful  employment  practice  or  has  as- 
sisted in  any  proceeding  under  the  Act. 

Labor  organizations  were  forbidden  to 
exclude  or  expel  from  membership,  or  to 
discriminate  in  any  way  against  any  of  their 
members  because  of  their  race,  creed,  color 
or  national  origin. 

Some  Flaws 

In  its  proposed  form  the  draft,  however, 
included  administrative  provisions  that 
seriously  threaten  the  effectiveness  of  the 
proposed  legislation.  The  following  are  the 
most  significant: 

1.   Both    National    and    New    York   State 
(Continued  on  page  78) 


48 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


gr 

w*w^**" 


Lee  for  FSA 


Men  gather  at  the  neighborhood  bar  for  sociability,  for  "a  quick  one,"  sometimes  linger  to  "have  another,"  and  another — 

Roads  to  Alcoholism 


A  psychiatrist  tells  what  alcoholism  is,   and  what  social  pressures  —  of  sex, 
background,  occupation,  personality — cause  a  human  being  to  drink  to  excess. 


WHEN  OLD  FRIENDS  MEET  AFTER  A  LONG 
separation,  they  do  not  celebrate,  as  they 
reminisce  nostalgically,  by  drinking  some 
chloral  together.  There  is  no  song  which 
honors  in  a  lusty  chorus  the  stimulating 
charms  of  strychnine.  Men  do  not  brag 
of  the  amount  of  aspirin  they  can  take  with- 
out reeling  around  the  room  or  stuporously 
slipping  under  the  table.  No  one  tells  his 
friends  with  pride  that  he  was  slightly  sick, 
in  fact  somewhat  "stinko,"  the  night  before 
because  he  swallowed  too  many  pheno- 
barbitals.  Ships  are  not  launched  by  break- 
ing bottles  of  chloroform  upon  their  bows; 
nor  are  the  kings,  presidents,  and  rulers  of 
great  countries  toasted  by  groups  of  men 
who  spring  to  their  feet,  clink  together 
glasses  filled  with  paraldehyde  and  drink 
the  contents  down  to  demonstrate  the  mo- 
mentary unity  and  mutual  love  of  their  re- 
spective nations. 

The  Incidence  of  Alcoholism 

This  emphasizes  what  I  have  stated  many 
times,  that  the  main  differences  between  al- 
coholism and  other  drug  addictions  are  first, 
the  singular  effects  of  alcohol  and,  second, 
the  consequent  social  pressure  put  on  hu- 
man beings  in  our  Western  civilization  to 
drink  and  to  drink  to  excess.  When  we 


ABRAHAM  MYERSON,   M.D. 

study  the  cultural  and  biologic  distribution 
of  alcoholism,  we  discover  two  primary  and 
directing  facts. 

First,  there  is  a  predominant  sexual  dis- 
tribution— males  are  addicted  to  alcohol- 
ism about  seven  times  as  frequently  as  are 
females,  although  there  is  about  the  same 
distribution  of  neurosis  and  psychosis  in 
males  and  females.  In  fact,  there  are  some- 
what more  depressions  and  more  states  of 
anxiety  and  inferiority  in  the  female  than 
in  the  male,  so  that  if  the  addiction  to  al- 
cohol rested  primarily  on  a  neurotic  or 
psychotic  basis,  the  facts  of  its  sexual  distri- 
bution would  be  entirely  mystifying  and  in- 
comprehensible. But  if  we  think  of  alcohol 


— By  the  clinical  professor  of  psychiatry 
in  the  Harvard  Medical  School,  who  is 
also  director  of  research  in  the  Boston 
State  Hospital  and  a  member  of  the 
Massachusetts  State  Committee  on  Re- 
search in  Mental  Health. 

Dr.  Myerson's  searching  article  on  the 
drug  addiction  we  call  alcoholism  is 
based  on  the  paper  he  presented  at  the 
Symposium  on  Alcoholism  conducted  by 
the  Research  Council  on  Problems  of 
Alcohol  in  Cleveland  in  the  fall. 


addiction  as  having  one  of  its  main  roots 
in  social  pressure  and  in  social  tradition, 
with  urging  and  forbidding  as  twin  and 
ambivalent  factors,  the  explanation  of  the 
lesser  addiction  among  females  is  under- 
standable, since  alcoholism  in  .women  is 
looked  upon  with  more  abhorrence  and 
less  smiling  tolerance,  and  there  is  far  less 
pressure  put  on  the  female  to  drink  than 
on  the  male. 

Second,  as  has  been  pointed  out  else- 
where, there  is  an  even  more  important 
racial-social  distribution.  Thus  it  has  been 
noted  for  many  years  that  the  Jews  have 
little  or  no  alcoholism.  Though  most  Jews 
drink  somewhat  and  some  drink  to  excess, 
yet  the  records  of  arrest,  admissions  to  hos- 
pitals for  alcoholism,  and  the  incidence  of 
alcoholic  psychoses  everywhere  show  a 
marked  and  extraordinary  immunity  of  the 
Jew  from  alcohol  addiction  However,  a 
study  of  the  men  who  come  before  the  se- 
lective service  induction  boards  shows  a 
racial-social  distribution  which  makes  the 
singularity  of  the  Jew  less  impressive. 

There  are  few  alcoholics  among  the 
Italian-Americans,  although  Italians  have 
been  busily  engaged  in  the  process  of  man- 
ufacturing and  distributing  alcohol  for  a 
long  time;  and  further,  few  of  the  de- 


FEBRUARY   1945 


49 


scendants  of  the  peoples  who  come  from 
the  Mediterranean  littoral  are  alcoholics. 
It  is  as  we  press  upward  and  northward 
to  the  British  Isles  and  to  Scandinavia  that 
we  find  a  heavy  incidence  of  alcoholism  in 
the  descendants  of  the  people  who  come 
from  these  countries.  Throughout  the 
United  States  the  incidence  of  alcoholism 
and  the  alcoholic  psychoses  is  greatest 
among  the  people  who  come  from  the 
British  Isles  and  especially  among  the  Irish- 
Americans,  with  a  liberal  sprinkling  of 
alcoholism  among  people  from  Norway, 
Denmark,  and  the  Slavic  countries,  as  well 
as  from  parts  of  Germany.  Yet  no  one,  I 
think,  will  maintain  that  the  Irish  have  a 
greater  incidence  of  nervous  and  mental 
disturbance  than  have  the  Jews.  They  cer- 
tainly do  not  suffer  more  from  anxiety  or 
inferiority  feelings.  They  do  not  have  more 
anguish  of  spirit  from  which  they  long  to 
escape.  (It  may  be  stated  that  to  be  a 
Jew  is  not  only  to  have  an  anxiety  neuro- 
sis but  almost  to  be  one.) 

It  is  relevant  to  point  out  that  it  is  un- 
der the  tremendous  change  in  social  psy- 
chological pressure  which  takes  place  when 
primitive  peoples  become  enmeshed  in  and 
enslaved  by  Western  civilization  that  alco- 
holism sometimes  becomes  almost  universal. 
Ruth  Bunzel  paints  a  moving  and  shame- 
ful picture  of  the  lot  of  the  Central  Ameri- 
can Indians  when  they  became  helots  on 
the  plantations  and  in  the  mines  of  their 
Spanish  masters,  and  a  deliberate  and 
planned  alcoholism  was  foisted  on  the  en- 
slaved population  to  perpetuate  their  deg- 
radation and  thus  maintain  their  subordina- 
tion. 

Furthermore,  certain  clinical  facts  which 
are  of  importance  bear  on  the  problem  of 
the  relationship  of  the  neuroses  and  psy- 
choses to  alcoholism.  It  is  stated  that 
people  who  are  depressed  drink  excessively; 
yet  it  is  a  common  occurrence  that  when  a 
man  who  has  been  a  heavy  drinker  de- 
velops a  depression,  he  may  remain  entirely 
sober  because  for  the  first  time  he  gets  no 
pleasure,  no  kick,  no  thrill  from  alcohol. 
He  is  only  made  sick  by  drinking  and 
without  any  compensating  mental  state.  I 
think  there  are  more  depressed  people  who 
stop  drinking  than  people  who  drink  to 
excess  because  of  depression. 

What  Alcoholism  Is 

If  one  considers  alcohol  addiction  as  a 
final  goal  to  which  many  roads  lead,  a 
classification  of  alcoholism  must  be  made 
so  as  to  orient  thinking  and  differentiate 
the  treatment  of  the  individual  alcoholic. 

Alcoholism  is  somewhat  like  murder  in 
this  respect:  A  man  may  commit  murder 
as  a  social  right  because  his  community  re- 
gards the  avenging  of  a  private  wrong  by 
personal  punishment  as  laudable.  In  the 
early  history  of  mankind,  killing  in  this 
way  was  no  crime.  And,  in  many  extant 
communities,  to  kill  because  one  must  be 
one's  own  agent  for  vengeance  is  still 
praised  and  so  has  the  urgent  potency  of 
the  mores  behind  it.  Thus  we  have  a  so- 
cial-cultural background  for  murder.  A 
man  may  kill  through  emotional  disturb- 
ance and  in  the  heat  of  individual  battle. 
This  is  the  most  familiar  type  of  killing. 

30 


Another  may  take  life  in  pursuance  of 
some  other  criminal  act  such  as  robbery. 
His  intent  may  not  be  to  murder  at  all, 
but  the  murder  flows  out  of  the  situation 
and  is  incidental  to  the  crime  motivation 
as  a  whole.  A  man  may  commit  murder 
because  he  is  deluded,  has  ideas  of  perse- 
cution, dementia  praecox,  general  paresis  or 
some  other  mental  disease.  And  finally,  a 
man  may  commit  murder  because  he  is 
so  low  in  the  intellectual  scale  that  he  does 
not  know  the  difference  between  right  and 
wrong  and  has  not  been  able  to  assimilate 
the  cultural  ideology  in  this  respect.  The 
same  act — killing — may  thus  be  approached, 
so  far  as  motivation  and  psychological 
causation  is  concerned,  by  many  roads.  And 
many  roads  lead  to  alcoholism. 

The  escape  motivation  of  alcoholic  in- 
dulgence has  been  worked  to  death  and 
has  become  a  psychiatric  and  social  cliche. 
Men  drink  to  celebrate  a  past,  present  or 
coming  event.  Some  seek  the  good  will 
and  esteem  of  others  in  a  combination  of 
social  propitiation  and  self-glorification  or 
exhibitionism;  thus  vanity  is  one  of  the 
great  sources  of  the  motives  for  drinking. 
Others  drink  to  alleviate  fear,  sorrow,  fa- 
tigue, and  boredom — the  Four  Horsemen 
of  the  Weary  Spirit;  a  few  to  dissolve  the 
shackles  of  the  Brooding  Self;  and  finally 
most,  because  it  is  the  inexorably  pressing 
"thing  to  do."  Out  of  the  primary  social, 
racial,  sexual  predilection  and  pressure, 
without  which  there  is  no  alcoholism,  some 
find  their  way  to  addiction. 

Social  Pressures 

Again,  what  are  these  roads  to  alcohol- 
ism P  There  is,  first  of  all,  a  cultural  pat- 
tern which  does  not  frown  effectively  on 
the  most  important  road  to  alcoholism — 
heavy  drinking — and  which  even  tends  to 
encourage  it.  At  the  same  time,  another 
cultural  pattern  disavows  heavy  drinking, 
punishes  it,  regards  it  as  evil,  unhygienic, 
and  so  on.  This  conflict  of  social  attitudes 
I  have  described  elsewhere  as  the  social 
ambivalence  towards  alcoholism.  In  some 
racial-social  groups  there  is  very  little  am- 
bivalence. The  group  is  very  definitely 
against  alcoholism.  This  is  the  case  of  the 
Jews. 

In  other  groups  the  pressure  towards 
heavy  drinking  is  strongly  based  socially 
and  has  a  long  history.  This,  in  my  opin- 
ion, is  the  case  among  the  people  of  north- 
ern Europe.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  only 
groups  which  included  drunkenness  and 
fighting  in  their  concept  of  paradise  were 
the  Germanic  peoples.  In  Valhalla  the 
heroes  fought  all  day,  then  were  carried 
back  by  the  Valkyrie  to  Valhalla,  were 
miraculously  cured  of  their  wounds  and 
spent  the  night  in  an  orgy  of  drinking. 
Nothing  is  said  about  what  happened  to 
the  Valkyrie.  Thus,  among  the  northern 
peoples,  to  drink  heavily  was  considered  a 
sign  of  manhood,  and  the  capacity  to  carry 
alcohol  so  well  as  to  drink  the  other  con- 
testant under  the  table  is  enshrined  in 
legends,  sayings,  and  injunctions  as  the 
mark  of  the  gentleman. 

There  is  therefore  a  social  pressure  in 
many  communities  and  racial-social  groups 
which  favors  heavy  drinking,  which  makes 


it  a  proof  of  virility,  which  gives  it  the 
sanction  of  ceremony,  and  finally  establishes 
it  by  the  greatest  of  social  powers — cus- 
tom. This  social  pressure  does  not  operate 
equally  on  all  persons,  just  as  the  trend 
towards  learning  and  the  praise  of  war  do 
not  operate  equally  to  make  scholars  and 
soldiers  of  the  various  members  of  the 
population.  Nevertheless,  social  pressure 
must  never  be  forgotten  as  a  factor  in  the 
development  of  heavy  drinking,  which  in 
its  turn  becomes  the  main  road  to  alcohol- 
ism. 

It  must  be  asserted  that  most  "heavy 
drinkers"  remain  relatively  normal,  how- 
ever foolish  and  deplorable  it  may  be  to 
drink  too  frequently  and  too  much.  So 
long  as  a  man  drinks  socially,  does  not 
damage  his  physical  health,  does  not  lose 
much  time  from  his  work,  does  not  sink 
from  the  social  and  economic  position  to 
which  he  has  risen,  does  not  loosen  the 
ties  which  bind  him  to  friends  and  family, 
he  is  not  yet  a  true  alcoholic. 

Put  more  psychologically  and  somati- 
cally,  alcoholism  appears  mainly  as  the  out- 
growth of  heavy  drinking.  Here  I  use 
some  of  the  criteria  which  Robert  Seliger, 
the  Johns  Hopkins  psychiatrist,  uses  to 
mark  the  transition  from  drinking  to  al- 
coholism: when  the  morning  after  finds 
the  drinker  so  tremulous  and  disorganized 
that  he  feels  an  urgent  need  for  the  all  too 
transiently  steadying  drink;  when  he  must 
use  alcohol  for  a  prop  in  the  pressing  daily 
occasions  when  doubt,  frustration,  fatigue, 
and  monotony  assail  him — in  short,  when 
pleasure  is  supplanted  by  craving,  and  de- 
privation brings  out  the  zestless  restless- 
ness of  the  drug  addict.  The  sensible 
drinker  seeks  a  mild  euphoria  and  an  easier 
access  to  other  pleasures;  the  alcoholic  has 
lost  other  roads  to  euphoria  and  seeks 
anesthesia  as  the  Good  of  his  existence. 

Who  Becomes  an  Addict? 

Within  the  ever  present  framework  of 
the  social  pressure  as  manifested  by  sex, 
racial-social  status,  as  well  as  by  occupa- 
tion, who  becomes  the  heavy  drinker  is  a 
relevant  question.  My  impression  is  that 
the  man  with  the  delusive  gift  of  a  metab- 
olism that  withstands  alcohol  well,  who 
does  not  easily  become  sick  or  adversely 
affected,  and  who  in 'the  earlier  periods  of 
his  life  quickly  builds  up  a  tolerance  for 
increasing  doses  of  this  drug,  is  in  danger 
of  alcohol  addiction  through  the  road  of 
heavy  drinking.  Conversely,  the  man  who 
becomes  dull,  dazed,  dizzy  by  a  drink  or 
two,  whose  metabolism  is  such  that  he 
"gets  nothing  out  of  it"  but  the  unpleasant, 
and  who  finds  on  repeated  experience  and 
experiment  that  he  cannot  build  up  a  real 
tolerance,  does  not  become  a  heavy  drink- 
er. 

This  is  not  different  from  the  mental 
and  physical  reactions  to  other  drugs.  Some 
people  are  adversely  excited  by  morphine; 
for  some  the  usual  euphoria  of  benzedrine 
is  replaced  by  an  agitated  depression;  and 
the  chemical  idiosyncrasy  of  the  finer  and 
hidden  structures  of  people  produce  either 
allergy  or  tolerance  to  everything  chemical 
from  the  barbiturates  to  strawberries. 

When    we    come    down    to    immediate 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


factors  in  the  creation  of  addiction,  it  seems 
to  me  we  may  state  the  case  somewhat  as 
follows:     It  is  difficult  to  isolate  the  per- 
sonality types  who  become  alcoholic,  yet  it 
is  probable  that  certain  personality  types  do 
1  become    alcoholic    more    frequently    than 
1  others.     I   think   the   "unorganized   extro- 
I  vert"   becomes    an    alcoholic    very    readily. 
|  This  is  the  individual  who  remains  on  a 
I  frank  level  of  hedonism   without  the   de- 
ll velopment  of  sentiment,  whose  energies  are 
I  expended  without  engrossing  and  fixed  pur- 
!•:  pose,   who  drifts  in  the  present  moment, 
I  not  governed  by  the  past  or  directed  by  a 
I  future. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  hobo,  the  com- 
\   plete  example  of  this  type,  is  a  hobo  be- 
cause of  his  addiction  to  alcohol.    I  think 
his  addiction  to  alcohol  is  part  of  the  same 
I   general  trend  which  has  led  to  his  becom- 
i   ing  a  hobo.     He  has  not  built  up  an  or- 
I   ganized  self.    He  has  no  fixed  attachment 
!,  to  a  woman,  so  he  does  not  marry.    He  has 
no  loyalty  to  a  locale,  so  he  migrates  from 
place  to  place.    He  has  no  developed  skill, 
j  because  he  is  not  industrious  and  follows 
j  itinerant  occupations  merely  to  get  enough 
;j  to  sustain  life  and  to  obtain  alcohol  in  any 
form.    He  drinks  to  excess  because  he  has 
.;  nothing  to  keep  him  sober.     There  is  no 
inner   inhibition    against    alcoholism.      He 
i    does  not  belong  to  any  social  or  religious 
:   group  which  is  against  alcoholism,  because 
I  he  is  not  a  joiner  or  a  church-goer.     The 
I  positive  social  pressure  towards  alcohol  in- 
i   dulgence  operates  without  let  or  hindrance. 
The    unorganized    extroverts,   of   whom 
the  hobo  is  merely  the  extreme  example, 
become  the  "sot"  drinkers,  who  drink  with- 
j   out  fastidiousness  or  ceremony,  who  gather 
together  in  alleyways,  in  lonely  cabins  along 
the  river  or  in  the  woods,  and   pass  the 
j   bottle  around.     But  the  sot  needs  no  com- 
j   panionship   for   his   drinking,   and   in   his 
;    case  John  Barleycorn  has  nothing  to  fear 
j    from  Venus.    All  other  hedonistic  striving 
I    becomes   stilled   when   alcoholism   becomes 
complete. 

A  second  type  of  alcoholic  is  by  his  in- 
trinsic nature  the  opposite  of  the  unor- 
ganized extrovert.  Here  we  encounter  the 
unfortunate  who  has  what  I  call  the  "so- 
cial anxiety  neurosis."  Meeting  with  his 
fellow  men  fills  him  with  dread.  He  can- 
not face  their  scrutiny  without  stammer- 
ing, inner  tremor,  or  somatic  disturbance 
of  one  type  or  another.  Yet  he  yearns  ar- 
dently to  be  one  with  his  fellows  and  to  be 
at  ease  in  social  relationship.  Except  un- 
der the  influence  of  alcohol  he  finds  this 
impossible  to  do.  Without  alcohol  he  gets 
shoved  into  a  corner,  lonely  and  miserable. 
With  alcohol  his  fear  is  assuaged.  His 
obsessive  self-consciousness  disappears,  and 
the  alcohol  either  releases  a  latent  self-con- 
fidence or  paralyzes  the  paralyzing  inhibi- 
tions. So  he  becomes  bold  and  feels  him- 
self capable  of  holding  up  his  end  with  his 
fellows.  His  tongue  becomes  loosened,  and 
thus  relieves  him  of  one  of  his  main  diffi- 
culties, which  is  that  he  can  find  nothing 
to  talk  about.  Alcohol  makes  him  voluble 
by  releasing  his  repressed  loquacity.  He 
becomes  friendly,  sociable,  and  free. 

Since  the  social  anxiety  neurosis  is  usu- 
ally a  chronic  mental  state,  it  is  easy  to  see 

FEBRUARY  1945 


that  in  some  cases — those  who  belong  to 
racial-cultural  groups  which  do  not  frown 
on  alcoholism  and,  in  addition,  who  toler- 
ate alcohol  fairly  well — alcohol  addiction 
readily  develops  as  a  final  phase  of  a  social 
disability. 

Three  Types  of  Spree  Drinking 

There  are  three  types  of  spree  drinking 
of  interest  and  importance.  In  all  spree 
drinking  there  is  usually  prior  heavy  drink- 
ing, then  complete  or  comparative  sobriety, 
and  then  a  debauch  starts  which  goes  on 
day  and  night  until  the  hospital,  the  jail, 
or  occasionally  death  ends  the  frenzied 
cycle. 

One  type  seems  linked  either  to  a  re- 
curring depression  or  the  beginning  of  a 
manic  attack,  and  is  thus  not  so  much  true 
alcoholism  as  symptomatic  of  manic-de- 
pressive psychosis  leading  either  to  a  mental 
anguish  for  which  anesthesia  is  sought,  or 
else  to  an  extreme  recklessness  and  flam- 
boyance of  spirit  which  use  the  medium  of 
alcohol  for  a  fantastic  exhibitionistic  cele- 
bration. 

The  second  variety  is  the  "reaction  to 
trouble  and  frustration"  spree.  This  is  not 
merely  getting  drunk  to  forget  or  escape; 
it  is  a  cycle  of  increasing  tempo  and  can 
only  be  stopped  forcibly  by  outer  power  or 
by  delirium  tremens,  or  neuritis,  or  pneu- 
monia, to  cite  a  few  of  the  effective  red 
lights.  As  a  rule,  this  kind  of  spree  drink- 
er is  ordinarily  a  restrained  drinker — one 
who  has  to  keep  himself  in  check  to  remain 
reasonably  sober.  Then  comes  what  one  of 
them  designated  as  the  pu;«h-over,  "the 
to-hell-with-it"  event  and  the  spree  is  on. 

The  third  type  is  entirely  baffling  in  its 
stark  periodic  alcoholism.  There  is  no 
mental  disease,  and  there  is  no  trouble. 
Fear,  worry,  fatigue,  boredom,  none  of  these 
is  evident  either  to  the  man  himself  or  to 
those  about  him.  Between  sprees  he  drinks 
not  at  all  and  refuses  the  ever-recurring 
invitation,  "What  will  you  have,"  firmly, 
good-naturedly,  and  without  any  feeling  of 
temptation.  Suddenly  and  after  a  brief 
inner  battle,  he  takes  the  fatal  first  drink, 
and  then  there  is  set  going  by  an  inexorable 
mechanism  a  feverish  debauch  in  barrooms 
and  hotel  rooms,  with  a  finale  in  hospital, 
jail  or  morgue.  Usually  this  dipsomaniac, 
as  the  older  literature  termed  him,  has 
been  a  heavy  drinker  who  finally  reaches 
abstinence,  but  thereafter  remains  on  a 
pharmacological  all-or-none  principle. 

Jobs  and  Alcohol 

One  of  the  roads  to  alcoholism  is  through 
occupation.  That  the  job  selects  the  man 
is  a  phase  of  economics  not  sufficiently 
stressed  by  economists  and  social  scientists. 
There  are  certain  occupations  which  de- 
mand "high  pressure"  of  those  who  engage 
in  them.  The  worker  has  to  be  quick, 
aggressive,  enthusiastic;  he  has  to  over- 
cqme  resistance  by  a  forcible  front;  he  has 
to  match  wits  and  ply  argument;  and  espe- 
cially he  has  to  entertain  the  customer. 
So  alcohol  is  used  as  a  means  of  entertain- 
ment, social  union,  and  to  bring  about  that 
affability  by  which  deals  are  made. 

I  cite  merely  one  occupation  of  many 
in  which  heavy  drinking  is  almost  de- 


FEB 


manded  and  so  is  common,  thus  readily 
becoming  metamorphized  into  alcohol  ad- 
diction. The  big  city  salesman  or  agent  in 
a  competitive  business  entertains  his  cus- 
tomers and  especially  those  who  come  from 
rural  districts  and  small  towns  to  combine 
business  with  free  pleasure.  And  drinking 
permeates  all  such  entertainment.  To  the 
customer  the  debauch  becomes  a  pleasant 
or  regretful  episode;  to  the  salesman  it  is 
part  of  a  dangerous  career.  Dangerous, 
that  is,  to  men  of  some  races  and  not  to 
others,  to  men  who  lack  the  full  natural 
vitality  and  to  whom  alcohol  furnishes  the 
fuel  for  an  artificial  and  dangerous  pres- 
sure. Wherever  "personality"  is  demanded 
as  part  of  the  selling  process,  in  the  profes- 
sions as  well  as  in  business,  and  wherever 
entertainment  is  a  part  or  the  whole  of 
the  transaction — in  short,  where  personality 
or  sociability  become  unduly  emphasized, 
alcohol  addiction  becomes  the  lot  of  a  dis- 
proportionate number  of  men  and  women. 
It  is  very  easy  to  classify  the  alcoholic  as 
a  constitutional  psychopathic  inferior,  and 
to  commit  the  logical  error  of  circular 
reasoning,  namely,  the  alcoholic  is  a  con- 
stitutional psychopathic  inferior  because  he 
drinks  to  excess,  and  he  drinks  to  excess 
because  he  is  a  constitutional  psychopathic 
inferior.  The  evidence  of  abnormal  per- 
sonality among  prohibitionists  needs  to  be 
studied  as  a  counterbalance  to  the  study  of 
the  personality  of  alcoholics.  In  the  one 
case,  the  negative  social  pressure  in  respect 
to  drinking  has  won  the  day;  whereas,  in 
the  case  of  the  alcoholic,  the  positive  social 
pressure  has  become  victorious. 

Prevention 

The  roads  to  alcoholism  are  many,  but 
they  are  always  offshoots  of  the  highway  of 
social-racial  custom  and  tradition.  The 
treatment  of  the  individual  case  has  at  this 
time  some  twenty  varieties,  ranging  from 
Alcoholics  Anonymous  and  frank  religious 
exhortation  to  spinal  fluid  drainage,  benze- 
drine sulfate  and  the  conditioned  reflex,  not 
forgetting  psychoanalysis,  psychothera- 
peutics,  and  shock  therapy. 

Whoever  wishes  ardently  to  prevent  al- 
coholism will  need  the  heart  of  a  lion,  the 
wiliness  of  the  serpent,  and  the  guileless- 
ness  of  the  dove.  He  will  meet  head  on 
not  only  the  terrific  power  of  tradition  and 
custom,  but  also  the  power  of  great  indus- 
tries as  they  fight  for  the  sale  of  a  danger- 
ous product — a  drug — by  advertising  cam- 
paigns and  the  corruption  of  legislatures. 
Not  only  all  this,  but  he  who  seeks  to 
bring  about  a  reasonably  drinking  society 
will  sooner  or  later  find  that  he  has  to 
deal  with  the  structure  of  a  somewhat 
crazy  society — a  society  riddled  with  the  in- 
justices of  bad  working  conditions,  miser- 
able slums,  the  twin  evils  of  poverty  and  of 
unearned  wealth,  of  insecurity  and  unem- 
ployment, and  the  hectic  atmosphere  of  en- 
hanced sensuality  and  luxury-seeking.  In 
short,  in  order  to  prevent  men  and  women 
from  the  false  euphoria  and  the  unquiet 
anesthesia  of  alcohol  addiction,  he  must 
become  more  than  physician  and  psychia- 
trist; he  must  take  on  the  task  of  the  so- 
cial reformer. 


51 


"An  Ordinary  American 

The  Japanese  Americans  in  the  U.  S.  army  have  a  living  symbol 
of  Uncle  Sam — he's  a  youngish  Mississippian  named  Earl  Finch. 


AN  AMERICAN  SOLDIER  OF  JAPANESE  PAR- 
entage,  who  had  lost  a  leg  in  Italy,  lay  in 
the  army's  Walter  Reed  Hospital  longing 
for  his  family  and  friends  in  Hawaii.  Sud- 
denly he  saw  approach  his  bedside  a  pleas- 
ant faced  man  wearing  a  pineapple  printed 
Hawaiian  shirt.  "That  shirt  looked  won- 
derful," he  now  relates,  "but  when  the 
man  told  me  his  name,  I  was  so  excited 
I  nearly  jumped  out  of  bed  without  my 
leg." 

The  soldier  had  never  seen  Earl  Finch 
before,  but  he  had  heard  hundreds  of 
stories  about  him.  To  meet  him  in  person 
was  like  receiving  a  visitor  from  home. 

For,  Earl  M.  Finch,  soft-spoken,  reticent, 
southern  businessman  and  farmer,  is  the 
hero  of  American  soldiers  of  Japanese  an- 
cestry. His  name  is  revered  by  the  several 
thousands  of  them  now  fighting  in  Italy 
and  France,  by  the  hundreds  lying  wound- 
ed in  army  hospitals  in  this  country,  and 
by  their  families,  many  of  whom  are  still 
in  relocation  centers.  This  hero  worship 
has  resulted  from  only  one  cause — friend- 
ship. It  has  spread  like  a  flame  in  the  year 
and  a  half  since  the  quiet  southerner  began 
to  spend  most  of  his  time  and  much  of 
his  money  befriending  people,  particularly 
soldiers,  who  are  members  of  what  has 
been  called  the  loneliest  minority  group  in 
America. 

They  Were  Lonely  Boys 

The  object  of  this  mass  affection  is  a 
slight  man,  somewhere  in  his  middle  thir- 
ties, who  lives  in  Hattiesburg,  Miss.,  with 
his  father  and  invalid  mother.  He  owns  a 
second-hand  furniture  establishment,  and  a 
combination  bowling-alley  and  army  goods 
store,  as  well  as  a  stock  farm  outside  the 
town,  and  he  prefers  to  be  known  as  a 
farmer  rather  than  a  businessman. 

Earl  Finch  has  a  hero,  too.  This  is  his 
kid  brother,  now  in  combat  duty  in  the 
Pacific.  When  Earl  found  he  was  unable 
to  get  into  the  army  himself,  he  decided  to 
spend  the  proceeds  of  his  businesses  extend- 
ing hospitality  to  servicemen — the  kind  of 
hospitality  he  would  like  to  have  strangers 
offer  his  brother. 

He  began  by  introducing  himself  to 
British  and  French  seamen  in  New  Orleans 
and  taking  them  on  short  trips  to  sur- 
rounding points  of  interest  or  to  night 
clubs.  He  picked  out  foreign  servicemen 
because  he  felt  that  they  were  the  ones 
who  needed  friendship  most. 

Then  one  day  in  the  summer  of  1943 
as  he  was  walking  down  Hattiesburg's 
main  street,  he  noticed  in  front  of  him  a 
very  small  man  in  an  American  army  uni- 
form much  too  big  for  him.  The  soldier 
lingered  at  a  shop  window  and  Mr.  Finch 
saw  an  Oriental  face  reflected  in  the  glass. 
"The  little  man  looked  so  forlorn,"  said 


KATHRYN  CLOSE 

— Constant  reader  of  the  Pacific  Citizen, 
lively  weekly  publication  of  the  Japanese 
American  Citizens  League,  is  our  asso- 
ciate editor,  Kathryn  Close.  And  when 
she  found  in  its  pages  frequent  items 
about  Earl  Finch,  she  felt  she  must  know 
more  about  him.  This  story  of  friend- 
ship is  the  result. 


he  when  pressed  for  the  story,  "that  I 
invited  him  home  to  supper." 

The  soldier  came  armed  with  a  big 
bunch  of  American  Beauty  roses  for  Mr. 
Finch's  mother.  After  supper,  he  spent 
hours  in  pleasant  conversation  with  her. 
"Then  I  knew  I  liked  him,"  says  her  son. 

That  was  the  beginning  of  an  interest 
in  Japanese  Americans  that  has  gradually 
absorbed  more  and  more  of  Earl  Finch's 
time.  The  soldier  he  had  entertained  was 
a  member  of  a  large  group  of  volunteers 
of  Japanese  ancestry  then  stationed  at  Camp 
Shelby.  They  were  lonely  boys.  Their  ad- 
vent to  the  state  had  met  with  a  blast  from 
a  prominent  politician  that  was  hardly  con- 
ducive to  self-assurance  in  young  men  who 
since  Pearl  Harbor  had  felt  themselves 
suspect  wherever  they  went.  They  shied 
away  from  the  USO  clubs  after  a  few  ex- 
periences of  finding  themselves  standing 
apart  as  self-conscious  onlookers.  They 
avoided  the  dances  at  the  service  clubs  in 
the  camps,  for  there  were  no  girls  for  them. 

Mr.  Finch  began  to  take  small  groups 
of  these  boys  to  his  home.  When  he  be- 
came familiar  with  their  needs,  he  decided 
to  entertain  them  in  larger  numbers.  He 
invited  600  to  a  picnic  at  his  farm,  where 
he  staged  a  rodeo,  complete  with  cow- 
punchers,  unbroken  horses,  and  all  the 
trimmings.  At  another  time,  he  took  out 
300  for  a  watermelon  picnic.  When  Christ- 
inas came,  he  bought  up  all  the  cigars  in 
Hattiesburg  and  sent  them  to  the  boys  at 
the  camp  along  with  truckloads  of  fruit — 
"mangoes  and  bananas  and  things  we 
hadn't  seen  for  a  long  time,"  says  one  boy 
trom  Hawaii  who  is  still  talking  about  it. 

The  Numbers  Increase 

But  the  hospitable  southerner  was  not 
satisfied  with  what  entertainment  he  could 
offer  the  soldiers  himself.  Nearly  300  miles 
from  Hattiesburg,  at  Rohwer,  Ark.,  stands 
one  of  the  War  Relocation  Authority's 
temporary  relocation  centers,  where  there 
are  several  thousand  of  the  Japanese  and 
Americans  of  Japanese  descent  who  were 
evacuated  from  their  West  Coast  homes  in 
the  early  months  of  the  war.  To  Mr.  Finch 
its  proximity  represented  an  opportunity. 
He  got  in  touch  with  army  service  officers 
and  arranged  for  buses  to  be  sent  to  the 
center  (and  also  to  Jerome,  Ark.,  where 
there  was  another  center  which  has  since 


closed)  to  bring  girls  for  his  soldier  friends 
to  the  camp  dances.  The  boys  themselves 
paid  the  expenses  and  about  sixty  girls 
came.  The  experiment  was  so  successful 
that  it  has  been  repeated  at  intervals  of  two 
or  three  months  ever  since. 

He  also  helped  persuade  the  local  United 
Service  Organizations  council,  of  which  he 
is  a  member,  to  cooperate  with  USO  repre- 
sentatives in  the  establishment  in  Hatties 
burg  of  a  special  club  for  these  soldiers 
where  they  could  feel  at  home — the  nov 
popular  Aloha  USO  Club. 

He  put  up  trophies  for  athletic  contest 
on  the  post  and  made  it  possible  for  the 
boys   to   go   on   athletic   trips   outside   the 
camp,  sometimes  to  meet  with  professionals. 

He  arranged  for  publication,  at  his  own 
expense,  of  the  battle  song  "Go  for  Broke," 
(Hawaiian  slang  for  shoot  the  worlds)  writ- 
ten by  Pfc.  Harry  Hamada  of  the  442nd 
Combat  Team  and  adopted  as  its  official 
song. 

With  all  his  efforts  to  extend  opportuni- 
ties for  recreation  to  as  many  soldiers  as 
possible,  Earl  Finch  never  lost  personal 
touch  with  the  boys.  He  arranged  hotel 
space  in  New  Orleans  for  those  who  were 
fortunate  enough  to  have  a  three-day  pass. 
Occasionally  he  entertained  a  group  by  tak- 
ing them  to  the  city.  He  drove  them  to 
the  relocation  centers  to  see  their  families 
or  friends. 

When  the  volunteers  moved  on  to  Eu- 
ropean battlefronts  and  were  replaced  by 
draftees,  also  of  Japanese  ancestry,  he  kept 
in  touch  with  the  old  crowd  by  mail  and 
made  friends  with  the  new.  He  takes  them 
to  ball  games,  giving  them  parties  in  his 
home  and  on  his  farm,  shows  them  a  gay 
time  in  the  city,  and  does  the  innumerable 
little  things  that  only  a  person  with  a  gift 
for  friendship  can  think  up.  Said  a  home- 
sick draftee  from  Hawaii  recently:  "Earl 
Finch  is  the  only  thing  that  makes  spare 
time  bearable." 

He  seems  to  have  a  knack  of  knowing 
just  what  the  boys  need  to  boost  their 
morale.  After  the  announcement  of  the 
atrocities  perpetrated  against  American 
prisoners  of  war  in  the  Philippines,  the 
Japanese  American  soldiers  at  Shelby  found 
themselves  restricted  to  the  post.  They  were 
engulfed  in  gloom  until  Mr.  Finch  and 
the  USO  arranged  for  a  Philippine  or- 
chestra from  New  Orleans  to  go  to  the 
camp  and  entertain  them  with  Hawaiian 
music.  The  very  fact  that  the  Filipinos 
were  willing  to  play  for  them  made  the 
boys  feel  better. 

Their  Families  and  Friends 

The  glimpses  he  caught  of  the  relocation 
centers  through  visits  "home"  with  the  boys 
aroused  Mr.  Finch's  interest  in  the  people 
living  in  those  drab  surroundings.  Last 


52 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Mr.  Finch  at  Camp  Shelby,  Miss.,  distributing  trophies  to  the  winning  baseball  team  of  the  442nd  Combat  unit  of  Nisei  volunteers — 


spring  as  Easter  approached,  he  suggested 
to  the  Japanese  Americans  at  Camp  Shelby 
that  they  do  something  for  the  children  in 
the  Rohwer  center,  saying  he  himself  would 
put  up  $300  for  candy  Easter  eggs.  Re- 
sponding eagerly  to  the  idea,  the  men 
raised  $2,300.  On  Easter  day,  Mr.  Finch 
and  some  of  his  friends  went  out  to  the 
center  with  10,000  Easter  eggs,  a  ton  of 
candy,  2,000  pints  of  ice  cream,  and  "doz- 
ens and  dozens"  of  Easter  rabbits.  They 
took  furniture  for  a  camp  USO  and  equip- 
ment for  a  children's  playground. 

This  past  Christmas  he  again  stimulated 
a  children's  party  at  the  center  and  within 
a  week  had  received  over  1,200  letters  of 
appreciation  from  the  children.  In  this 
party  he  was  aided  by  the  men  of  the  171st 
Infantry  Battalion,  and  their  special  con- 
tribution was  furniture  for  the  living  room 
of  the  center's  old  men's  home. 

From  the  extension  of  personal  hospital- 
ity to  neighboring  soldiers  and  their  fam- 
ilies, Mr.  Finch's  interest  in  Japanese 
American  servicemen  has  turned  into  a 
full  time  job.  He  has  traveled  32,000  miles 
in  the  last  year,  visiting  other  camps  and 
army  hospitals.  Last  fall  he  invited  200 
boys  from  Camp  Fannin,  Tex.,  to  be  his 
guests  at  a  football  game  in  nearby  Tyler. 
He  took  a  Japanese  Hawaiian  orchestra, 
composed  of  boys  on  furlough  from  Camp 
Shelby,  on  a  trip  to  several  hospitals  around 
the  country  to  entertain  men  of  every  race, 
wounded  in  France  and  Italy.  Only  a  few 
days  ago  he  gave  a  party  in  a  New  York 
hotel  for  150  men — Japanese,  Chinese, 
Hawaiian — all  American  soldiers  on  fur- 
lough in  the  city. 

His    main    concern    now    is    with    the 

FEBRUARY  1945 


wounded— with  all  wounded  soldiers  but 
especially  those  of  Japanese  descent.  Re- 
cently he  invited  five  Japanese  Americans, 
on  furlough  from  the  Walter  Reed  Hos- 
pital in  Washington,  to  accompany  him  to 
New  York  for  a  "good  time."  One  had 
lost  a  leg,  one  an  arm,  two  had  lost  eyes, 
one  was  recovering  from  bullet  wounds 
(he  holds  a  Distinguished  Service  Cross), 
but  they  all  were  in  high  spirits  as  they 
"did  the  town"  with  their  friend. 

There    is    one    responsibility    that    Mr. 


Finch  has  taken  upon  himself  that  he  finds 
very  difficult.  This  is  visiting  the  relocation 
centers  to  see  families  of  men  who  have 
been  killed  in  battle. 

"Can  you  imagine  what  it's  like  to  call 
on  men  and  women  who  are  behind  barbed 
wire  and  try  to  help  them  find  comfort  in 
the  fact  that  their  son  died  for  his  coun- 
try?" he  asks.  But  whenever  he  hears  of  a 
Japanese  American  boy's  death — and  there 
have  been  many — he  makes  it  a  point  to 
get  in  touch  with  the  soldier's  family. 


— and  as  joint  host  with  Japanese  American  soldiers  at  a  Relocation  Center  party 


33 


There  is  an  air  of  earnestness  about  Earl 
Finch  that  sometimes  seems  almost  tense, 
but  again  is  relieved  by  a  twinkle  of  fun. 
It  is  as  though  he  were  being  driven  by 
some  moral  urge  into  more  and  more 
feverish  activity,  but  with  it  all  was  enjoy- 
ing himself  tremendously.  His  manner  is 
somewhat  nervous — one  is  never  sure  when 
he  is  going  to  hop  up  and  move  about  the 
room,  or  even  walk  out  in  the  midst  of  a 
conversation. 

In  appearance  there  is  little  that  would 
make  him  stand  out  in  a  crowd.  He  is 
slim,  pale,  baldish,  with  blue  eyes  and  a 
pleasant  smile.  Somehow  he  combines  a 
provincial  simplicity  with  the  assurance  of 
a  man  of  the  world.  New  Orleans,  Wash- 
ington, New  York  are  as  familiar  to  him  as 
his  native  Hattiesburg.  Yet  there  is  a 
genuine  shyness  about  him — and  a  tendency 
to  blush. 

They  "Go  for  Broke" 

Anyone  interviewing  him  finds  it  hard 
to  learn  much  about  Earl  Finch.  But  one 
learns  a  lot  about  American  soldiers  of 
Japanese  ancestry,  for  Mr.  Finch  manages 
repeatedly  to  turn  the  subject  to  "our  boys." 

He  tells  of  their  heroic  exploits — indi- 
vidually and  as  a  group — and  of  the  kind 
of  people  they  are.  He  tells  of  the  100th 
Infantry  Battalion,  composed  entirely  of 


Hawaiians  of  Japanese  descent,  and  how 
they  participated  in  the  landings  at  Salerno 
and  in  every  major  action  in  Italy  since; 
of  the  1,000  Purple  Hearts  among  the 
original  1,300  men  of  this  group;  of  the 
numerous  citations  won  by  individuals  of 
the  battalion — by  July  there  were  eleven 
Distinguished  Service  Crosses,  forty-four 
Silver  Stars,  thirty-one  Bronze  Stars,  and 
three  Legion  of  Merit  decorations,  and  there 
have  been  many  since.  (The  group  has 
been  called  "one  of  the  most  decorated 
units  of  its  size  in  American  military  his- 
tory.") He  tells  of  the  442nd  Combat 
Team,  formed  when  the  army  called  for 
4,500  Japanese  American  volunteers  from 
Hawaii  and  the  mainland  "and  got  10,000"; 
of  how  last  summer  four  days  after  enter- 
ing the  front  lines  in  Italy,  men  of  this 
group  had  advanced  fifty  miles,  some  of 
them  getting  so  far  ahead  of  supply  lines 
that  they  had  to  go  without  food  for 
twenty-four  hours;  of  how  later  the  same 
men  spearheaded  the  rescue  of  the  "lost 
battalion"  of  Texans  in  the  Vosges  foot- 
hills in  France,  and  of  the  fierce  action 
they  have  been  seeing  with  General  Patch's 
Seventh  Army. 

He  speaks  of  individual  friends:  of  the 
cheerful  letters  he  receives  from  Yoshinao 
("Turtle")  Omiya,  whose  eyes  were  blown 
out  by  a  land  mine  at  the  Volturno  River 


Acme 


Four  men  of  a  distinguished  battalion,  the  100th  Infantry;  they  were  wounded  in  Italy 


and  who  now  has  a  job  in  a  war  plant;  of 
another  Hawaiian  Japanese  who,  though 
he  lost  an  eye  and  is  still  in  the  hospital, 
keeps  worrying  army  officials  with  his  re- 
quests to  be  sent  back  into  combat  with  his 
comrades  of  the  100th. 

He  talks  of  the  Japanese  Americans  still 
at  Camp  Shelby,  the  boys  of  the  171st  In- 
fantry Battalion  who  seem  fired  with  a 
common  zeal  to  make  good  and  prove  their 
"Americanism";  of  the  men  of  the  442nd 
when  they  were  in  camp,  and  how  they 
raised  $100,000  among  themselves  in  a  war 
bond  drive,  and  contributed  $10,000  to  the 
American  Red  Cross  fund-raising  campaign. 

But  about  himself,  Earl  Finch  will  say 
little  except:  "I  am  just  an  ordinary  Amer- 
ican who  values  the  American  way  of  life." 

America  is  made  up  of  paradoxes,  so 
perhaps  it  is  not  unduly  strange  to  find  a 
dedicated  champion  of  a  minority  group  in 
Mississippi,  a  state  hardly  noted  for  its 
racial  tolerance.  The  way  has  not  always 
been  easy  for  Earl  Finch.  He  does  not 
mention  it,  but  others  bear  witness  to  the 
community  prejudice  he  often  has  been  up 
against  in  extending  his  hospitality. 

"He  is  an  individualist  and  he  does  not 
seem  to  care  whether  he  is  threatened  with 
social  ostracism,"  one  man  said  who  knew 
his  work  at  the  Aloha  USO  club.  But  the 
result  has  been  that  while  some  "influential 
persons"  have  looked  down  their  noses  at 
Mr.  Finch's  activities,  more  and  more  of  the 
townspeople  have  become  interested  in 
what  he  is  doing  and  have  adopted  a 
changed  attitude  to  the  Japanese  American 
soldiers  in  their  midst. 

The  Symbol 

Earl  Finch  does  not  talk  about  himself, 
but  almost  any  American  soldier  of  Jap- 
anese descent — even  one  who  has  never 
seen  him — will  talk  about  him  indefinitely. 
In  the  short  space  of  a  few  months  he  has 
become  almost  legendary.  The  Nisei  will 
tell  you  of  his  fabulous  wealth — "his  ranc 
is  so  big  he  has  to  use  an  airplane  to 
around  on  it,"  the  story  goes — while 
reality  he  is  a  man  of  comfortable  but  me 
est  means.  Men  who  have  been  overseas 
late  that  he  is  a  favorite  topic  of  conve 
sation  among  Japanese  American  bo 
when  they  have  time  to  "chin"  a  whili 
Hundreds  of  Nisei  soldiers  who  ha\ 
never  seen  him  write  to  him.  He 
received  as  many  as  500  letters  in  one 
One  veteran  of  the  442nd  tells  how  the  bo 
in  Italy  planned  to  write  him  a  chain  le 
ter,  for  they  knew  he  could  not  possih 
answer  all  the  individual  mail  he  receive 
But,  adds  the  soldier,  the  442nd  "got  bus 
before  the  letter  was  completed. 

Actually,  to  the  American  soldiers  of 
Japanese  ancestry,  Earl  Finch  represents 
something  more  than  a  friend  or  even  a 
hero.  To  them  he  has  become  a  symbol: 
an  indication  that  democracy  is  not  dead 
so  far  as  they  are  concerned;  that  they  are 
still  welcome  in  their  own  land;  that  the 
fight  for  freedom  has  as  much  meaning  for 
them  as  for  other  Americans.  It  is  known 
among  the  soldiers  that  one  young  Japanese 
American  died  on  an  Italian  battlefield 
gasping: 

"Say  good-bye  to  Mr.  Finch." 


54 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Air  Age  Transportation 

From  the  ground  up  to  the  stratosphere,  postwar  passengers  and  cargo  will  move 
over  new  routes,  at  new  speeds,  by  plane,   helicopter,   railroad,   bus   and   car. 


THE   RAILROADS    MADE   POSSIBLE   THE   GROWTH 

of  cities  and  increased  our  urban  population 
from  15  to  60  percent.  We  called  it  the 
railroad  era.  Then  came  the  automobile 
which  dispersed  our  urban  population  into 
the  suburbs  and  created  the  metropolitan 
area.  That  was  the  automobile  age.  Now 
comes  the  airplane,  with  its  possibility  of 
creating  "one  world." 

Newspaper  readers,  radio  listeners,  and 
motion  picture  audiences  have  been  told  of 
the  spectacular  achievements  expected  frem 
aviation  after  the  war.  There  is  to  be  a 
Model  T  family  helicopter  landing  on  the 
roof  or  in  the  backyard.  A  helicopter  bus 
will  take  us  from  our  homes  in  the  hills  or 
on  the  beach  to  our  places  of  work  in  the 
city,  250  miles  away.  We  shall  have  dinner 
in  New  York  and  breakfast  in  London. 
No  place  in  the  world  will  be  farther  away 
than  forty-eight  hours.  Two-week  vacations 
will  be  spent  in  China  or  India.  We  are  to 
fly  across  the  North  Pole  to  Peiping  and 
Singapore.  The  Arctic  Ocean  will  be  to  the 
future  civilization  what  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  was  to  ancient  civilizations.  Inland 
cities  will  become  ports  for  planes  from 
foreign  lands. 

In  general,  the  public  has  been  satiated 
with  such  dazzling  stories;  now  it  wants 
to  know  not  what  are  the  possibilities,  but 
what  are  the  probabilities.  People  want  to 
see  the  future  of  aviation  in  its  proper 
perspective  as  it  fits  into  the  transportation 
system  along  with  the  railroads  and  the 
automobile. 

The  First  Postwar  Decade 

What  will  the  coming  century  of  flight 
be  like?  We  cannot,  of  course,  see  a  century 
ahead.  Who  at  the  close  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son's administration  could  have  predicted 
the  prewar  United  States  of  the  1930's? 
But  we  can  have  some  ideas  about  the  years 
immediately  after  World  War  II.  First, 
there  will  be  a  transition  period — perhaps 
two  years.  Then  a  decade  about  which  we 
can  make  some  predictions.  But  uncertain 
factors  blur  the  outline  of  the  second  post- 
war decade,  and  the  years  beyond. 

Technological  developments  are  also  oc- 
curring in  the  railway  and  automobile 
industries;  though,  to  be  sure,  not  so 
dramatically  as  in  aviation.  There  will  be 
changes  in  shipping.  Will  aviation  replace 
the  railroad  and  the  automobile  as  the  auto- 
mobile replaced  the  horse,  and  the  railroad 
the  stage  coach?  Or  will  aviation  be  added 
to  the  existing  system  as  the  automobile 
was  added  to  railroads  and  ships? 

In  1940,  the  total  inter-city  passenger 
travel  in  the  United  States  was  33,700,000,- 
000  passenger  miles,  of  which  1,100,000,000 
were  by  airplane.  Bus  travel  constituted 

FEBRUARY  1945 


WILLIAM   FIELDING  OGBURN 

— The  first  in  our  1945  series  of  articles 
exploring  war-speeded  developments  in 
science  and  technology  is  by  the  Sewell 
L.  Avery  distinguished  service  professor 
of  sociology  at  the  University  of  Chi- 
cago. Professor  Ogburn  was  director  of 
research  for  the  President's  Committee 
on  Social  Trends  (1930-33)  and  from 
1935  to  1943  was  research  consultant 
and  member  of  the  science  committee  of 
the  National  Resources  Committee.  He 
recently  completed  a  special  University 
of  Chicago,  study  of  aviation. 


10,900,000,000  of  the  total  passenger  miles 
and  the  railroads  19,800,000,000  passenger 
miles,  of  which  8,200,000,000  were  Pullman 
travel.  The  passenger  miles  for  private  auto- 
mobiles in  inter-city  travel  are  estimated  at 
246,000,000,000  but  the  length  of  automobile 
trips  was  much  shorter  than  for  buses. 

Thus  only  about  3  percent  of  the  com- 
mercial passenger  miles  between  cities  in 
our  last  peace  year  was  by  airplane. 
Passengers  traveled  at  a  rate  of  5.1  cents 
per  passenger  air  mile  as  compared  with  4 
to  4.25  cents  per  rail  mile  by  Pullman,  2.2 
to  2.5  cents  by  railway  coach,  and  1.5  to 
2.2  cents  by  bus. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  first  postwar 
decade,  airplane  travel  probably  will  amount 
to  some  7,000,000,000  passenger  miles  at 
around  3.5  or  4  cents  a  passenger  mile — 
if  business  conditions  are  good;  but  if  there 
is  a  fairly  severe  depression  then  four  or 
five  billion  miles  probably  will  be  a  closer 
estimate.  Thus  passenger  miles  by  airplane 
will  almost  equal  the  total  Pullman  traffic 
in  1940,  but  will  be  less  than  one  fifth  of 
the  total  inter-city  passenger  traffic.  How- 
ever, this  does  not  mean  that  the  railroads 
will  lose  all  their  Pullman  trade  to  the  air- 
planes. The  increased  passenger  miles  for 
the  airplane  will  come  partially  from  the 
creation  of  new  traffic. 

Air  Age  Railroads 

Apparently  the  railroads  are  going  to 
make  a  vigorous  effort  to  hold  their  Pull- 
man passengers,  especially  those  who  travel 
more  than  400  miles.  They  will  do  this 
by  improving  the  service  and  lowering  the 
charges.  A  Pullman  car  today  will  carry 
twenty-seven  passengers.  The  Pullman  car 
of  the  future  is  planned  to  carry  forty-five. 
The  price  suggested  is  around  two  dollars 
for  a  berth  (plus  the  regular  coach  fare) 
between  Chicago  and  New  York  City.  The 
theory  is  that  the  price  of  a  berth  should 
be  less  than  a  room  at  a  hotel.  Reclining 
coach  chairs  are  expected  to  be  considerably 
improved  in  comfort  and  to  be  provided 
without  additional  cost  to  the  passenger. 


Even  so,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  rail- 
roads will  have  to  curtail  their  Pullman 
schedules  and  cut  the  number  of  their  sleep- 
ing cars,  because  the  railroads  can  afford  to 
lower  Pullman  charges  only  if  the  cars  are 
filled.  This  may  mean  fewer  Pullman  ac- 
commodations. 

The  railroad  coaches  and  the  buses  are 
expected  to  lose  very  few  passengers  to  the 
airlines  since  most  of  the  travel  on  buses 
and  coaches  is  short  distance  travel.  The 
advantages  of  air  travel  are  greater  for  long 
distances,  in  both  expense  and  speed.  The 
cost  per  mile  on  airlines  increases  if  many 
stops  are  made  at  short  intervals.  The  sav- 
ing of  time  by  plane  also  is  less  if  frequent 
stops  are  made,  since  they  decrease  the  total 
block  speed.  Furthermore,  the  time  gained 
by  the  speed  of  air  travel  is  often  lessened 
by  the  necessity  of  having  to  go  back  and 
forth  to  an  airport. 

For  instance,  from  Peoria  to  Chicago,  the 
time  by  airplane  is  shorter  than  by  rail.  But 
when  the  time  required  to  go  from  the 
home  of  the  traveler  to  the  Peoria  airport 
and  from  the  Chicago  airport  to  the  'Loop 
is  included,  the  saving  in  time  is  wiped 
out.  A  helicopter  bus  will  depart  and  land 
closer  to  the  center  of  the  city,  but  the  rates 
by  helicopter  bus  are  likely  to  be  consider- 
ably higher  than  by  motor  bus,  possibly 
twice  as  much.  Thus  it  is  questionable 
whether  the  airplanes  and  helicopter  buses 
can  offer  as  frequent  schedules  as  the  bus 
and  railroad. 

Nevertheless,  aviation  will  enter  the  field 
of  short  distance  transportation.  Early  in 
1943,  there  were  288  cities  certified  for 
scheduled  air  service.  Counting  people  liv- 
ing within  a  25-mile  radius  of  the  airport 
as  having  air  service,  then  59.7  percent  of 
the  population  in  1943  was  reached  by  air- 
lines. Since  all  the  big  cities  have  airports 
on  scheduled  airlines,  doubling  the  present 
air  route  mileage  of  50,000  miles  would 
penetrate  downward  to  the  small  towns. 
However,  each  additional  thousand  route 
miles  will  serve  smaller  and  smaller  pro- 
portions of  the  population.  The  successful 
extension  of  air  routes  to  smaller  places 
will  depend  upon  the  degree  to  which 
economies  in  air  transportation  can  be 
made.  To  be  self-supporting,  these  local  air 
lines  would  have  to  charge  from  4  to  7 
cents  a  mile.  The  planes  are  likely  to  be 
small  and  the  schedules  infrequent. 

Aviation  at  present  is  used  by  the  higher 
income  groups  in  large  cities.  The  extension 
of  aviation  to  the  smaller  towns  will  be 
furthered  by  government  mail  subsidies, 
just  as  present  airlines  were  aided  by  mail 
subsides  in  the  1930's.  Indeed,  public  de- 
mand is  likely  to  force  delivery  of  first-class 
(Continued  on  page  58) 


55 


The  family  cruiser — the  privately  owned  small  plane 


Photos  courtesy  of  Aftation  News 


Interior  view  of  the  small  commercial  plane  which  could  serve  little  towns 

AIRCRAFT  TO   FIT  VARYING   POSTWAR  NEEDS 


The  big,  fast  plane  for  long  distance  travel  with  few  stops 


Cabin  comfort  for  distance  and  international  travel 


mail  by  air  to  all  the  places  where  it  can 
be  flown.  Increasingly,  mail  probably  will  be 
handled  at  towns  and  villages  by  passenger 
planes  using  a  device  enabling  them  to  pick 
up  and  drop  mail  sacks  while  traveling  at 
high  speeds.  Mail  also  will  be  carried  by 
helicopter  buses. 

Express  and  Local  Planes 

The  public  will  be  served  by  several 
different  types  of  aircraft.  Probably  most 
of  the  travel  between  large  cities  will  be 
in  planes  seating  from  forty  to  sixty  persons, 
or  two  and  three  times  greater  than  the 
capacity  of  the  famous  DC-3,  now  the 
standard  type  of  inter-city  service.  In  the 
first  decade  after  the  war,  block  speeds 
will  average  around  200  to  250  miles  an 
hour.  Most  of  these  planes  will  carry  some 
express.  There  will  be  bigger  planes  seating 
over  one  hundred  passengers  for  long  dis- 
tance travel  with  few  stops.  Planes  with 
pressurized  cabins  will  travel  above  10,000 
feet,  with  block  speeds  of  250  miles  or  more 
an  hour.  These  planes  will  go  from  coast 
to  coast  in  a  day  or  a  night  with  two  to 
four  stops  en  route,  and  at  a  cost  below 
that  of  Pullman  travel  today.  Smaller  cities 
will  be  served  by  planes  seating  twenty  or 
twenty-five  persons,  and  the  very  small 
places  by  slower  planes  carrying  a  dozen  or 
fifteen. 

In  the  first  postwar  decade  hundreds, 
rather  than  thousands,  of  planes  will  be  re- 
quired to  handle  the  expected  domestic 
traffic — not  enough  to  keep  many  mass 
production  airplane  factories  busy.  In 
1942,  176  planes  averaged  8,400,000  pas- 
senger miles  per  plane  a  year.  The  plane  is 
a  very  efficient  carrier  because  of  its  speed. 
But  the  plane  is  more  suitable  for  frequent 
service  with  small  loads  than  for  large  loads 
and  less  frequent  schedules.  Where  the 
traffic  is  heavy,  as  between  New  York  and 
Washington,  planes  may  leave  every  few 
minutes. 

The  estimate  of  7,000,000,000  passenger 
air  miles  by  the  latter  part  of  the  first  post- 
war decade  is  an  estimate  based  upon  the 
projection  of  trends.  Actually  the  number 
will  be  above  or  below  7,000,000,000,  de- 
pending on  the  state  of  the  business  cycle. 
There  undoubtedly  will  be  business  de- 
pressions following  World  War  II.  De- 
pressions followed  the  first  World  War,  the 
Civil  War,  the  Napoleonic  wars.  We  cer- 
tainly do  not  yet  know  how  to  prevent 
depressions  under  our  existing  system 
without  resorting  to  war.  The  first  postwar 
decade  after  World  War  I  was  one  of 
growth  of  income  of  about  3  percent  a  year. 
These  were  prosperous  years,  but  the  second 
decade  witnessed  no  growth  of  income  at 
all.  Instead,  there  were  the  depressions  of 
the  1930's.  It  may  very  well  be  that  the 
growth  of  aviation  will  be  slowed  up  mark- 
edly by  a  business  depression  somewhere 
along  the  line  in  the  first  two  postwar 
decades.  But  aviation  should  continue  to 
grow  for  a  half  century  at  least.  The  rail- 
roads grew  in  number  of  passengers  car- 
ried for  three  quarters  of  a  century.  After 
sixty  years  of  growth,  telephone  expansion 
has  not  ceased,  nor  automobile  expansion 
after  forty  years. 
During  this  future  period  of  aviation  de- 


velopment and  growth,  the  costs  should 
work  downward.  How  far  down  they  may 
go  is  the  question.  Many  observers  think  3 
cents  a  mile  (in  money  of  present  purchas- 
ing power)  may  be  reached  within  a 
decade,  or  shortly  thereafter.  It  seems 
doubtful  whether  the  cost  will  go  as  low  as 
2.5  cents  a  mile.  It  does  not  appear  that 
aviation  will  ever  be  as  cheap  as  bus  trans- 
portation, though,  of  course,  such  a  sweep- 
ing prediction  is  unsafe  in  view  of  the  un- 
known technological  future.  With  rates  of 
3  or  2.5  cents  a  mile,  the  total  annual 
passenger  miles  might  reach  15,000,000,000. 
However,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
twenty-five  years  after  World  War  II  ends, 
our  population  will  have  stopped  increas- 
ing, unless  we  take  down  the  bars  to  im- 
migration or  do  what  no  nation  ever  yet 
has  done — reverse  a  declining  birthrate. 

These  estimates  of  lowered  costs  are 
made  on  the  expectation  of  technological 
improvements  in  engines,  propellers,  body 
design,  fuels,  and  assisted  take-offs.  Jet  pro- 
pulsion may  be  used  by  or  before  the 
second  postwar  decade  for  flights  of  suffi- 
cient distance  for  high  altitude  travel,  possi- 
bly in  combination  with  propellers. 

Cargo  Carriers 

.  It  is  more  difficult  to  predict  the  future 
transportation  of  cargo.  The  obstacle  is 
solely  one  of  price,  for  the  war  has  demon- 
strated that  there  are  no  mechanical  bar- 
riers. At  present,  the  rate  for  cargo  is  nearly 
the  same  as  the  passenger  rate — assuming 
200  pounds  per  passenger  and  baggage. 
Although  this  rate  includes  ground  han- 
dling charges,  it  is  a  very  high  rate  for 
general  cargo.  Yet  the  airlines  were  not 
making  money  up  until  World  War  II,  but 
were  aided  by  the  government. 

The  rates  for  cargo  from  door  to  door 
are  expected  to  drop  to  50  and  then  to  30 
cents  a  ton-mile  when  cargo  is  carried  on 
the  same  planes  with  passengers.  In  all- 
cargo  planes,  the  rates  should  be  several 
cents  lower.  But  even  at  these  expected 
rates,  competition  with  the  railroads  is  not 
likely  to  be  very  successful.  The  rail  express 
rate  is  about  10  to  11  cents  a  mile  for  long 
hauls.  Rail  freight  rates  are  about  1.5  or 
2  cents  a  ton-mile.  But  even  at  the  present 
high  rates,  air  cargo  has  had  a  rapid  ex- 
pansion. This  has  been  due  mainly  to  the 
phenomenon  of  emergency  orders.  In  addi- 
tion there  will  be  increasing  use  of  air 
transport  for  some  goods  with  a  high  value 
per  pound,  even  without  the  emergency 
factor — jewels,  motion  picture  films,  furs, 
luxury  clothing,  for  example.  And  in  parts 
of  South  America  and  Africa  which  lack 
railroad  and  highway  facilities,  the  cargo 
plane  has  shown  vast  possibilities  as  a  com- 
mon carrier  in  such  regions. 

Aviation  leaders  realize  the  great  poten- 
tialities in  air  cargo.  It  is  freight  that  sup- 
ports the  railroads.  But  the  great  volumes 
of  possible  cargo  will  not  be  transferred 
to  the  air  unless  the  rates  can  be  brought 
down  very  low.  Many  studies  have  been 
made  by  various  sources  attempting  to  find 
out  how  low  future  air  cargo  rates  may 
fall.  Not  many  have  been  able  to  predict 
rates  as  low  as  15  cents  a  ton-mile  from 
airport  to  airport.  Yet  there  are  some  stu- 


dents who  profess  to  see  a  rate  of  5  cents. 
Contract  rates  and  large  volumes  of  cargo 
may  bring  large  reductions.  In  the  foresee- 
able future,  air  cargo  is  expected  to  be 
confined  mainly  to  express  shipments,  ex- 
cept in  cases  of  emergency.  One  prospect 
is  that  perishable  fruits  and  vegetables  will 
be  shipped  by  air  from  the  Pacific  Coast 
to  eastern  markets. 

International  Travel 

The  future  of  international  air  passenger 
travel  is  quite  bright,  but  not  for  foreign 
air  cargo.  The  airplane  saves  a  great  amount 
of  time  on  the  long  distances  from  the 
United  States  to  Europe,  to  South  America 
and  the  Orient,  as  compared  to  water  travel. 
It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  passenger  rates 
in  the  postwar  decade  can  be  on  a  sound 
economic  basis  under  5  cents  a  mile.  Yet 
Pan  American  Airways  is  advertising  future 
trips  to  Hawaii  at  4  cents  a  mile  and  to 
South  America  at  3.5  cents.  Of  course,  other 
factors  than  costs  affect  prices.  Under  con- 
ditions of  cut-throat  competition  among 
the  railroads,  the  orice  charged  at  one  time 
for  travel  from  New  York  to  Chicago  by 
rail  was  $1  for  the  whole  journey.  With 
governmental  ownership  and  "favored  in- 
struments," national  rivalries  may  mean 
very  low  priced,  subsidized  travel. 

Transatlantic  passenger  travel  is  the 
largest  international  market  for  American 
airlines.  With  the  cessation  of  immigration, 
however,  the  volume  of  transatlantic  travel 
is  not  as  large  as  once  it  was.  There  were 
500,000  to  600,000  first  and  second-class 
tourist  and  cabin  passengers  a  year  before 
the  war  in  this  zone.  This  was  some  10,000 
a  week  and  could  be  carried  by  a  dozen  or 
so  of  the  projected  DC-7's  with  a  seating 
capacity  of  108  apiece,  making  the  trip 
across  in  fifteen  hours.  With  this  business 
divided  among  aviation  companies  of  the 
United  States,  France,  Britain  and  other 
countries,  the  amount  of  traffic  for  any  one 
nation  would  be  comparatively  small. 

But  international  travel  is  expected  to  in- 
crease in  volume  because  of  the  shortened 
time  necessary  for  the  trip.  A  journey  to 
Europe  by  ocean  liner  and  back  takes  ten 
or  eleven  days.  By  air,  less  than  two  days 
is  required.  Here  we  see  aviation's  greatest 
asset,  speed  and  saving  of  time.  Traveling 
by  air,  one  can  spend  eleven  or  twelve  days 
of  a  two-week  vacation  in  Europe.  Buyers 
and  sellers  and  other  business  executives 
can  go  to  foreign  areas  without  too  much 
loss  of  time  from  their  offices  at  home. 
Aviation  will  create  perhaps  as  much  traf- 
fic as  it  will  take  away  from  ships  by  the 
end  of  the  first  decade,  assuming  good 
business  conditions. 

If  a  million  passengers  a  year  were  car- 
ried on  international  routes,  that  would  be 
only  about  one  quarter  of  the  passengers 
carried  in  the  'United  States  in  1942  by 
domestic  airlines.  The  travel  across  the 
North  Atlantic  has  been  more  than  half  of 
the  total  transoceanic  travel  between  the 
United  States  and  other  nations.  Greater 
expansion  rates  are  expected  for  air  travel 
to  Latin  America  and  to  the  Orient  in  the 
postwar  decades.  However,  there  are  few 
data  on  which  to  make  quantitative  esti- 
mates. The  speed  and  time-saving  make 


58 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


aviation  companies  quite  optimistic  about 
the  future  volume  of  international  air  travel. 
But  it  should  be  recalled  that  a  vacation 
trip  to  Europe  still  will  require  several 
hundred  more  dollars  than  most  persons 
now  spend  on  their  vacations  in  this  coun- 
try. 

The  airplane  is  free  from  the  barriers  of 
water  and  land  and  can  follow  the  great 
circle  routes  which  give  the  shortest  dis- 
tance between  any  two  cities.  Since  we  are 
accustomed  to  thinking  in  terms  of  land 
and  water  travel,  some  of  the  great  circle 
routes  are  startling  to  us.  For  instance,  in 
traveling  from  this  country  to  Moscow  we 
save  time  by  going  across  the  Arctic  near 
the  North  Pole.  The  shortest  route  to 
Shanghai  takes  us  across  Alaska.  Since  air- 
lines need  passengers,  they  are  more  likely 
to  fly  over  areas  where  the  population  is 
dense  rather  than  follow  the  great  circle 
routes.  We  shall  probably  go  to  the  Philip- 
pines via  Alaska  and  the  shores  of  Japan 
and  China,  not  only  because  it  is  shorter 
than  going  across  the  ocean  but  also  be- 
cause there  will  be  more  passengers  along 
the  rim  of  North  America  and  Eastern 
Asia  than  across  the  great  stretches  of  the 
Pacific. 

The  ocean  steamship  companies  are  in 
danger  of  losing  a  very  large  part  of  their 
first  and  second  class  passengers;  and,  if 
air  rates  are  3.5  cents  a  mile,  of  losing  their 
third  class  passengers  also.  It  is  difficult  to 
see  how  the  ships  can  retain  these  pas- 
sengers. The  appeal  of  their  services  reached 
its  zenith  in  the  floating  hotels  such  as  the 
"Queen  Mary."  But  these  ships  were  ex- 
pensive and  they  were  said  to  have  lost 
money  on  every  voyage  when  depreciation 
is  taken  into  consideration.  It  is  question- 
able whether  any  more  such  huge  luxury 
liners  will  be  built. 

There  will  be  some  travelers  who  will 
prefer  the  leisure  of  an  ocean  voyage, 
especially  if  the  cost  is  less  than  by  air. 
Such  voyages  are  likely  to  be  on  ships 
smaller-  than  the  luxury  liners  and  less 
speedy.  Development  of  a  fast,  medium- 
sized  vessel  that  would  carry  passengers 
more  cheaply  than  the  planes,  would  help 
retain  passengers  for  water-borne  craft.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  does  not  seem  probable 
that  the  airplane  will  take  much  cargo 
traffic  away  from  steamships,  and  at  only 
about  a  cent  a  ton-mile,  this  is  the  most 
profitable  end  of  the  shipping  business. 

Family  Planes  and  Helicopters 

The  greatest  non-military  use  of  the  air- 
plane up  to  the  present  has  been  to  trans- 
port passengers.  Most  observers,  however, 
expect  that  after  the  war  there  will  be  many 
private  planes,  carrying  from  two  to  six 
persons  as  does  the  private  automobile.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  there  were  25,000 
small  planes  owned  by  private  individuals. 
How  many  private  planes  will  there  be 
in  the  first  postwar  decade  and  beyond? 

The  most  common  predictions  are  that 
there  will  be  several  hundred  thousand 
privately  owned  small  planes  within  a  very 
few  years  after  the  war.  Many  returning 
soldiers  will  want  to  fly.  A  large  market 
for  small  planes  would  give  jobs  to  veterans. 


Photos  courtesy  Aviation  News 


Cargo  carrying  planes  of  today.  Above,  loading  army  equipment  for  transportation 
by   air;    below,   unloading  the   first  cargo   of   fruit  to   be   flown  from   coast  to   coast 


The  number  purchased  may  be  three  or 
four  hundred  thousand;  but,  if  so,  it  is 
possible  that  not  more  than  fifty  to  one 
hundred  thousand  will  find  much  use.  In 
other  words,  there  seems  likely  to  be  a 
boom  and  a  collapse. 

This  unpopular  viewpoint  is  based  upon 
several  factors.  The  market  for  the  small 
plane  will  be  largely  among  those  who  can 
buy  both  a  plane  and  an  automobile,  a  rela- 
tively small  group  in  the  high  income  class. 
The  costs  of  flying  are  around  five  to  ten 
dollars  an  hour,  with  limited  flying  time 
and  high  insurance  rates.  Another  draw- 
back is  the  scarcity  of  landing  fields  and 
their  distance  from  ultimate  destinations. 
Even  if  many  thousands  of  landing  places 


were  constructed  and  planes  developed 
which  could  land  and  take-off  in  a  few 
hundred  feet,  there  still  would  not  be 
enough  landing  places  to  reduce  satisfac- 
torily the  inconveniences. 

The  future  of  private  flying  is 'expected 
to  lie  with  the  helicopter  rather  than  with 
the  plane.  Technically,  the  plane  is  suited 
to  wide-open,  flat  spaces.  Yet  it  is  where 
people  live  that  the  demand  exists.  The 
helicopter  is  much  better  adapted  to  densely 
populated  areas,  since  it  can  descend  and 
ascend  vertically,  except  in  high  altitudes. 
But  the  helicopter,  as  a  usable  invention,  is 
only  six  years  old,  and  it  takes  a  long  time 
to  develop  a  complex  invention  for  general 
(Continued  on  page  76) 


FEBRUARY   '.945 


59 


Postwar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment 

With  the  nation  tax-conscious  as  never  before,  there  is  widespread 
interest  in  proposed  programs  for  government  financing  after  the  war. 


MABEL  NEWCOMER 


POSTWAR  TAX  PLANNING  HAS  BECOME  A 
popular  pastime  in  the  United  States.  New 
suggestions  turn  up  in  the  newspapers  al- 
most daily;  and  many  easy-to-read  pam- 
phlets, in  gay  covers  to  attract  the  layman, 
offer  comprehensive  tax  programs. 

The  reason  for  this  new  interest  and  ac- 
tivity is  clear.  The  war  tax  burden  has 
reached  unprecedented  levels.  During  the 
first  World  War  tax  rates  went  almost  as 
high  as  rates  today;  but  the  exemptions  also 
were  high.  In  consequence,  four  fifths  of 
our  families  paid  no  income  tax.  Today, 
fewer  than  one  fifth  escape  taxation.  In  the 
peak  year  of  the  first  World  War,  total 
yields  of  all  federal  taxes  did  not  reach 
$6,000,000,000.  In  1944,  they  came  to  $44,- 
000,000,000.  Thus  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  nation  has  become  tax  conscious,  as 
never  before. 

Despite  colossal  war  taxes,  the  larger 
part  of  war  costs  are  being  met  from  bor- 
rowed funds.  Even  at  current  levels,  tax 
revenues  have  not  covered  half  of  our  pres- 
ent expenditures.  But  since  approximately 
nine  tenths  of  federal  expenditures  are  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war,  they  will  fall 
sharply  when  the  war  is  ended.  We  shall 
not  need  to  equal  current  yields  to  balance 
postwar  budgets. 

After  the  first  World  War  we  enjoyed 
successive  tax  reductions.  Owing  to  greatly 
curtailed  spending  and  a  rising  national  in- 
come, we  were  able  not  only  to  balance 
budgets  but  to  make  substantial  reductions 
in  the  national  debt.  In  some  years,  tax  re- 
ductions were  actually  accompanied  by  ris- 
ing yields.  Many  tax  authorities  anticipate 
that  this  experience  may  be  repeated. 

Before  attempting  to  weigh  the  merits  of 
definite  proposals  which  have  been  made 
for  tax  reduction,  it  is  important  te  con- 
sider postwar  aims.  Taxes  are  levied  pri- 
marily to  meet  government  costs.  But 
should  we  attempt  merely  to  balance  war 
budgets,  or  should  we  provide  in  addition 
for  systematic  reduction  of  war  debts?  To 
answer  this  question  wisely,  the  effect  of 
debt  reduction  on  the  one  hand,  and  deficits 
on  the  other,  must  be  weighed.  Obviously, 
national  financing  on  present  or  any  pre- 
dictable future  levels  will  have  a  profound 
effect  on  the  entire  economy.  The  ideal  of 
an  earlier  generation  of  economists  —  the 
"neutral"  tax  system  which  does  not  inter- 
fere with  business  activity  or  the  distribu- 
tion of  wealth — is  clearly  not  attainable. 

To  be  realistic  it  is  important  to  recog- 
nize that  the  tax  system  has  become  an  im- 
portant instrument  for  stabilizing — or  dis- 
turbing— the  national  economy.  If  the  ac- 
cepted goal  of  full  employment  and  a  stable 
and  expanding  economy  is  to  be  attained, 
taxes  must  be  shaped  to  that  end.  If,  in 
addition,  we  wish  to  establish  a  minimum 


60 


— Chairman  of  the  department  of  eco- 
nomics at  Vassar  College,  U.  S.  State 
Department  representative  at  the  recent 
conference  at  Bretton  Woods,  Mabel 
Newcomer  for  years  has  been  an  author- 
ity on  taxation.  She  has  served  on  many 
state  committees  on  fiscal  policies,  and 
in  1941-42  worked  with  the  U.  S. 
Treasury  Department.  Miss  Newcomer 
has  written  many  articles  and  books  on 
tax  problems. 


acceptable  standard  of  living  for  all,  that 
too  must  be  taken  into  account. 

New  Levels  of  Spending 

An  estimate  of  government  costs  is  the 
foundation  of  any  specific  program.  Ex- 
penditures in  the  late  nineteen-thirties,  re- 
garded at  the  time  as  extravagantly  high, 
ranged  from  seven  to  eight  billion  dollars. 
A  substantial  part  of  these  costs  was  for 
work  relief — an  expense  we  hope  to  escape 
after  this  war  through  high  levels  of  em- 
ployment. But,  even  so,  we  shall  be  faced 
with  other  new  high  costs.  In  spite  of  our 
success  in  keeping  interest  rates  low,  after 
the  war  the  total  interest  charges  on  the 
debt  alone  will  be  almost  as  great  as  was 
the  entire  cost  of  the  national  government 
in  prewar  years.  Then,  too,  there  will  cer- 
tainly be  an  enlarged  military  establishment 
to  maintain  along  with  unprecedented  ex- 
penditures for  the  assistance  of  war  vet- 
erans. As  experience  after  previous  wars 
has  shown,  these  and  other  factors  will  pre- 
vent national  expenditures  from  returning 
to  prewar  levels.  Usually  the  postwar  mini- 
mum has  been  three  or  four  times  the  pre- 
war standard. 

Postwar  tax  plans  offered  to  date  estimate 
government  costs  varying  from  $12  to  $38 
billions,  excluding  debt  retirement  and 
social  security  payments.  The  minimum 
estimate  is  clearly  unrealistic,  since  it  pro- 
vides for  no  expansion  over  prewar  (1938) 
expenditures,  except  the  necessarily  greater 
interest  charge  on  the  debt.  The  larg- 
est estimate  is  made  only  for  the  im- 
mediate postwar  years,  with  their  continu- 
ing high  military  costs,  rather  than  for  the 
normal  period. 

Tax  Cuts  and  Debts 

The  more  carefully  formulated  plans 
have  much  in  common.  All  emphasize  the 
importance  of  high  levels  of  income  and 
employment;  all  outline  a  federal  tax  system 
that  will  yield  from  three  to  five  times  as 
much  as  that  in  the  prewar  period;  but  all 
provide  for  more  drastic  tax  cuts  than  are 
consistent  with  any  systematic  reduction  of 
the  debt. 

In  none  is  debt  reduction  regarded  as  an 


end  in  itself.  Any  substantial  reduction  of 
the  debt,  resulting  from  an  excess  of  tax 
collections  over  current  government  ex- 
penditures, would  tend  to  decrease  purchas- 
ing power.  And  while  such  action  is  urged 
by  some  tax  planners  as  a  healthy  check  on 
too  rapid  business  expansion  and  inflation, 
it  is  assumed  that  periods  of  excess  revenue 
will  alternate  with  deficits.  For  with  any 
slackening  in  business  activity  it  is  im- 
portant, according  to  the  same  theory,  that 
government  spending  should  exceed  tax  col- 
lections. Most  of  the  plans  assume  a  bal- 
anced budget  only  at  a  high  level  of  em- 
ployment; and  since  we  shall  probably  fall 
short  of  this  level  more  often  than  we 
shall  exceed  it,  there  is  a  tacit  assumption 
that  there  will  be  a  long  time  upward  trend 
in  debts,  rather  than  a  reduction. 

An  extensive  public  works  program  is 
not  included  in  any  of  the  various  postwar 
tax  plans.  The  assumption  is  that  such  a 
program  will  be  needed  only  in  periods  of 
extensive  unemployment,  and  that  then  it 
is  important  to  expand  purchasing  power 
through  deficit  spending.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  not  all  of  the  tax  planners  subscribe  to 
the  principle  of  deficit  spending  for  public 
works,  though  those  most  opposed  are  even 
more  disturbed  by  high  taxes.  While  they 
favor  drastic  cuts  in  future  government 
spending,  they  are  unable  to  face  the  tax 
bill  required  for  a  genuine  program  of  debt 
reduction. 

Four  Programs 

So  much  for  generalizations  regarding 
the  approach  of  the  tax  planners.  What 
are  some  of  the  postwar  tax  plans  which 
are  receiving  the  widest  publicity  and  most 
serious  consideration?  There  is  the  so-called 
Twin  Cities  plan,  put  forward  by  the  Twin 
Cities  (St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis)  Research 
Bureau  under  the  title  of  "Postwar  Taxes: 
a  Realistic  Approach  to  the  Problem  of  Fed- 
eral Taxation."  There  is  the  plan  offered 
by  the  Committee  for  Economic  Develop- 
ment— "A  Postwar  Federal  Tax  Plan  for 
High  Employment."  There  is  the  proposal 
by  Beardsley  Ruml  and  H.  C.  Sonne,  "Fis- 
cal and  Monetary  Policy,"  sponsored  by  the 
National  Planning  Association.  And  there 
is  the  plan  of  Prof.  Alvin  H.  Hansen  and 
his  associate,  Harvey  S.  Perloff,  "State  and 
Local  Finance  in  the  National  Economy." 

In  these  four  plans,  estimates  of  postwar 
expenditures  range  from  $16  to  $23  billions 
— again  excluding  social  security  costs  and 
debt  retirement.  Such  estimates  mean  that, 
if  budgets  are  to  be  balanced  in  the  postwar 
period,  the  federal  tax  system  must  produce 
from  three  to  five  times  as  much  as  in  the 
prewar  period,  though  perhaps  not  more 
than  half  of  what  it  yields  at  present.  If 
we  were  to  maintain  current  tax  rates  and 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


current  levels  of  income,  we  could  effect  a 
substantial  reduction  of  the  debt.  But,  while 
all  these  tax  plans  emphasize  the  impor- 
tance of  maintaining  high  levels  of  income 
and  employment,  they  provide  for  drastic 
immediate  tax  reductions  rather  than  any 
systematic  reduction  of  the  debt. 

In  all  four  programs,  advocates  and  op- 
ponents of  deficit  spending  alike  consider 
that  the  primary  objective  of  the  tax  system 
in  the  immediate  postwar  period  should  be 
to  promote  high  levels  of  employment  or  at 
least  to  restrict  industry  as  little  as  possible. 
All  are  agreed  that  this  approach  would  re- 
sult in  substantial  tax  reduction.  There  is 
further  agreement  that  tax  revenue  should 
be  adequate,  and  that  adequacy  means  pro- 
tection of  government  credit  rather  than 
regularly  balanced  budgets. 

However,  there  is  wide  difference  of 
opinion  among  proponents  of  the  four  plans 
when  they  come  to  the  question  as  to  which 
taxes  to  reduce  to  achieve  their  objectives. 
Today,  the  personal  income  tax  provides 
$18  of  the  |44  billions  of  federal  tax  reve- 
nues. In  all  four  plans  this  amount  would 
be  substantially  reduced,  although,  except 
in  the  Twin  Cities  program,  the  personal 
income  tax  is  retained  as  the  principal 
source  of  revenue  in  accordance  with  the 
stated  objective  that  taxes  should  meet  the 
test  of  ability  to  pay. 

Twin  Cities  Plan:  The  Twin  Cities  com- 
mittee urges  long  time  planning  for  debt 
reduction  and  at  the  same  time  offers  a  tax 
program  that  would  cut  current  yields  more 
than  half.  The  committee  places  the  en- 
couragement of  "venture  capital"  first  in  its 
list  of  tax  objectives,  and  argues  that  "to  a 
large  extent,  venture  capital  comes  from  the 


Major  Postwar 
Tax  Plans 


Area  of  agreement:  Drastic  tax  reduc- 
tion, including  repeal  of  excess  profits 
tax. 

Twin  Cities  Plan:  Retention  of  corpora- 
tion income  tax  of  40  percent.  Drastic 
reduction  in  personal  income  tax.  Intro- 
duction of  5  percent  retail  sales  tax. 

CED  Plan:  Reduction  of  corporation 
income  tax  to  16  to  20  percent  and 
crediting  of  such  taxes  to  stockholders' 
personal  income  taxes.  Moderate  reduc- 
tion of  personal  income  tax.  Repeal  of 
all  consumption  taxes  except  those  on 
liquor,  tobacco,  and  gasoline. 

Ruml-Sonne  Plan:  Reduction  of  cor- 
poration income  tax  to  5  percent  of 
distributed  income  and  16  percent  of 
undistributed  income.  Moderate  reduc- 
tion of  personal  income  tax.  Repeal  of 
all  consumption  taxes  except  those  on 
liquor,  tobacco,  and  gasoline. 

Hamen-Perloff  Plan:  Alternative  plans 
for  corporation  income  tax  providing 
only  moderate  reduction.  Moderate  re- 
duction of  personal  income  tax  with  in- 
creased rates  in  periods  of  boom  and 
decreased  rates  in  periods  of  slump. 
Reduction  of  liquor  and  tobacco  taxes 
and  repeal  of  all  other  excises. 


individual  with  a  surplus."  From  this  it 
follows  that  reduction  of  income  taxes, 
through  increased  exemptions  —  and  par- 
ticularly through  reduced  surtax  rates — is 
necessary.  Therefore,  in  contrast  to  other 
plans,  the  committee  proposes  to  reduce  per- 
sonal income  taxes  more  than  corporation 
taxes. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  recent  years  much 
of  the  saving  that  has  gone  directly  into 
industrial  expansion  has  been  done  by  cor- 
porations. Private  individuals  with  large  in- 
comes have  invested  increasingly  in  tax- 
exempt  state  and  local  bonds.  It  is  possible 
that  they  could  be  lured  back  to  private  in- 
vestment channels  if  there  were  drastic  tax 
reductions.  A  more  direct  approach  to  end- 
ing discrimination  against  industrial  invest- 
ment would  be  to  abolish  tax  exemption  for 
government  bonds;  this  would  put  competi- 
tion between  the  two  kinds  of  investment 
on  a  more  equitable  basis.  The  Twin  Cities 
group  does  not  propose  this  obvious 
measure — urged  in  most  of  the  other  tax 
plans — although  it  alone  has  placed  the  en- 
couragement of  .venture  capital  first  on  its 
list  of  objectives.  In  this  plan,  as  in  the 
others,  the  corporation  income  tax  remains 
at  present  levels.  It  is  proposed  to  repeal 
the  excess  profits  tax.  The  latter  measure 
should  offer  some  encouragement  to  venture 
capital. 

The  Twin  Cities  committee  does  not 
mention  an  equitable  distribution  of  the 
tax  burden  as  an  important  objective.  Cer- 
tainly its  proposals  would  not  achieve  tax 
justice,  for  any  benefit  that  low  income 
families  might  derive  from  the  proposal  to 
increase  personal  income  tax  exemptions 
would  be  offset  by  the  accompanying  pro- 
posal for  a  5  percent  consumption  tax.  The 
real  beneficiaries  of  such  tax  reduction 
would  be  the  well-to-do.  In  sum,  the  pro- 
posals fall  far  short  of  our  standards  of 
equity,  would,  probably  be  quite  inadequate 
for  postwar  needs,  and  make  little  contribu- 
tion to  the  problem  of  maintaining  high 
levels  of  employment. 

CED  Plan:  The  Committee  for  Economic 
Development  offers  a  more  defensible  pro- 
gram to  achieve  its  stated  objectives — the 
least  possible  restriction  on  production  and 
employment,  fair  distribution  of  the  tax 
burden,  and  adequacy  of  taxes.  The  CED 
proposes  to  repeal  the  excess  profits  tax  and 
to  cut  the  rate  of  the  present  corporation 
income  tax  of  40  percent  in  half.  It  would 
permit  individuals  to  deduct  their  propor- 
tionate share  of  the  corporation  tax  from 
the  normal  tax  on  dividend  income,  thus 
doing  away  with  the  double  taxation  now 
existing.  It  would  provide  moderate  reduc- 
tions in  both  the  personal  income  tax  and 
in  consumption  taxes.  And  it  would  sub- 
ject the  interest  from  state  and  municipal 
bonds  to  taxation  like  other  income. 

This  plan  as  a  whole  achieves  substantial 
equity,  first  by  equalizing  the  taxes  on  in- 
come from  private  and  government  se- 
curities, and  second  by  depending  on  a 
highly  progressive  personal  income  tax  for 
more  than  half  of  the  federal  revenues.  It 
encourages  continued  business  activity,  prin- 
cipally through  substantial  reductions  in 
business  and  consumption  taxes. 


Ruml-Sonne  Plan:  The  primary  objective 
of  the  Ruml-Sonne  plan  is  "high  employ- 
ment under  private  enterprise."  It  assumes 
that  the  budget  will  be  balanced  at  a  high 
level  of  employment,  estimated  to  be  55,- 
000,000  workers  regularly  employed,  and  a 
national  income  of  |140  billions.  When 
employment  and  income  rise  above  this 
level,  it  is  assumed  that  the  tax  system  will 
yield  a  surplus  which  can  be  applied  to  re- 
duction of  the  debt.  When  income  and  em- 
ployment fall  below  this  level,  deficit  fi- 
nancing will  be  resorted  to  rather  than  new 
taxes. 

While  the  Ruml-Sonne  plan  is  similar  to 
that  of  the  CED,  it  makes  an  even  more 
drastic  reduction  in  corporation  taxes.  In 
addition  to  abolishing  the  excess  profits  tax, 
it  proposes  to  reduce  the  corporation  in- 
come tax  to  5  percent  of  distributed  income, 
as  compared  with  the  present  40  percent. 
Unlike  the  CED  plan,  it  does  not  provide 
for  deduction  of  this  sum  from  personal  in- 
come taxes.  The  retention  of  earnings  by 
corporations  would  be  penalized  through  a 
tax  of  16  percent  on  undistributed  profits. 

Hansen-Perloff  Plan:  The  Hansen-Perloff 
plan  goes  even  farther  than  the  Ruml- 
Sonne  plan  in  relating  taxes  and  employ- 
ment. It  provides  for  variable  income  tax 
rate  scales — the  rates  to  be  increased  in  pe- 
riods of  boom  and  decreased  in  periods  of 
depression.  It  also  makes  greater  reductions 
in  consumption  and  personal  income  taxes 
than  do  the  other  plans,  but  leaves  the  cor- 
poration income  tax  relatively  high.  It  is 
designed,  more  than  the  others,  to  use  the 
tax  system  as  an  instrument  for  controlling 
business  fluctuations. 

In  addition  to  these  four  major  plans 
there  are  several  others  that  should  be  men- 
tioned. The  recommendations  offered  by 
Prof.  Harold  M.  Groves  of  the  University 
of  Wisconsin  do  not  differ  greatly  from 
those  of  the  CED.  The  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce of  the  United  States,  in  its  "referen- 
dum No.  79  of  Organization  Members  on 
Proposed  Declaration  of  Policy,"  urges  "a 
balanced  budget  providing  for  debt  retire- 
ment .  .  .  ,"  but  accompanies  this  with 
the  statement  that  "high  rates  of  tax  .  .  . 
cannot  be  continued  in  the  postwar  transi- 
tion or  in  time  of  peace  without  disastrous 
effects  upon  the  national  economy." 

Two  other  planners  who  propose  the 
lowest  postwar  budgets  of  all — Prof.  Fred 
Rogers  Fairchild  of  Yale  with  a  $13  bil- 
lion budget  and  Prof.  Harley  Leist  Lutz  of 
Princeton  with  a  $14  billion  budget — allow 
one  billion  dollars  a  year  for  debt  reduction. 
But  with  a  probable  debt  of  $300  billions 
such  suggestions  can  hardly  be  considered  a 
serious  effort  to  cope  with  the  debt  problem. 
Any  realistic  attempt  to  pay  off  the  debt 
would  demand  that  taxes  of  wartime  mag- 
nitude be  retained  for  some  years  to  come. 

Weighing  These  Proposals 

Judging  from  these  plans  and  others 
which  have  been  suggested,  it  seems  prob- 
able that  the  federal  tax  system  will  be  re- 
vised in  the  immediate  postwar  period  so  as 
to  cut  tax  yields  by  at  least  one  half.  The 
postwar  level  of  yields,  however,  will  pre- 
sumably be  at  least  double  what  it  was  in 


FEBRUARY  1945 


61 


the  prewar  years.  On  two  other  points 
there  seems  to  be  complete  agreement 
among  these  tax  planners — that  the  excess 
profits  tax  should  be  abolished  and  that 
personal  income  tax  rates  should  be  dras- 
tically reduced  from  high  war  levels.  There 
is  considerable  divergence  as  to  how  the 
proposed  reductions  should  be  made.  Some 
planners  would  make  the  more  drastic  cuts 
in  the  personal  income  tax,  others  in  cor- 
poration taxes,  and  still  others  in  consump- 
tion taxes. 

Weighing  the  proposals,  there  is  evidence 
that  the  suggested  reductions  are  too  large 
rather  than  too  small.  We  have  no  assur- 
ance that  the  high  levels  of  employment 
and  income  assumed  for  balancing  budgets 
will  be  attained.  Those  who  would  use 
deficit  spending  as  a  device  for  stimulating 
employment  are  consistent  in  this.  They 
doubtless  expect  a  gradually  rising  debt, 
although  they  have  not  all  made  this  ex- 
pectation clear.  Those  who  are  not  con- 
vinced that  deficit  spending  will  prove  a 
broad  highway  to  prosperity  have  been  un- 
willing to  face  the  fact  that  the  only  real 
alternative  is  continued  heavy  taxes.  In- 
stead they  have  indulged  in  wishful  think- 
ing on  the  possibilities  of  reduced  govern- 
ment spending. 

After  the  first  World  War  we  were  able 
to  reduce  taxes  and  debts  at  the  same  time, 
thanks  to  expanding  business  activity. 
While  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  experience 
may  be  repeated,  taxes  cannot  be  reduced 
to  the  level  of  the  nineteen-twenties.  The 
choice  is  between  taxes  heavy  enough  to 
balance  budgets  or  a  mounting  debt.  If 
the  first  choice  should  prove  a  serious  brake 
on  business  activity,  the  mounting  debt 
might  be  the  lesser  evil. 

It  is  important  for  planners  to  recognize, 
however,  that  it  is  easier  to  check  inflation 
through  heavy  taxes  than  it  is  to  check 
deflation  through  tax  reduction.  The  mere 
lowering  of  business  taxes  in  periods  of 
business  uncertainty  will  not  necessarily 
turn  the  tide.  Merely  to  have  funds  avail- 
able for  investment  will  not  bring  business 
expansion,  if  the  outlook  for  profits  is  poor. 

Incentive  Taxation 

Taxes  can  be  used  as  an  incentive  to  busi- 
ness enterprise  as  well  as  a  damper  to  it. 


The  excess  profits  tax  is  supposed  to  dis- 
courage venture  capital  but  it  may  encour- 
age certain  activities  that  make  new  de- 
velopments possible.  For  instance,  under  a 
90  percent  profits  tax  a  firm  can  afford  to 
expand  research  activities  that  bring  no  im- 
mediate return,  since  such  expenditures  will 
be  more  at  the  expense  of  government  tax 
collections  than  of  stockholders'  profits,  just 
as  under  a  90  percent  personal  income  tax, 
wealthy  individuals  can  afford  to  indulge  in 
extensive  philanthropies  at  little  cost  to 
themselves.  Also,  a  firm  subject  to  high 
profits  taxes  can  afford  to  take  risks.  For 
while  profits  resulting  from  some  new  ven- 
ture go  largely  to  the  government,  so  on  the 
other  hand  potential  losses  may  be  charged 
against  profits  elsewhere  in  the  business. 

The  director  of  War  Mobilization  and 
Reconversion,  James  F.  Byrnes,  in  his  re- 
port to  the  President  and  Congress  on  Janu- 
ary 1,  urges  for  the  period  immediately 
following  the  European  war  several  changes 
in  federal  corporation  taxes,  including  more 
generous  depreciation  allowances,  accelera- 
tion of  the  process  of  postwar  tax  refunds, 
and  an  increase  in  the  specific  exemption 
for  the  excess  profits  tax.  The  purpose  of 
these  changes  is  to  stimulate  business  ex- 
pansion and  employment  in  the  reconver- 
sion period.  They  are  recommended,  that 
is,  as  a  form  of  incentive  taxation. 

Mr.  Byrnes,  like  most  of  those  who  have 
urged  incentive  taxation,  is  talking  in  terms 
of  reduced  rates  and  increased  exemptions. 
True  incentive  taxation,  however,  demands 
positive  action,  and  increasing  and  detailed 
government  direction  of  business  activity. 
Germany  used  incentive  taxation  with  suc- 
cess in  the  middle  Thirties  to  promote  em- 
ployment and  encourage  heavy  war  indus- 
tries. But  in  this  country  this  development 
would  not  be  welcomed  by  the  proponents 
of  free  enterprise;  and  it  is  significant  that 
few  of  the  tax  plans  even  use.  the  phrase. 

Business  Cycle  Control 

Taxation  is  at  best  a  clumsy  device  for 
controlling  the  business  cycle.  Controls  de- 
mand quick  action,  and  tax  bills  go  through 
Congress  slowly.  Moreover,  collections  lag 
behind  legislation.  For  the  tax  system  to 
become  an  effective  instrument  of  control, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  grant  administra- 


Estimated  Yields  of  Proposed  Plans 

Compared  With  Present  Taxes* 

Billions  of  Dollars 

Tax 

Federal 
Revenue 
1943-44 

Twin 
Cities 

CED 

Ruml 
Sonne 

Hansen- 
Perloff 

Personal  income 
Corporation,  including  renegotiation 
Estate  and  gift 
Consumption    and   miscellaneous 

Total 

18.6 
17.1 
.5 
4.3 

5.0 
5.0 
.5 

7.5 

10.9 
2.1 
.9 
4.5 

13.0 
1.0 
.5 
3.5 

9.8 
4.0-4.5 
1.2 
3.0 

40.5           18.0 

18.4 

and  omitt 
yields  of 

18.0 

ng  some 
the   four 

18.0-18.5 

of  the  alterna- 
programs  are 

"These  are  estimates  for  normal  years,  excluding  payroll  taxes, 
lives  offered.     If  these  variations   and   omissions  arc  included  the 
from  $16  to  $23  billions. 

tive  officials  wide  discretionary  powers.  The 
Hansen-Perloff  plan  proposes  this — that  per- 
sonal income  tax  rates  be  adjusted  up  and 
down,  with  business  recovery  and  recession. 
And  it  is  possible  that  Congress  would  be 
willing  to  delegate  limited  power  to  ad- 
ministrative officials  for  this  purpose.  Such 
action  has  already  been  taken  with  regard 
to  changes  in  tariff  rates  under  the  Recip- 
rocal Trade  Agreement  Act.  Although 
traditionally  jealous  of  its  tax  powers,  Con- 
gress may  be  glad  to  shift  some  of  the  re- 
sponsibility; but  we  cannot  count  on  it. 

In  the  immediate  postwar  period  the 
greatest  risk  might  lie  in  reducing  taxes  too 
soon,  with  the  possibility  of  inflationary 
rather  than  deflationary  conditions.  War- 
time taxes  which  put  a  curb  on  spending  are 
one  of  the  controls  that  must  be  continued 
as  long  as  the  conditions  warrant.  [See 
"Taxes  Are  Good  for  You"  by  Harvey  S. 
Perloff.  Survey  Graphic,  March  1943.] 

The  present  tax  system  offers  many  forms 
of  assistance  for  reconversion.  The  con- 
cern that  loses  money  is  not  required  to  pay 
either  the  excess  profits  or  the  income  tax. 
Moreover,  there  is  provision  for  rapid 
amortization  of  emergency  facilities.  Ten 
percent  of  the  excess  profits  tax  will  be  re- 
turned for  purposes  of  reconversion.  Under 
the  two-year  carry-back  provision,  as  much 
of  the  taxes  paid  in  the  immediately  preced- 
ing years  will  be  refunded  as  is  necessary  to 
offset  losses  and  provide  normal  returns. 

The  number  and  value  of  these  aids  in 
present  legislation  have  not  always  been 
fully  recognized;  but  the  unprecedented 
size  of  corporate  reserves  today  testifies  to 
the  fact  that  the  tax  laws  have  made  sub- 
stantial allowance  for  the  reconversion  pe- 
riod. If  business  has  the  markets  that  only 
full  employment  can  provide,  even  the  pres- 
ent level  of  taxes  would  not  prove  unduly 
restrictive. 

Tax  Justice 

In  our  preoccupation  with  business  cycle 
control  it  is  important  that  we  do  not  for- 
get principles  of  equity.  To  this  end,  we 
should  not  continue  to  tolerate  tax  exemp- 
tion for  interest  on  state  and  local  bonds, 
nor  discrimination,  in  personal  income 
taxes,  against  the  residents  of  "non-com- 
munity property"  states.  Today,  in  states 
with  community  property  laws,  husband 
and  wife  may  make  separate  returns  even 
though  the  income  is  earned  entirely  by 
the  husband.  Thus  a  salary  of  $20,000  must 
be  reported  as  a  $20,000  income  in  New 
York,  a  non-community  property  state,  but 
may  be  reported  as  two  $10,000  incomes  in 
California,  a  community  property  state.  The 
tax  in  the  former  case  is  very  much  higher. 

To  achieve  a  system  based  on  ability  to 
pay,  a  highly  progressive  personal  income 
tax  should  be  retained  as  a  basic  federal  tax, 
and  consumption  taxes  should  be  reduced 
to  a  minimum.  Such  a  tax  system  meets 
the  requirements  of  economic  democracy, 
and  at  the  same  time  it  adjusts  quickly  and 
automatically  to  the  exigencies  of  the  busi- 
ness cycle. 

A  tax  system  based  on  ability  to  pay  will 
inevitably  produce  large  revenues  in  times 
of  rising  incomes,  thus  offering  a  check  on 
(Continued  on  page  79) 


62 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


if 


Luis  Munoz  Marin,  the  leader  of  Puerto  Rico's  Popular  Democratic  Party,  speaking  at  a  back  country  rally 

Clean  Sweep  in  Puerto  Rico 

From  this  Caribbean  territory,  following  the  November  election,  come  new  demands 
for  self-government  and  bold  plans  for  economic   progress   and   social   betterment. 

MARJORIE  R.  CLARK 


THE  NEW  DEAL  PROGRAM,  IN  ECLIPSE  IN 
the  United  States,  received  enthusiastic  and 
overwhelming  endorsement  in  the  Puerto 
Rican  election  in  November.  In  the  con- 
tinental press,  Rexford  Tugwell's  presence 
in  the  island  as  governor  explains  the  pres- 
ence of  the  New  Deal  there.  Actually,  how- 
ever, the  program  is  that  of  Luis  Munoz 
Mann  and  the  Popular  Democratic  Party. 
Governor  Tugwell's  contribution  has  been 
chiefly  encouragement  and  advice. 

A  surprisingly  peaceful  election  resulted 
in  victory  for  the  Popular  Democrats  by 
a  majority  which  literally  wiped  out  one 
of  the  three  opposition  parties — the  Liberal 
Party — and  left  the  others  almost  without 
representation  in  the  government.  The 
Popular  Democratic  Party,  which,  lacking 
a  majority  in  the  past  four  years,  depended 
upon  Liberal  Party  support  in  the  insular 
legislature,  now  has  no  opposition  whatever. 
Of  the  19  senate  seats,  it  won  16;  of  the 
39  seats  in  the  lower  house,  it  won  38. 
There  are  77  municipalities  in  Puerto  Rico, 
and  74  of  them  elected  Popular  Demo- 
cratic governments.  Even  San  Juan,  tra- 
ditionally Union  Republican,  went  to  the 
Popular  Democrats. 


In  the  coming  four  years,  too,  the  insu- 
lar government  will  be  represented  in 
Washington  by  a  Popular  Democrat,  Jesus 
Pifiero,  the  newly  elected  resident  com- 
missioner, who  is  one  of  the  most  stable 
and  responsible  men  in  the  party.  Bolivar 
Pagan  who,  as  resident  commissioner  since 
1940  did  everything  possible  to  discredit  the 
insular  government  in  Washington,  suc- 
ceeded in  winning  one  of  the  three  Opposi- 
tion seats  in  the  insular  senate. 

The  Campaign  in  the  Island 

The  campaign  and  election  were  much 
more  orderly  than  anyone  expected.  Al- 


— By  an  associate  professor  of  economics 
at  the  University  of  Puerto  Rico.  For- 
merly with  the  Federal  Housing  Author- 
ity and,  earlier,  the  Farm  Security  Ad- 
ministration in  Washington,  Miss  Clark 
was  for  some  time  consultant  to  the 
Housing  Authority  in  Puerto  Rico. 
Survey  Graphic  readers  will  recall  her 
description  of  war's  impact  on  the  island, 
"Turmoil  in  Puerto  Rico,"  December, 
1942. 


though  violence  was  generally  predicted, 
"incidents"  throughout  the  campaign  were 
few  and  unimportant.  Threats  of  violence 
were  made,  and  "plots"  discovered  from 
time  to  time,  but  they  came  to  nothing. 

The  system  of  voting  in  Puerto  Rico  is 
unique,  and  seems  fraud-proof.  Voters 
were  required  to  be  in  their  voting  places 
before  one  o'clock  on  November  7.  At 
that  hour  the  doors  were  locked,  and  voting 
began.  Each  voter  was  called  in  alpha- 
betical order,  identified  himself  in  a  rather 
elaborate  fashion,  and  received  his  ballot. 
Specially  named  "governor's  representa- 
tives" were  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  island 
to  answer  questions  and  adjust  disputes. 

In  effect,  voters  could  vote  either  for  or 
against  the  Popular  Democratic  Party, 
which  stood  for  a  continuation  of  its  eco- 
nomic and  social  program  begun  in  1940. 
The  program  of  the  Opposition  parties  was 
the  simple  one  of  opposition.  They  never 
formulated  any  other. 

Any  election  in  Puerto  Rico  must  be  con- 
sidered from  the  point  of  view  of  its  effect 
upon  the  two  great  problems  of  Puerto 
Rico — the  political  problem  of  status,  or 
relationship  to  the  United  States,  and  the 


FEBRUARY  1945 


63 


economic  problem  of  how  the  island  can 
support  its  dense  and  rapidly  increasing 
population. 

Munoz  Mann  tried  to  convince  voters 
that  the  election  related  only  to  the  eco- 
nomic issue;  that  the  question  of  political 
status  was  not  involved,  and  that  a  vote 
for  the  Popular  Democratic  Party  was  not 
a  vote  for  independence.  The  opposition 
parties,  on  the  contrary,  insisted  that  a 
Popular  Democratic  victory  would  mean 
an  immediate  move  to  free  Puerto  Rico 
from  the  United  States.  In  large  part  the 
campaign  of  the  Opposition  candidate  for 
resident  commissioner,  for  example,  was 
made  "to  keep  the  American  flag  flying  in 
Puerto  Rico." 

The  500  Acre  Law 

But  the  first  question  raised  by  the  elec- 
tion is  how  the  government  will  act  to 
better  economic  conditions  in  the  island. 
The  main  outlines  of  the  economic  program 
are  clear,  and  are  already  embodied  in  the 
legislation  of  the  past  four  years.  Its  two 
basic  proposals  are  to  increase  and  redis- 
tribute the  income  from  land,  and  to  in- 
dustrialize the  island.  Of  the  two  the  lat- 
ter is  now,  at  least,  much  more  important 
economically,  although  the  land  program 
has  political  appeal  which  makes  it  an 
essential  part  of  any  planning  for  the  fu- 
ture. 

The  land  program  so  far  has  been 
largely  one  of  redistribution.  Within  the 
near  future,  however,  the  government  pro- 


-  poses  to  establish  an  Agricultural  Develop- 
ment Company  to  encourage  more  efficient 
and  more  diversified  land  use. 

Even  when  Puerto  Rico  became  part  of 
the  United  States  in  1898,  land  ownership 
was  concentrated  in  relatively  few  hands. 
Congress  in  1900  adopted  a  joint  resolu- 
tion— later  known  as  the  500  Acre  Law — 
which  prohibited  any  corporation  from 
owning  or  controlling  more  than  500  acres 
of  land.  Ignored  for  forty  years,  this  law 
was  made  operative  in  1941  when  the  in- 
sular legislature  was  authorized  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to 
establish  the  method  by  which  the  joint 
resolution  would  be  put  into  effect.  Three 
methods  of  land  distribution  are  provided 
under  the  Land  Act  of  1941:  outright  gift 
of  one  quarter  of  an  acre  to  any  agricul- 
tural worker  or  agregado  in  the  island; 
sale  or  lease  of  family  sized  farms  (5  to 
25  acres);  lease  of  proportional  benefit 
farms  (100  to  500  acres)  to  agronomists  or 
experienced  farmers.  In  the  last  case,  the 
workers  on  the  farms  share  in  the  profits 
in  addition  to  receiving  wages  at  estab- 
lished rates  during  the  year. 

Up  to  last  October,  10,716  families  of 
agricultural  workers,  representing  close  to 
60,000  persons,  had  been  resettled  on  small 
plots  of  land.  Over  11,000  acres  had  been 
put  into  use  in  proportional  benefit  farms, 
which  form  the  heart  of  the  program.  The 
six  farms  in  operation  this  year  distributed 
slightly  over  $45,000  in  proportional  bene- 
fits to  the  workers  employed,  and  the  Land 


Authority  claims  that  sugar  on  these  farms 
was  grown  at  less  than  average  cost  and 
that  the  yield  was  higher  than  average. 
This  is  extremely  important  since,  with  so 
little  land  in  relation  to  population,  every 
acre  must  be  used  as  fully  and  as  eco- 
nomically as  possible. 

Although  the  program  of  industrial  de- 
velopment has  lagged  somewhat  behind 
the  land  program,  it  is  now  well  under 
way.  The  Puerto  Rico  Development  Com- 
pany was  established  in  1942,  not  only  to 
help  private  industry,  but  to  initiate  and 
carry  on  business  for  the  insular  govern- 
ment. To  make  insular  government  funds 
available  to  the  company  or  to  private  in- 
vestors, the  Puerto  Rico  Development  Bank 
was  created. 

New  Industries — Plans  and  Projects 

As  one  of  its  first  activities,  the  Develop- 
ment Company  initiated  a  thorough-going 
investigation  and  inventory  of  the  island's 
natural  resources.  That  investigation  is 
still  under  way,  but  two  new  industries 
already  have  been  established  by  the  com- 
pany itself.  A  glass  container  factory  is 
now  going  into  operation,  prepared  to  sup- 
ply a  major  portion  of  the  bottles  needed 
in  the  rum  industry.  A  paper  products 
factory  to  make  the  corrugated  paper  in 
which  bottled  rum  is  packed,  is  nearing 
completion.  Both  will  add  very  materially 
to  employment  and  income. 

As  soon  as  war  conditions  permit,  the 
Puerto  Rico  Development  Company  is  pre- 


64 


Under  the  six-year  plan  it  is  believed  that  most  of  the  urban  slums — of  which  this  is  typical — can  be  cleared 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


pared  to  build  and  operate  a  textile  mill  to 
spin  and  weave  imported  cotton  (later, 
perhaps,  it  will  use  the  long  staple  cotton 
grown  in  the  island,  which  is  used  only 
for  fine  fabrics  and  requires  very  skilled 
and  experienced  textile  workers);  a  knit- 
ting mill;  a  plant  to  manufacture  vegetable 
fats  and  oils,  primarily  from  local  coconuts; 
a  wallboard  factory,  using  bagasse  (sugar 
cane  from  which  the  juice  has  been  extrac- 
ted); and  four  plants  to  make  synthetic, 
edible  yeast,  to  improve  the  diet  of  the 
people.  In  addition,  semi-mechanized  or 
handicraft  industries  are  starting,  and  the 
Development  Company  already  has  put  on 
the  market  pottery  of  various  kinds,  and 
furniture. 

So  far,  the  emphasis  in  industrial  devel- 
opment is  clearly  on  government  controlled 
and  operated  industry.  This  is  due  in  part 
to  the  fact  that  speed  is  so  essential,  for 
both  political  and  economic  reasons;  in 
part  to  the  management  of  the  Develop- 
ment Company  itself;  and  in  part  to  the 
definite  leaning  of  the  entire  insular  ad- 
ministration toward  government  control 
of  the  economic  life  of  the  island. 

Businessmen  are  asking  whether  all  in- 
dustry is  to  be  socialized;  whether  taxes 
are  to  be  greatly  increased;  what  restric- 
tions upon  business  and  industry  may  be 
imposed;  into  what  kinds  of  industrial 
activity  the  government  means  to  go. 
Mufioz  Marin  has  said  that  he  wants  in- 
creased taxes  on  corporations,  probably 
some  kind  of  excess  profits  tax.  It  is  taken 
for  granted  that  existing  wage  and  hour 
laws  will  be  liberalized  to  give  workers  a 
greater  share  in  income.  If  private  capital 
is  to  be  utilized  in  any  significant  degree 
in  the'  future  industrial  development  of 
Puerto  Rico,  the  government  will  have 
either  to  define  much  more  clearly  the 
fields  into  which  it  means  to  go,  or  to 
work  out  some  method  by  which  both 
government  and  private  investors  can  unite 
in  industrial  enterprises,  with  private  in- 
vestors given  some  responsibility  in  man- 
agement. 

Private  capital,  however,  has  been  notori- 
ously slow  to  invest  in  the  island  except  in 
sugar  and,  more  recently,  in  the  manufac- 
ture of  rum. 

Even  if  the  newly  elected  government 
were  interested  in  a  change  in  the  attitude 
of  the  private  investor,  it  might  be  im- 
possible to  attract  to  industry  any  appreci- 
able amount  of  private  capital  until  the 
question  of  political  status  is  settled. 

The  fact  that  public  utilities  are  already 
in  large  part  government  owned  makes 
the  industrial  program  easier.  The  Water 
Resources  Authority,  an  insular  government 
agency,  supplies  all  power  used  in  Puerto 
Rico.  The  Transportation  Authority,  an- 
other insular  agency,  owns  and  operates 
the  principal  bus  system  in  the  San  Juan 
metropolitan  area  and  plans  island-wide 
transportation  as  soon  as  equipment  is 
available.  It  expects  to  build  within  the 
_next  six  years  not  only  an  airport  for  in- 
ternational air  service,  but  local  airports 
as  well.  The  Communications  Authority 
now  controls  the  telegraph  system  and  is 
about  to  take  over  the  telephone  system. 

In  the  past  four  years,  the  government 


The  Popular  Democratic  Party  invests  #20,000  in  war  bonds.  Jesus  T.  Pinero,  Resi- 
dent Commissioner  in  Washington  (left),  hands  the  check  to  a  U.S.  Treasury  official 


has  quite  frankly  tried  to  establish  its  eco- 
nomic program  before  it  faces  the  enor- 
mous social  problems  of  Puerto  Rico.  In 
some  part  this  attitude  may  have  been  due 
to  war  restrictions,  which  made  building 
impossible,  but  in  larger  part  it  was  the 
conviction  that  Puerto  Ricans  can  in  the 
long  run  hope  only  for  those  social  insti- 
tutions which  they  can  support.  Accord- 
ingly, little  has  been  done  since  1940  in 
housing,  education,  sanitation,  or  health. 
Now,  however,  the  government  proposes 
to  go  ahead  as  rapidly  as  possible  with  a 
broad  social  program. 

The  Issue  of  Independence 

Meanwhile,  within  the  Popular  Demo- 
cratic Party  itself  the  issue  of  status  has, 
in  the  weeks  since  the  election,  flared  into 
the  open.  At  least  a  minority  of  the  party 
leaders  want  independence  now,  at  any 
cost,  and  are  already  agitating  for  it. 
Mufioz  Mann  does  not  belong  to  this 
group.  Puerto  Rico  must  wait  for  inde- 
pendence, he  insists,  until  it  can  be  assured 
of  continued  economic  help  from  the 
United  States,  since  political  independence, 
without  economic  help,  would  bring  only 
suffering  and  starvation  to  the  island.  Al- 
though he  has  been  careful  not  to  commit 
himself,  it  appears  that  he  favors  some 
form  of  qualified  or  partial  independence, 
such  as  dominion  or  commonwealth  status, 
which  would  leave  the  island  free  to  legis- 
late for  itself  and  determine  its  own  future, 
but  would  not  break  the  strong  economic 
attachment  to  the  United  States  which  has 
developed  in  the  last  forty-five  years. 

The  issue  of  status  was  of  course  in  the 
minds  of  voters  at  the  November  election. 
Mufioz  Mann  promised  the  people  to  ar- 
range, as  soon  as  possible,  a  vote  on  the 
kind  of  political  status  they  wanted.  Until 
that  time,  he  urged  that  the  issue  rest. 
Nonetheless,  the  election  has  resulted  in 


widespread  "jitters"  on  the  question  of 
status.  Many  remember  the  violence  of 
1936  during  which  the  chief  of  police  lost 
his  life,  and  fear  something  of  the  same 
kind  now.  "They  will  kill  us  in  the 
streets,"  one  woman  cried  when  she  saw 
the  election  returns. 

Among  business  and  professional  men, 
both  in  and  out  of  the  Popular  Demo- 
cratic Party,  there  is  fear  of  the  Jnde- 
pendentistas.  If  any  section  of  the  Puerto 
Rican  people  has  adjusted  to  colonial  sta- 
tus, it  is  this  group,  whose  ties  with  the 
United  States  are  close  and  profitable,  and 
who  intellectually  are  turning  to  the  con- 
tinent as  they  once  turned  to  Spain. 

The  immediate  question  is  whether 
Mufioz  Marin  can  control  the  "independ- 
ence now  at  any  cost"  group  within  the 
party.  The  very  completeness  of  the 
Popular  Democratic  victory  makes  this 
more  difficult,  since  there  is  no  opposition 
from  the  outside  to  hold  the  party  together. 
There  is  also  the  fact  that  for  the  defeated 
parties,  and  the  interests  they  represent — 
chiefly  sugar — dissension  within  the  Popular 
Party  ranks  becomes  extremely  important. 

The  Independentlstas  have  already  shown 
that  they  do  not  mean  to  wait.  They  are 
pressing  for  action  now,  in  a  number  of 
ways.  Rafael  Arjona  Siaca,  newly  elected 
senator  and  extremely  vocal  member  of 
the  Popular  Democratic  Party,  declared  a 
few  days  after  the  election  in  a  widely 
publicized  speech  that  Puerto  Rico  must 
end  at  once  its  humiliating  political  situa- 
tion and  become  independent.  Later,  at  a 
meeting  called  to  hear  two  Cuban  students 
who  came  to  the  university  to  speak  for 
independence,  he  declared  that  Puerto  Rico 
was  even  now  in  "full  revolt"  against  its 
present  colonial  status. 

The  visit  of  the  Cuban  students  has 
assumed  the  character  of  an  international 
(Continued  on  page  77) 


FEBRUARY  1945 


65 


"Dad  is  our  pal."  When  he  doesn't  have  to  work  at  night,  he  spends  his  evenings  with  us 


"I  like  to  watch  myself  grow"  at  the  annual  health  check-up 


"Learning  is  fun  in  our  school  room,"  thanks  to  our  teacher 


These  Make  Up  "My  Happy  Days" 

From  a  book  on  normal  Negro  childhood  by  Jane  Dabney  Shaclcelford.  Photographs  by  Cecil  Vinson 


"What  fun  we  have"  in  the  park  across  the  street  from  school 


These  glimpses  of  the  details  of  wholesome  child  life  are  from  a  book 
of  alternating  photographs  and  simple  text,  "My  Happy  Days" 
(Associated  Publishers,  Inc.,  Washington,  D.  C).  The  book  is  ad- 
dressed to  Negro  parents  as  well  as  to  Negro  children,  but  its  message 
is  for  all  parents  and  children.  "I  hope  it  will  establish  a  pattern  that 
will  be  followed  in  many  homes,"  writes  the  author,  "because  we  all 
realize  that  strengthening  family  life  is  a  bulwark  of  democracy. 


''I  am  proud  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States" 


After  a  good-night  story,  "I  go  to  bed  with  happy  thoughts" 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


To  Be  Young,  Poor,  and  Black 


OUR    INDIVIDUAL    LIVES,    SO   IT    IS    OFTEN    SAID, 

are  subject  to  three  basic  influences:  our 
physical  makeup,  which  provides  the  main- 
spring of  our  activities;  our  homes,  which 
influence  their  direction;  and  the  social 
group,  which  limits  or  extends  them.  It  is 
to  the  credit  of  Richard  Wright,  who  even 
as  a  novelist  protests  racial  discrimination, 
that  he  has  recognized  these  three  factors 
in  his  autobiography  without  becoming 
pedantic.  ("Black  Boy.  A  Record  of  Child- 
hood and  Youth,"  by  Richard  Wright. 
Harper.  $2.50.)  In  this  terrible  picture  of 
life  in  the  United  States,  in  this  personal 
testimony  that,  for  frankness,  makes  Rous- 
seau's "Confessions"  read  like  a  novel  of 
manners,  Mr.  Wright  has  placed  the  blame 
where  it  belongs.  He  has  not  spared  himself 
in  revealing  his  intractable,  unruly  nature 
as  a  little  boy;  he  has  not  recalled  his  par- 
ents in  a  haze  of  sentimental  nostalgia; 
hence  his  account  of  what  made  life  in  the 
South  unbearable  for  a  sensitive  Negro  lad 
is  many  times  more  convincing  than  the 
furtive  development  in  "Native  Son." 

For  Richard  was  tense,  hypersensitive 
from  earliest  childhood,  thus  proving  anew 
that  the  artist  feels  more  deeply  than  his 
fellows  and  is  more  keenly  aware  and  re- 
flective by  his  very  physical  nature.  He 
was  browbeaten  by  Negroes  before  he  was 
intimidated  by  whites,  and  his  protest  was 
the  natural  reaction  of  a  high-spirited  and 
intelligent  youth  against  all  forms  of  in- 
justice. So  this  book  becomes  a  unique 
record,  a  story  of  a  black  boy's  soul  as  well 
as  of  that  ring  of  discrimination  that  keeps 
the  Negroes  cowed  in  the  Deep  South.  It 
is  a  unique  supplement  to  Gunnar  Myr- 
dahl's  comprehensive  study,  "An  Ameri- 
can Dilemma,"  bearing  out  many  of  the 
scientist's  conclusions. 

Since  practically  all  autobiographies  are 
written  when  the  author  has  reached  the 
age  of  reflection,  none  can  escape  a  certain 
amount  of  adult  sophistication.  But  Mr. 
Wright  has  managed  to  make  his  remi- 
niscences seem  fresh  and  new  by  treating 
them  as  episodes,  providing  a  rich  succes- 
sion of  them,  and  only  occasionally  com- 
menting as  an  adult. 

The  Untamable  Spirit 

He  begins  by  showing  what  kind  of 
boy  he  was  temperamentally.  At  the  age  of 
four  in  Natchez,  he  set  the  house  afire  in 
order  to  see  the  curtains  burn,  despite  the 
presence  of  a  sick  grandmother.  He  was 
punished:  "I  was  lashed  so  hard  and  long 
that  I  lost  consciousness."  A  few  years  later, 
in  Jackson,  Miss.,  he  loitered  around  sal- 
oons, picked  up  dirty  words  and  scandal- 
ized his  relatives,  who  reacted  violently. 
He  joined  other  children  in  jeering  at  Jews, 
and  his  intense  curiosity  told  him  much 

(All  booths 


HARRY  HANSEN 

about  sordid  relations  in  shabby  houses.  He 
does  not  spare  himself,  and  we  begin  to 
see  him  as  intensely  nervous,  stubborn,  tor- 
tured in  soul  and  body  but  keenwitted, 
inquisitive,  and  by  no  means  passive. 

The  home  life  Mr.  Wright  reveals  upsets 
the  conventional  belief  that  poor  Negroes 
are  easy-going,  affectionate,  and  gentle  in 
family  relationships.  His  mother  worked 
as  a  laundress  and  wept  and  worried  over 
her  two  boys;  his  father,  a  Beale  Street 
drugstore  porter,  found  himself  another 
woman.  His  grandmother,  white  of  skin 
yet  born  in  slavery,  labored  hard  to  help 
the  handicapped  members  of  her  family, 
but  she  was  a  strict  religionist  and  dis- 
ciplinarian. In  justice  to  her  and  other  rel- 
atives who  browbeat  Richard,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  he  was  a  tough  proposition; 
none  knew  how  to  tame  this  wild  one  ex- 
cept by  blows  and  abuse.  Even  an  aunt, 
on  becoming  his  teacher  in  school,  refused 
to  admit  the  relationship  and  treated  him 
as  a  culprit. 

In  later  years,  Richard  began  to  wonder 
at  this  antagonism  among  his  own.  He 
"used  to  mull  over  the  strange  absence  of 
real  kindness  in  Negroes,  how  unstable 
was  our  tenderness,  how  lacking  in  genuine 
passion  we  were,  how  void  of  great  hope, 
how  timid  our  joy,  how  bare  our  traditions, 
how  hollow  our  memories,  how  lacking 
we  were  in  those  intangible  sentiments  that 
bind  man  to  man  and  how  shallow  was 
even  our  despair." 

For  some  Negroes  the  church  provides 
both  a  tradition  and  a  social  magnet.  Rich- 
ard was  briefly  affected  by  the  religious 
symbols  and  the  hymns.  But  he  thinks 
they  came  too  late  (at  ten  or  eleven  years!) 
in  his  career;  therefore  "full  emotional  and 
intellectual  belief  never  came."  The  lad's 
nature  was  already  too  skeptical,  too  in- 
quiring; he  could  not  accept  beliefs  on 
faith. 

The  Day-by-Day  Repression 

As  he  grew  older,  he  recognized  the 
fear  that  is  in  the  air  for  the  Negro  in 
the  South.  Here  his  testimony  is  exception- 
ally valuable,  for  while  everyone  is  aware 
of  the  more  obvious  manifestations  of  race 
discrimination,  such  as  Jim  Crow  cars  and 
lynching,  we  are  less  familiar  with  the 
insidious,  day-by-day  repression,  which  is 
implicit  in  the  very  attitude  of  white  peo- 
ple. Richard  was  merely  a  curious  boy 
when  he  first  saw  a  Jim  Crow  car,  but  he 
was  older  when  a  classmate  lamented  the 
loss  of  a  brother  who  had  been  killed  by 
whites  for  "fooling  with  a  white  prostitute." 
He  was  to  discover,  to  his  own  hurt,  what 
other  methods  were  used. 

Young  Richard  learned  that  he  could 
not  reply  to  an  employer  who  corrected 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will 
68 


him;  his  remarks  "indicated  a  consciousness 
on  my  part  that  infuriated  white  people." 
Something  of  this  spirit  may  have  been 
absorbed  by  the  Negro  principal  of  his 
school,  who  considered  it  an  insult  that 
Richard  should  refuse  to  deliver  the  vale- 
dictory address  he  had  written  for  the  boy. 
As  a  bell  boy  in  a  hotel,  Richard  had  to 
run  errands  for  white  prostitutes;  when 
they  walked  about  shamelessly  in  the  nude 
he  was  told:  "Keep  your  eyes  where  they 
belong  if  you  want  to  be  healthy!"  White 
employes  of  a  Memphis  company  used 
devious  methods  to  get  two  Negro  lads  to 
fight  by  assuring  them  separately  that  each 
was  out  to  knife  the  other.  Fortunately 
they  compromised  on  a  fist  fight. 

Richard's  basic  makeup  made  it  impos- 
sible for  him  "to  submit  and  live  the  life 
of  a  genial  slave."  He  resented  the  attitude 
of  the  Negro  elevator  operator  who  al- 
lowed himself  to  be  kicked  for  a  quarter. 
He  heard  Negroes  discuss  the  ways  of 
white  folks  toward  them,  but  it  led  no- 
where. Negroes  grumbled,  cheated,  and 
stole  from  their  employers.  Richard  had  a 
mush  and  gravy  poverty  like  the  rest,  but 
he  had  something  they  lacked — the  ability 
to  develop  mentally  despite  all  handicaps. 

The  Spark 

And  here  credit  goes  to  H.  L.  Mencken 
for  being  the  electric  spark  which  spurred 
Richard  on.  Mencken  was  being  denounced 
in  a  Memphis  newspaper,  probably  for 
one  of  his  periodic  attacks  on  the  South, 
when  Richard  became  aware  of  him.  Un- 
able to  draw  books  from  the  public  library, 
he  asked  an  Irish  Catholic  to  wangle  a  card. 
Then  he  began  reading  "Prejudices"  and 
"A  Book  of  Prefaces,"  and  taking  up  the 
authors  Mencken  discussed.  H.  L.  Mencken 
has  electrified  many  able  spirits  with  his 
writings;  Richard  Wright  is  only  one  of 
the  latest. 

It  is  good  for  us  to  learn  how  a  black 
boy  felt  in  his  growing  years.  It  is  good  to 
know  what  pulled  him  out  of  his  difficult 
situation.  He  went  North — to  Chicago — 
to  become  an  author  with  a  conscience,  a 
spokesman  for  justice.  Although  he  has  not 
told  it  here,  we  know  that  he  did  not  find 
complete  freedom  from  racial  discrimina- 
tion even  in  the  North.  But  his  way  was 
easier  now;  he  had  enough  to  eat;  he  could 
speak  his  mind  and  find  listeners. 

The  book,  full  of  anecdotes  as  it  is,  re- 
vives our  democratic  belief  that  brains  may 
sprout  in  the  humblest  surroundings  and 
that  intellectual  courage  wins  a  way.  This 
personal  testimony  shows  that  even  trivial 
incidents  have  their  bearing  on  individual 
development.  But  without  the  sensitive  na- 
ture that  was  his,  Richard  Wright's  "scald- 
ing experience"  would  have  left  him  like 
be  postpaid) 


many  another  black  boy  of  the  South,  out- 
wardly genial,  inwardly  discontented  and 
oppressed,  unable  to  find  his  way  out  of 
the  atmosphere  that  smothered  him. 

THE  UNITED  STATES 
STUDIES  PEACE 

THE  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE,  by 
Ruhl  J.  Bartlett.  University  of  North  Caro- 
lina Press.  #2.50. 

HERE  is  A  FULLY  DOCUMENTED  HISTORY  OF 
the  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  which  was 
formed  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the 
first  World  War  and  which,  according  to 
former  President  Lowell  of  Harvard,  was 
"killed  and  buried  by  the  Republicans  and 
President  Harding  in  1922."  The  book  is 
a  valuable  contribution  to  today's  study  of 
the  techniques  of  international  coopera- 
tion, why  our  predecessors  failed,  what  we 
must  avoid;  and,  lest  we  miss  our  second 
chance,  it  points  to  what  we  must  achieve 
if  we  are  to  have  peace. 

APPROACHES  TO  WORLD  PEACE: 
Fourth  Symposium  of  the  Conference  of  Sci- 
ence, Philosophy,  and  Religion  in  Their 
Relation  to  the  Democratic  Way  of  Life. 
Edited  by  Lyman  Bryson,  Louis  Finkel- 
stein,  and  Robert  Maclver.  Harper.  f5. 

A    MIGHTY    TOME    HAS     BEEN     MADE    OF     THE 

papers  discussed  at  the  Fourth  Conference 
on  Science,  Philosophy,  and  Religion,  held 
in  New  York  City  in  September,  1943. 
Fifty-nine  different  authorities,  representing 
fifty-nine  approaches  to  the  complex  prob- 
lems of  the  present  world  crisis,  have  united 
in  an  effort  to  face  the  very  real  crisis  in 
the  field  of  intelligence  and  ideas.  It  is,  of 
course,  of  primary  value  and  interest  to  the 
scholar,  but  the  layman  would  do  well  to 
catch  some  of  the  objective  and  timeless 
attitudes  brought  to  this  study  by  these 
men  of  the  classical  tradition. 

AN  AMERICAN  PEACE,  by  Neil  MacNeii, 
Scribner.  #2.75. 

IN    STRONG,    CLEAR,    CONCISE    TERMS,    WITH    A 

terse,  effective 'style,  Mr.  MacNeii  calls  for 
an  American  peace.  But  let  no  one  inter- 
pret that  as  an  insistence  on  nationalism.  It 
is  simply  this:  the  United  States,  having  at 
last  a  military  strength  that  matches  its  re- 
sources in  industry,  having  the  greatest  in- 
ternational authority  it  has  ever  known, 
must  take  its  mature  part  in  building  a  just 
and  flexible  peace.  This  peace  must  be 
based  on  economic  solutions  of  political 
problems,  for  the  basic  problems  are  eco- 
nomic. Just  as  this  country  once  wrote  the 
Bill  of  Rights,  so  it  must  write  an  Eco- 
nomic Bill  of  Rights,  wherein  there  shall 
be  access  to  raw  materials  and  markets  for 
all.  Without  such  an  Economic  Bill  of 
Rights,  Mr.  MacNeii  feels  "there  is  little 
hope  for  a  realistic  peace." 

FOREIGN  POLICY  BEGINS  AT  HOME, 
by  James  P.  Warburg.  Harcourt,  Brace. 
#2.50. 

MR.  WARBURG  HAS  WRITTEN  A  MOST  INTER- 
estingly  condensed  history  of  American 
foreign  and  domestic  policy,  showing  that 
the  two  are  closely  interdependent.  With 
this  factual  knowledge  at  hand,  the  Amer- 


"A  clear,  vigorous, 
courageous  book." 

—The  Nation 

Foreign  Policy 
Begins  at  Home 

By  JAMES  P.  WARBURG 


N.  Y.  HERALD  TRIBUNE:  "Thorough-going  and 
thought-provoking.  To  maintain  and  extend 
democracy,  citizens  must  therefore  exercise  their 
right  to  determine  the  broad  shape  of  the  nation's 
policies;  and,  to  make  those  policies  good,  they 
must  possess  the  information  on  which  to  base 
proper  decisions.  This  book  presents  this  kind  of 
information  with  a  very  large  measure  of  clarity, 
simplicity  and  success." 

MINNEAPOLIS  TRIBUNE:  "Its  wealth  of  factual  in- 
formation and  provocative  ideas  should  stimulate 
independent  thinking  among  Americans  who  used 
to  believe  the  field  of  international  relations  was 
roped  off  for  the  exclusive  pleasure  of  the  'ex- 
perts'." 

MAX  LERNER:  "A  wonderfully  lucid,  admirably  sim- 
ple survey  of  American  foreign  policy  .  .  .  Better 
than  in  any  other  book  I  know,  he  has  captured 
the  basic  truth  that  there  is  an  organic  connection 
between  what  we  do  abroad  and  what  we  do  at 
home." 

DALLAS  NEWS:  "The  summaries  of  recent  history 
alone  make  the  book  worth  while  . . .  But  far  more 
important  are  the  guiding  principles,  based  on  a 
specific  examination  of  our  policies  following  the 


last 


war. 


£2.50 


HARCOURT,   BRACE  AND  COMPANY 

383  Madison  Avenue        •        New  York  17,  N.  Y. 


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69 


ican  is  brought  face  to  face  with  his  re- 
sponsibility as  a  citizen  in  a  democracy 
and  the  part  his  democracy  must  play  in 
a  world  torn  by  conflicting  ideologies.  It  is 
a  plea  for  the  right  objectives  and  princi- 
ples back  of  the  peace  settlement  to  come. 

THE  GENTLEMEN  TALK  OF  PEACE,  by 
William  B.  Ziff.  Macmillan.  #3. 

MR.    ZiFF     FEELS     THAT    THE     MAIN     PROBLEM 

of  the  future  is  one  of  adjusting  the  aging 
political  and  social  forms  of  society  to  its 
new  economic  and  industrial  needs.  He 
offers  precise  plans  for  a  world  territorial 
reorganization,  and  he  seems  to  have 
thought  it  through  to  the  last  minute  detail. 
JULIE  D'ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT 
Assistant  Director 
Woodrow  Wilson  Foundation 

OUR  JUNGLE  DIPLOMACY,  by  William 
Franklin  Sands  in  collaboration  with  Joseph 
M.  Lalley.  University  of  North  Carolina 
Press.  £2.50. 

IN     THE     CURRENT     NATIONWIDE     DEBATE     ON 

foreign  policy,  one  is  happy  to  encounter 
anyone  attempting  to  analyze  the  long  term 
trends  in  this  nation's  conduct  of  foreign 
relations.  Taking  as  a  springboard  his  as- 
signments in  Latin  America  during  the 
heyday  of  American  imperialism,  Mr. 
Sands,  an  excellent  career  diplomat  of  many 
years'  experience  in  the  Far  East  as  well, 
examines  our  foreign  policy  over  the  past 
four  decades  for  an  indication  of  some  co- 
herent purpose — and  finds  it  wanting. 

The  author  likens  our  diplomacy  to  a 
jungle,  where  every  man  must  hack  a  way 
for  himself  through  the  twisted  under- 
growth of  protocol,  intrigue,  and  miscon- 
ception, only  to  gather  the  fruit  of  ag- 
gression and  war.  For  our  capricious  and 
unpredictable  course  in  international  rela- 
tions, motivated  by  power  drives  and  inter- 
preted by  "professions  of  virtue,"  has  pro- 
vided a  pattern,  he  says,  for  other  more 
consistently  expansionist  nations. 

For  his  belief  that  we  in  the  United 
States  have  sowed  the  wind  and  are  now 
reaping  the  whirlwind,  Mr.  Sands  has  cer- 
tain grounds,  of  which  he  occasionally  per- 
mits the  reader  to  catch  a  glimpse.  He  was 
present  at  the  birthing  of  Panama,  wit- 
nessed our  attempts  to  bring  about  peace 
and  prosperity  in  Central  America  by 
bankers'  loans  and  armed  intervention,  ob- 
served our  well-meaning,  if  erratic,  efforts 
to  introduce  democracy  in  Mexico  at  the 
point  of  a  gun.  His  discussion  of  power 
politics  in  Latin  America  is  so  discursive, 
so  interlarded  with  anecdote  and  personal 
experience,  however,  that  one  emerges 
without  a  clear  notion  of  just  what  it  is 
Mr.  Sands  is  trying  to  say. 

The  reader  will  probably  find  much  to 
agree  with  in  the  author's  contention  that 
lack  of  knowledge  abroad  of  this  country's 
intentions  has  proved  in  the  past  far  more 
dangerous  than  any  fear  of  its  concrete 
plans.  But  it  is  speculative  whether  the 
reader  will  be  able  to  concur  in  the  con- 
clusion, for  which  he  has  been  sketchily 
prepared,  that  the  present  war  is  the  result 
of  the  shattering  collision  of  the  imperial- 
ist drives  of  Japan  and  the  United  States, 
and  only  that. 


Mr.  Sands  makes  no  mention  of  the 
German  threat  in  our  Latin  American  pre- 
serves. A  period  of  residence  in  Latin 
America,  even  on  the  Pacific  side,  should 
make  one  all  the  more  aware  that  our 
orientation  in  this  hemisphere,  because  of 
the  lay  of  the  land  and  the  flow  of  the  sea, 
has  always  been  Europe-ward.  Negative  as 
it  is,  the  Monroe  Doctrine — the  only 
American  policy  on  which  a  certain 
amount  of  agreement  has  been  achieved — 
is  aimed  at  Europe.  Not  to  make  this 
clear  is,  in  this  reviewer's  opinion,  to  betray 
a  certain  carelessness  in  the  material's  pre- 
sentation. 

One  wishes  that  the  author  and  his  col- 
laborator, Mr.  Lalley,  had  confined  them- 
selves to  their  very  readable  account  of 
Mr.  Sands'  experiences  in  Central  America 
and  elaborated  the  discussion  of  some  of 
the  social  and  racial  concepts  of  the  Mexi- 
can revolution,  much  of  which  is  ex- 
tremely valid. 

Research  Associate  OLIVE  HOLMES 

Foreign  Policy  Association 

EVERYBODY'S  POLITICAL  WHAT'S 
WHAT,  by  Bernard  Shaw.  Dodd,  Mead. 
03. 

STYLING  HIMSELF  AN  "ARTIST  PHILOSO- 
pher,"  having,  so  far  as  he  can  comprehend 
it,  "the  whole  universe  for  his  workshop," 
the  irrepressible  George  Bernard  Shaw  in 
his  eighty-ninth  year  soliloquizes  and  rem- 
inisces zestfully  with  sturdy  wisdom,  little 
nostalgia,  and  more  tolerance  than  usual. 

Education,  he  maintains,  stems  from  the 
arts  rather  than  from  formalized  rote. 
"Drawing  wrong  conclusions  from  known 
facts"  is,  he  observes,  more  responsible  for 
current  cynicism  than  ignorance  itself.  "The 
honest  artist  does  not  pretend  that  his  fic- 
tions are  facts,  but  he  may  claim,  as  I  do, 
that  it  is  only  through  fiction  that  facts  can 
be  made  instructive  and  intelligible."  He 
stigmatizes  "competitive  examinations"  as 
giving  the  competitors  "an  interest  in  one 
another's  ignorance  and  failure"  and  as 
associating  success  "with  the  notion  of  do- 
ing the  other  fellow  down."  He  looks  more 
favorably  upon  competition  between  teams 
as  uniting  members  "to  share  their  knowl- 
edge and  help  one  another." 

After  watching  the  pageant  of  three 
generations,  Shaw  characterizes  democracies 
as  government  by  "anybodies"  elected  by 
"everybody,"  operating  upon  a  level  which 
is  necessarily  no  higher  than  that  of  "ev- 
erybody." As  for  himself  he  has,  he  says, 
"still  much  to  learn,  even  within  my  own 
limited  capacity."  He  sees  himself,  how- 
ever, as  "realist"  enough  "to  see  through 
more  of  the  romantic  illusions  and  know 
more  of  the  hard  facts  than  Mr.  Every- 
man." His  penetrating  eye  can  still  detect 
the  most  carefully  concealed  skeleton  and 
he  has  lost  none  of  his  capacity  to  discon- 
cert by  dragging  it  ruthlessly  from  the 
closet. 

Yet  there  is  a  new  mellowness  in  this 
cavalcade  of  Shavian  reflections:  on  his  ex- 
cursions into  Marxist  propaganda;  his  transi- 
tion from  novelist  to  playwright;  the  glee 
in  his  feeling  that  his  critics  and  biogra- 
phers can  find  no  "pigeonhole"  to  fit  him. 
His  spicy  acidity  is  frankly  meant  to  "en- 


tertain" and  he  is  always  conscious  of  the 
indispensability  of  the  surprise  element  to 
put  his  humor  across.  On  his  first  meeting 
with  Anatole  France,  the  latter  had  tardy 
inquired,  "Who  are  you?"  to  which  Shaw 
retorted,  "I,  like  you,  am  a  genius." 

This  is  autobiography  at  its  best,  by  a 
man  who,  whatever  he  may  do  to  others, 
is  as  free  from  self-deception  as  a  human 
can  be.  There  is  one  very  important  cat 
which  he  intentionally  or  unintentionally 
lets  out  of  its  bag.  He  loves  the  world 
with  which  he  has  quarreled  so  eagerly. 

RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR. 
Cornwall,  N.  Y. 

WORLD  ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT: 
Effects  on  Advanced  Industrial  Countries, 
by  Eugene  Staley.  The  International  Labor 
Office.  #1.75. 

THIS    WORK    BY    ONE    WHO    IS    NO    NEWCOMER 

in  the  field  of  international  trade  relations 
raises  a  basic  problem  that  is  certain  to  be 
a  matter  of  considerable  debate  in  the  post- 
war period.  On  the  assumption  that  there 
will  be  an  increasing  demand  on  the  part 
of  undeveloped  nations  for  rapid  progress 
in  economic  development  after  the  war,  the 
main  purpose  of  the  book  is  to  explore 
"the  effects  —  primarily  the  economic 
effects — which  are  likely  to  be  felt  in  the 
advanced  industrial  countries  of  the  world 
as  a  result  of  economic  development." 

Mr.  Staley 's  answers  are  essentially  op- 
timistic, developing  the  thesis  that  the  situ- 
ation will  present  both  opportunities  and 
dangers,  but  that  it  will  be  possible  by 
policies  of  "mutual  cooperation  and  intelli- 
gent adaptation"  to  make  the  advantages 
outweigh  the  disadvantages. 

He  holds  that  investment  in  the  unde- 
veloped countries  will  prove  to  be  an  outlet 
for  surplus  funds  and  will  contribute  to 
the  maintenance  of  a  balance  between  sav- 
ings and  investment,  a  condition  necessary 
for  full  employment  in  developed  countries. 

Certain  changes  in  trade  relations  will 
be  inevitable  as  a  result  of  increased  indus- 
trial productivity  in  undeveloped  areas. 
The  impact  of  such  changes  may  be  met 
by  "industrial  adaptability,"  by  shifting 
labor  and  capital  into  those  lines  of  produc- 
tion made  more  profitable  by  the  rise  of 
world  income. 

Most  of  the  text  is  devoted  to  the  elabora- 
tion of  these  ideas  and  to  indicating  the 
policies  which  should  be  followed  to  achieve 
the  result.  A  final  section  deals  with  the 
broader  implications  of  economic  develop- 
ment in  the  new  areas — the  effect  on  popu- 
lation, political  alignments,  and  cultural 
development. 

From  one  point  of  view,  the  approach 
is  realistic.  Mr.  Staley  starts  his  analysis 
with  the  concept  of  "freedom  from  want," 
but  he  does  not  advocate  "Uncle  Sam's  de- 
livering the  proverbial  quart  of  milk  to  the 
Hottentot."  He  states  with  emphasis  that 
freedom  from  want  will  come  in  various 
parts  of  the  world  only  when  the  popula- 
tions in  those  countries  have  increased  their 
own  productivity. 

He  is  aware,  also,  of  the  delicate  political 
repercussions  of  international,  trade  rela- 
tions. But  he  asserts  that  mutual  coopera- 
tion, sensible  economic  controls,  and  de- 


70 


cisions  based  on  long-run  considerations  or 
benefit  to  both  types  of  countries  will  point 
the  way  to  healthy  economic  development 
and  eliminate  "one-way  imperialism."  In  a 
world  in  which  most  decisions  are  results 
of  pressure  politics  rather  than  of  economic 
literacy,  one  might  question  the  possibility 
of  this  achievement  without  much  more 
drastic  over-all  economic  control  than  Mr. 
Staley  contemplates. 

Considering  the  fact   that   a   large  pro- 
portion of  the  book  deals   with  technical 
economic  data,  the  presentation  is  clear  and 
stimulating.  It  should  be  of  interest  to  the 
non-technical    reader    as    well    as    to    the 
specialist.    Also,   it   might   well   be   on   the 
required  reading  list  for  the  peacemakers. 
Lois  MAC  DONALD 
Department  of  Economics 
New  Yor^  University 

THE  POWER  INDUSTRY  AND  THE 
PUBLIC  INTEREST— A  Summary  of  the 
Results  of  a  Survey  of  the  Relations  Between 
the  Government  and  the  Electric  Power 
Industry.  Twentieth  Century  Fund.  $2. 

THE    READER   WILL    FIND    IN    THIS    BOOK   SUCH 

an  array  as  he  will  scarcely  find  elsewhere 
of  pros  and  cons  on  the  multitude  of  prob- 
lems and  experiences  that  go  to  make  up 
the  picture  of  the  power  industry  and  its 
relation  to  the  public  interest.  This  evident 
effort  to  present  all  sides  in  a  fair-minded 
marshaling  of  facts  and  opinions  will  not 
satisfy  the  ranter  nor  attract  the  ultra- 
conservative. 

In  reading,  one's  mind  is  constantly  on 
a  seesaw.  Technical,  financial,  and  public 
relation  problems  are  developed  in  quick 
succession,  yet  rarely  left  without  some 
presentation  of  different  points  of  view. 
Generally  technical  matters  are  successfully 
handled,  though  it  is  manifest  the  authors 
felt  most  at  home  in  reviewing  the  powers, 
experience,  and  attitudes  of  the  Federal 
Power  Commission  and  the  Securities  and 
Exchange  Commission. 

The  presentation  of  the  program  and 
development  of  the  TVA  shows  broad 
study  and  considerable  understanding.  A 
point  the  authors  may  not  appreciate  is  that 
the  extraordinarily  high  average  energy 
consumption  (and  a  correspondingly  low, 
average  cost  per  kwh)  is  an  important  re- 
flection of  use  of  electricity  at  an  especially 
low  final  step  in  the  rate  schedule  by  well- 
to-do  citizens  in  house  heating.  The  major- 
ity of  consumers  are  still  satisfied  with  an 
electric  refrigerator  and  the  small  current 
consuming  convenience  equipment. 

Possibly  too  much  emphasis  is  put  on 
the  creation  of  high  capacity  long  distance 
interconnection,  the  cost  of  which  is  high. 
Most  customers  and  consumption,  like  the 
travel  of  automobiles,  are  largely  within 
limited  range  of  centers  of  supply.  How 
much  can  be  afforded  in  excess  capital,  idle 
much  of  the  time,  as  insurance  against  a 
possible  emergency  is  a  matter  for  careful 
weighing.  Of  course,  enormous  water  pow- 
ers set  up  in  the  wilderness  must  have  high 
capacity  transmission  lines  to  reach  ade- 
quate markets. 

No  one  reading  this  book,  if  fair-minded, 
can  fail  to  realize  that  the  problem  is  com- 
plex, that  the  facts  are  ever  changing,  and 


MY  HAPPY  DAYS 

A    Charming   Story   of   Negro   Family   Life 

By  JANE  DABNEY  SHACKELFORD 
Author  of  The  Child's  Story  of  the  Negro 

Comments 

"I  doubt  if  a  better  portrait  has  ever  been  presented  of 
our  healthy  everyday  American  life.  School  days  and  vacation 
times,  fun  at  home,  parties,  trips  to  the  doctor,  marketing 
with  mother,  going  to  Sunday  school — all  the  good  sol  id  things 
we  give  our  children,  the  things  we  are  fighting  for  now  across 
the  world."  -  Phyllis  A.  Whitney,  in  the  Chicago  Sun, 
December  31,  1944. 

"Jane  Dabney  Shackelford  has  done  America  a  favor  in 
giving  it  this  book.  And  American  parents,  white  and  colored 
alike,  will  be  doing  their  children  a  favor  by  giving  them  a 
copy." — M.  Crosby  Rogers,  in  the  Springfield  Union,  January 
3,  1945. 


121  pages 


Beautifully  illustrated 


Price  $2.15 


The  Associated   Publishers,   Inc. 

1538   NINTH   ST.,   N.W.,  WASHINGTON   1,   D.  C. 


there  is  no  easy  solution  of  progressively 
maximum  service  at  lowest  honest  costs  to 
the  public.  The  rapidly  changing  conditions 
of  the  past  three  or  four  years  leave  the 
impression  that  data  based  on  1939-1940 
may  have  become  somewhat  academic. 

JUDSON  C.  DlCKERMAN 

Consulting  Engineer,  Washington,  D.  C. 

THE  VALLEY  AND  ITS  PEOPLE— A  Por- 
trait of  TVA.  Text  by  R.  L.  Duffus.  Illus- 
trations by  the  Graphics  Department  of 
TVA,  Charles  Krutch,  chief.  Knopf.  #2.75. 


R.     L.    DUFFUS,     FROM     THE    HILLS     OF     VfiR- 

mont,  wandered  through  the  Tennessee 
Valley  before  TVA  and  from  time  to  time 
since  has  watched  with  sympathetic  under- 
standing the  changes  in  the  lives  of  the 
Valley  people  wrought  by  that  enterprise. 
He  recounts  a  "history  ...  of  beauty, 
waste  and  attempted  redemption  .  .  .  sim- 
ple ideas"  in  the  simple  but  penetrating 
style  with  which  readers  of  Survey  Graphic 
are  familiar. 

He  sees  through  to  the  central  core  of 
TVA:  dams  and  hydropower  are  transient, 
reservoirs  will  silt  up,  new  sources  of  energy 
will  be  found;  only  ideas  are  enduring.  And 
the  idea  of  TVA,  recently  presented  so 
fervently  by  Chairman  David  E.  Lilienthal 
in  his  great  book,  "TVA:  Democracy  on 
the  March,"  is  here  presented  succinctly, 
objectively,  in  homely  pipe-and-tweed  writ- 
ing. It  is  the  use  of  science  and  government 
as  the  tools  of  2,800,000  people  to  achieve 
their  own  creative  self-expression  and  ad- 
vancement. "The  pioneer  stock  .  .  .  still 
has  character  and  virility.  What  is  needed 
was  something  outside  itself  of  which  it 
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71 


had  been  robbed  by  unhappy  circumstances. 
It  needed  hope  for  the  future." 

For  over  a  decade,  Charles  Krutch,  chief 
photographer  for  TVA,  has  pictured  farms, 
fields,  eroded  hillsides,  floodlighted  valleys 
in  which  dams  were  building,  the  stark 
beauty  of  spillways,  penstocks,  generators 
— and  the  people  of  the  Valley.  It  is  hard 
to  say  whether  this  generous  sampling  of 
fine  work  by  him  and  his  staff  illustrates 
the  text  well  or  whether  Mr.  Duffus  has 
written  a  fitting  commentary  on  the  pic- 
tures. The  happy  collaboration  has  pro- 
duced a  satisfying  book. 

CHARLES  S.  ASCHER 
National  Housing  Agency 


THE  TVA— LESSONS  FOR  INTERNA- 
TIONAL APPLICATION,  by  Herman 
Finer.  International  Labor  Office.  $2  boards, 
#1.50  paper. 

HENRY  A.  WALLACE  is  ONE  OF  A  GROWING 
number  of  statesmen  and  writers  who  have 
raised  their  voices  in  favor  of  a  United 
Nations  or  international  authority  of  some 
kind  to  deal  with  physical  and  economic 
development  on  a  regional  basis  in  the 
war-devastated  countries.  In  a  speech  in 
1942  the  vice-president  said:  "There  must 
be  an  international  bank  and  an  interna- 
tional TVA." 

In  a  book  put  out  by  the  International 
Labor  Office,  Mr.  Finer  presents  the  whole 
mosaic  of  the  TVA  experiment,  breaking 
it  down  into  its  various  parts:  the  taming 
of  the  waterway  with  its  integrated  and 
unified  program  of  flood  control,  power 
generation,  and  navigation;  the  power  de- 
velopment; the  land  use  and  fertilizer  pro- 


4  Recent 
CED 
books 

•  Committee  for 
Economic 
Development 

research  studies 

•  See  them 
10  days 
on  approval 


Providing  for  Unemployed  Workers  in  the 
Transition 

By  Richard  A.  Lester,  Associate  Professor  of  Eco- 
nomics, Duke  University.  154  pages,  5%x8%,  $1.50 

Fully  probes  the  probable  scope  and  character  of 
unemployment  in  the  transition,  its  possible  effects, 
and  existing  measures  for  meeting  them.  Among 
the  factors  examined  are  adequacy  of  unemployment 
compensation  to  sustain  purchasing  power,  extent  to 
which  public  works  can  be  utilized  for  unemploy- 
ment, advantages  or  disadvantages  of  Federal  public 
works  programs  as  against  local  undertakings,  and 
the  value  of  a  transition-period  program  of  educa- 
tion and  training  for  unemployed  workers. 

Demobilization  of  Wartime  Economic 
Controls 

By  John  Maurice  Clark,  Professor  of  Economics, 
Columbia  University.  210  pages,  5V4x8%,  $1.75 

Deals  with  the  many-sided  question  of  economic 
controls  put  into  effect  because  of  the  war,  and 
how  they  should  be  relaxed  with  the  approach  of 
peace.  Presents  a  thorough  survey  of  the  kinds  of 
controls,  their  objectives,  authority,  effect,  etc., 
analyzes  carefully  the  varying  circumstances  under 
which  need  for  them  may  abate,  and  offers  specific 
recommendations  for  the  time,  manner,  and  decree 
of  their  cessation  which  will  most  support  objectives 
of  high  production  and  job  opportunities  in  the 
postwar  period. 

The  Liquidation  of  War  Production 

By  A.  D.  H.  Kaplan,  Professor  of  Economics,  Univer- 
sity of  Denver.  133  pages,  5^x83,4,  $1.50 

This  volume  analyzes  the  score  and  nature  of  the 
problems  involved  in  cancelling  war  production 
contracts  and  in  disposing  of  war  goods  surpluses 
and  government-owned  plants.  Impartially  discusses 
how,  when,  and  by  whom  the  problems  should  be 
handled  and  presents  concrete  proposals  for  recon- 
version that  will  contribute  to  production  and  job 
opportunities  in  the  postwar  period. 

Production,  Jobs  and  Taxes 

By  Harold  M.  Craves,  Professor  of  Economics, 
University  of  Wisconsin.  115  pages,  5%x8%,  $1.25 

This  book  shows  the  important  role  federal  tax- 
ation can  play  in  maintaining  stability  through  high 
levels  of  production  and  in  encouraging  business  to 
create  job  opportunities.  It  brings  to  the  front  the 
ways  in  which  taxation  affects  initiative  and  out- 
lines the  means  and  specific  tax  changes  for  build- 
ing a  tax  program  that  will  make  the  most  of 
business  potentialities  within  desirable  economic  and 
social  limitations. 


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gram;  the  intricate  and  related  problems 
involved  in  the  relocation  of  families  with 
the  impounding  of  water  behind  the  dams. 
The  author  covers  the  entire  scope  of  TVA, 
appraising  the  difficulties  involved  in  each 
step  of  the  program  as  well  as  the  pro- 
gress achieved. 

Then,  in  the  light  of  the  American  ex- 
periment, he  presents  the  problems  of  an 
international  TVA,  posing  without  bias  the 
serious  difficulties  which  inevitably  would 
be  encountered.  In  his  words:  "The  pur- 
pose of  such  an  institution — an  interna- 
tional resources  development  authority — 
would  presumably  be  to  contribute  to 
raising  the  standard  of  living  in  under- 
developed countries  by  means  of  long  term 
credits  and  technical  assistance  which 
would  foster  economic  enterprise.  In  some 
degree,  which  would  have  to  be  the  object 
of  serious  inquiry,  financial  assistance  and 
administrative  support  of  these  enterprises 
would  come  under  the  general  good  offices 
of  such  an  international  agency." 

Mr.  Finer  states  frankly  that  "depart- 
ments of  world  government,  regulation,  or 
control,  are  today  only  in  their  incipient 
stage  and  hence  there  must  be  vagueness 
on  the  place  and  relationships  that  a  de- 
velopment authority  should  possess."  But 
he  points  to  the  possibility  that  a  number  of 
new  international  institutions  with  eco- 
nomic or  financial  functions  may  be  estab- 
lished after  the  war,  and  that  any 
international  lending  agency  should  be 
integrated  in,  and  should  collaborate  with, 
other  institutions.  He  hopefully  adds:  "In- 
ternational lending  policies,  properly  ap- 
plied, would  have  a  significance  greater 
than  any  particular  financial  and  economic 
services  that  are  rendered.  They  could  aid 
in  the  building  and  expansion  of  a  more 
unified  and  better  balanced  world  econo- 
my." 

The  book  is  well  documented  with  sub- 
stantiating facts  and  statistics  without  im- 
peding its  readability. 


capitalism.  It  has  suffered  from  the  his- 
torical fallacy  which  assumes  that  whatever 
things  happen  together  must  logically  be- 
long together.  Both  fascist  and  communist 
critics  have  successfully  pointed  out  the 
weaknesses  of  democracy;  and  both  sides 
seem  erroneously  to  maintain,  for  example, 
that  since  the  democratic  movement  grew 
up  with  capitalism,  its  survival  without 
capitalism  would  be  inconceivable.  There 
are  many  other  charges  against  democracy; 
with  the  consequence  that  its  defenders 
have  come  to  understand  that  another,  and 
more  valid,  philosophical  basis  must  be 
found  for  it. 

Some  persons  have  sought  to  base  it  in 
metaphysical  realism,  and  have  made 
philosophical  studies  to  that  end.  Others 
have  approached  the  problem  more  cau- 
tiously and  piecemeal,  seeking  to  overhaul 
and  to  save  one  foundation  stone  at  a  time. 
Among  this  latter  group  may  be  counted 
Miss  Stapleton.  She  has  chosen  the  idea  of 
justice,  and  upon  the  revision  of  our  no- 
tions of  this  universal  she  pins  her  hopes 
for  democracy.  The  same  hope  has  been 
sought  in  the  idea  of  tolerance.  Justice 
is  a  legal  notion;  tolerance  a  humanitarian 
one.  Democracy  is  a  political  conception, 
and  its  true  basis  ought  to  be  sought  in  the 
theory  of  politics. 

Incidentally,  Vico  is  very  much  mis- 
understood in  this  work.  Vico  was  not  a 
historicist  nor  a  relativist;  he  was,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  friend  of  science.  He  sought 
to  save  the  realism  of  Plato  which  he  did 
not  find  inconsistent  with  the  empiricism 
of  science.  JAMES  FEIBLEMAN 

Author  of  "Positive  Democracy" 

CARTELS—  CHALLENGE  TO  A  FREE 
WORLD,  by  Wendell  Berge.  Public  Affairs 
Press,  Washington,  D.  C.  #3.25. 

THE   PUBLICATION   OF   THIS    BOOK    IS    ENCOl 

aging  evidence  that  under  Wendell  Berge 
leadership    the    anti-trust    division    of 
Department  of  Justice  will  continue  to 


Office  of  Community  War  Services 
Federal  Security  Agency 

JUSTICE  AND  WORLD  SpCIETY,  by 
Laurence  Stapleton.  University  of  North 
Carolina  Press.  $2.50. 

THE   MODERN  WORLD,   THE  WESTERN   WORLD 

since  the  Renaissance,  has  limited  its  no- 
tion of  reality  to  the  mind  of  man  and  the 
material  world.  These  two  conceptual  re- 
sults of  the  implicit  acceptance  of  the 
nominalistic  premise  displaced  a  restrictive 


KATHERINE  GLOVER      a   vigorous  and  effective   advocate  of 


cause  of  economic  freedom.   Such  advc 
will  be  sorely  needed  in  the  confusion 
postwar  years. 

A  large  amount  of  the  stocks  and  bone 
which  we  are  accustomed  to  think  of  a 
private  wealth  owe  their  entire  value  to  the 
fact  that  they  represent  the  power  to  keep 
independent     enterprise     from     producing 
goods.    Vested  interests  in  such  organiza- 
tions have  grown  so  large  that  they  cannot 
be  disturbed  without  serious  economic  dis- 
locations for  millions  of  people  who  are  de- 


metaphysical realism  which,  in  the  Church's      pendent  on  them.  It  would  be  unreasonable 
hands,    had    earned    a    bad    name    for    all      to   expect  the   management  of  such  busi- 
nesses to  give  up  without  a  fight. 

Railroad  investment  is  a  case  in  point. 
A  large  portion  of  the  $26,000,000,000  in 


realism.  But  the  Church,  in  its  organiza- 
tion and  accepted  dogma,  has  never  been 
metaphysically  realistic;  it  has  rather  been 


neo-Platonic.    Under   the   false   philosophy      railway  stocks  and  bonds  will  lose  its  value 


of  nominalism,  however,  two  good  things 
were  brought  to  birth:  democracy  and 
science.  They  have  been  interpreted  nomin- 
alistically,  whereas  they  are  clearly  realistic. 
Now  that  events  in  our  culture  have  dem- 
onstrated the  falsity  of  the  nominalistic 
philosophy,  how  can  we  save  democracy? 
Democracy  was  born  into  an  age  of 


if  new  forms  of  transportation  over  roads, 
waterways,  and  airways  are  permitted  the 
same  kind  of  unrestricted  development  that 
gave  us  our  cheap  and  efficient  automobiles. 
And  so  there  will  be  a  powerful  drive  from 
railroad  interests  to  slow  down  the  growth 
of  competing  forms  of  transportation.  If 
drives  like  this  succeed  in  American  in- 


nominalistic     movements:      individualism,      dustry  we  shall  be  faced  with  the  same  kind 
subjectivism,    irrationalism,    Protestantism,      of   depression   we   had   before — that   is,   a 


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72 


depression  created  by  the  fact  that  we  re- 
fuse to  utilize  to  its  fullest  extent  the  pro- 
ductive wealth  of  America  in  order  to 
protect  obsolete  capital  values. 

The  second  force  against  the  philosophy 
of  free  enterprise  will  come  from  those  lib- 
erals who  are  not  content  to  allow  compe- 
tition to  solve  a  problem  such  as  transpor- 
tation. They  desire  some  over-all  plan. 
They  are  the  kind  of  people  who  believe 
that  the  automobile  would  have  developed 
faster  in  America,  and  without  the  dis- 
tressing bankruptcy  of  so  many  automobile 
manufacturers,  had  a  government  bureau 
planned  automobile  expansion.  I  have  read 
reviews  criticizing  Mr.  Berge's  book  for  its 
failure  to  produce  some  over-all  plan.  Of 
such  persons  it  can  only  be  said  that  they 
do  not  understand  either  the  philosophy  or 
the  practical  operation  of  competitive  capi- 
talism. 

I  am  convinced  that  in  the  long  run  the 
economic  philosophy  of  Mr.  Berge's  book 
will  win  out.  Some  nations  like  Russia 
may  be  able  to  subordinate  the  personalities 
of  their  individual  businessmen  to  a  vast 
government  bureaucracy.  But  America  can- 
not do  this  even  if  she  tries.  It  is  not  our 
tradition  or  our  cultural  pattern.  Our 
choice  is  not  between  competitive  capital- 
ism and  some  other  form  of  economic  or- 
ganization. Our  choice  is  rather  between 
competitive  capitalism  and  the  utter  con- 
fusion of  conflicting  and  contradictory  poli- 
cies and  warring  pressure  groups  which  we 
have  experienced  during  the  last  ten  years. 
THURMAN  ARNOLD 
Judge,  U3.  Court  of  Appeals 

I  WENT  TO  THE  SOVIET  ARCTIC,  by 
Ruth  Gruber.  Viking.  £3.50. 

THIS     IS     AN     INTENSELY     HUMAN     STORY     OF 

modern  life  in  erstwhile  polar  wasteland. 
Although  the  author  disavows  any  attempt 
to  write  "a  red-blooded  adventure  story," 
readers  will  not  find  her  straightforward 
matter-of-fact  narrative  lacking  in  any  of 
the  essentials  that  make  a  genuine  thriller. 
Against  the  stark  background  of  the  frozen 
North,  this  story  is  warm  with  gripping 
episodes  of  man's  struggles  and  triumphs 
in  winning  a  place  for  himself  under  the 
midnight  sun. 

When  Miss  Gruber's  book  first  appeared 
in  1939,  her  travels  and  adventures  were 
cortfined  to  a  limited  sector  of  the  Soviet 
Arctic  and  her  report  was  centered  chiefly 
on  how  Russian  men  and  women  had 
created  Port  Igarka,  a  seaport  within  the 
Arctic  Circle.  Life  in  this  north  Siberian 
town  is  still  a  keystone  of  the  revised  1944 
edition,  but  the  interpretation  has  been 
broadened  by  an  account  of  the  author's 
later  travels  into  northeastern  Asia  and 
Alaska. 

Now  the  Soviet  Arctic  is  seen  in  neigh- 
borhood to  the  American  Far  North.  The 
opening  of  the  Northern  Sea  Route  around 
Eurasia,  the  blazing  of  polar  air  routes 
from  the  USSR  to  the  USA,  and  the  set- 
ding  of  the  Asiatic  arctic  regions  earlier 
seen  in  their  inception  are  depicted  in  their 
later  extensions:  the  allied  convoys  of  war 
supplies  to  Russia  via  the  northern  seas  to 
Murmansk  and  Archangel,  the  Alaska-Si- 
berian aerial  staging  route  along  which 


lend-lease  war  planes  are  ferried  to  the 
eastern  Allied  front,  and  the  wide  interest 
throughout  Alaska  in  the  progress  civiliza- 
tion is  making  in  the  vast  northern  reaches 
of  Soviet  Asia. 

The  story  reads  like  a  travelogue  spiced 
with  the  telling  details  of  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary 
people  who  inhabit  the  North  today.  Miss 
Gruber  interviewed  all  the  headline  figures 
and  put  into  the  headlines  many  of  the 
obscure.  They  are  real  persons;  I  have  met 
many  of  them  myself. 

Miss  Gruber  gives  us  the  feminine  angle, 
almost  unique  in  the  annals  of  Arctic  ex- 
ploration, and  carries  forward  to  a  new  con- 
firmation Vilhjalmur  Stefansson's  message 


to  modern  man  that  the  north  country  is 
hospitable — a  Friendly  Arctic.  It  is  most 
appropriate  that  her  book  should  carry  a 
preface  by  Stefansson,  dean  of  living  Amer- 
ican explorers.  In  1932  Ruth  Gruber  be- 
came the  youngest  doctor  of  philosophy  in 
the  world;  in  1944  one  might  call  her  the 
world's  most  distinguished  woman  explorer 
of  the  Arctic. 

"If  the  Arctic  has  any  message  to  the 
world,"  she  writes,  "beyond  its  first  mes- 
sage of  proving  that  the  country  was  habit- 
able, with  fabulous  wealth  and  infinite  eco- 
nomic and  strategic  possibilities,  that  mes- 
sage was  to  show  what  women  could  do, 
if  you  gave  them  the  chance.  It  was  a 
lesson  to  counteract  the  horrible  medieval 


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"There  is  more  room  for  newcomers  in  the  writing  field  today  than 
ever  before.  Some  of  the  greatest  of  writing  men  and  women  have 
passed  from  the  scene  in  recent  years.  Who  will  take  their  places? 
Who  will  be  the  new  Robert  W.  Chambers,  Edgar  Wallace,  Rudyard 
Kipling?  Fame,  riches  and  the  happiness  of  achievement  await  the 
new  men  and  women  of  power." 

Beginner  Earns  $1,819.00 

"Today  I  received  a  check  for  $165  for  a  story.  An- 
other I  sold  for  $34.  The  other  day  I  counted  up  just 
how  much  I  made  previously.  It  amounted  to  $1,620.00. 
Not  bad  for  a  beginner,  is  it?"  Mrs.  L.  L.  Gray,  579  E. 
McHarg  Ave.,  Stamford,  Texas. 

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73 


The 

Great 

Decision 

By  James  T.  Shotwell 

Here  is  one  of  the  most  con- 
structive plans  that  has  yet 
been  offered  toward  the 
ideal  of  world  peace.  Dr. 
ShotwelFs  realistic  and  in- 
formed experience  in  inter- 
national affairs  lends  enor- 
mous weight  to  his  forecast 
of  what  can,  and  must,  be 
done.  $3.00 

"A  remarkable  compendium  of  a 
vast  subject,  by  the  very  best 
authority." — The  New  Republic. 

"Should  be  read  seriously,  before 
it  is  too  late — again." — Chicago 
Sun. 

MACMILLAN 


For  every 
American 
interested  in 
•the  future  of 
his  country 


Special  Interests   vs    (he   Public   Welfare 

by  STUART  CHASE 

Author  of  Where's  The  Money  Coming  From? 

When  the  war  ends,  will  peace  come? 
Mr.  Chase  says  no — not  so  long  as  400- 
odd  pressure  groups  with  their  Wash- 
ington lobbies  continue  to  put  their 
selfish  interests  above  the  public  inter- 
est. Mr.  Chase  points  out  legitimate 
needs  for  group  representation  in  our 
democracy,  but  paints  a  searing  picture 
of  danger  from  the  unrestrained  selfish- 
ness of  warring  special  interests.  A 
vivid,  timely  report  for  every  American 
to  read  and  ponder  as  a  new  Congress 
convenes. 

This  is  the  fourth 
volume  in  Stuart 
Chase's  series,  WHEN 


THE  WAR  ENDS. 

$1.00 

THE 

TWENTIETH 
CENTURY  FUND 

330  West  42nd  Street 
New  York  IS 


(In 


lesson  women  were  learning  in  Germany 
and  Italy.  It  was  a  guidepost  to  women 
in  the  great  democracies  who  were  still 
struggling  for  economic  and  social  emanci- 
pation, now  that  most  of  them  had  the 
vote.  .  .  . 

"To  be  sure,  the  present  was  not  Utopia, 
not  even  in  the  Arctic.  But  the  Russians 
were  the  first  to  admit  it.  ...  To  them 
the  Soviet  Arctic  was  the  greatest  pioneer- 
ing venture  in  the  modern  world.  For  it 
was  opening  not  only  a  new  world,  but  it 
was  finding  a  new  social  philosophy,  a  new 
freedom,  and  a  new  way  of  life." 

ANDREW  J.  STEIGER 
Co-author  of  "Soviet  Asia" 

FRANCES  WILLARD— From  Prayers  to  Poli- 
tics, by  Mary  Earhart.  University  of  Chicago 
Press.  #3.75. 

THE   READER   WHO   QUICKLY   PASSES    OVER    THE 

title  of  this  book  because  he  is  not  inter- 
ested in  a  little  bow  of  white  ribbon  or 
the  temperance  cause  for  which  it  stands, 
will  make  a  grave  mistake.  For  this  biog- 
raphy is  as  American  as  pioneering,  as  uni- 
versal as  human  nature,  as  modern  as  social 
security. 

It  is,  moreover,  that  highly  prized  and 
equally  American  phenomenon,  a  "success 
story."  With  scant  schooling,  Frances  Wil- 
lard  became  the  first  dean  of  the  Woman's 
College  of  Northwestern  University.  Reared 
in  isolation,  bound  by  strict  tenets  of  ortho- 
doxy, she  became  an  astute  politician,  a 
brilliant  speaker  and  led  a  world  organiza- 
tion of  a  million  women,  creating  "the 
flood  tide  of  a  woman's  movement  which 
should  sweep  aside  restraints  and  barriers 
of  seclusion,  of  timidity,  and  of  ignorance." 

While  the  Woman's  Christian  Temper- 
ance Union  was  the  principal  medium  of 
her  activities,  she  made  this  field  as  broad 
as  human  need.  Not  only  did  her  followers 
storm  legislative  halls  and  bury  the  legis- 
lators under  a  mound  of  petitions  for  local 
option,  they  also  took  part  in  political  cam- 
paigns, fought  for  woman  suffrage,  for 
better  labor  legislation,  and  urged  world 
arbitration  and  peace. 

Were  these  less  troubled  times,  this  book 
might  easily  stir  a  storm  of  controversy 


her  own  remembered  fervor  would  have 
breathed  life  into  the  framework  so  pains- 
takingly reconstructed.  But  perhaps  that 
would  have  robbed  her  of  the  courage  to 
say  what  she  has  said.  And  that  would  have 
been  a  great  loss.  LENA  MADESIN  PHILLIPS 
President,  International  Federation 
of  Business  and  Professional  Women 

MCCARTHY  OF  WISCONSIN,  by  Edward 

A.   Fitzpatrick.   Columbia  University   Press. 
#3.50. 

CHARLES  MCCARTHY  is  A  SYMBOL  OF  THE 
best  in  the  American  way  of  life.  The 
son  of  immigrant  parents,  working  his 
way  through  Brown  and  the  University 
of  Wisconsin  to  a  Ph.  D.,  he  devoted  his 
life  to  broadening  the  frontiers  of  pub- 
lic service  in  this  country.  He  created 
a  new  species  of  political  institution  to  em- 
body his  ideals  which  grew  to  a  rich  flow- 
ering in  his  adopted  state,  Wisconsin,  and 
spread  to  every  other  state  capitol  and  to 
Washington.  Though  he  did  not  live 
to  the  age  of  fifty,  he  left  an  indelible 
mark  upon  the  thinking  of  his  contem- 
poraries and  the  future  processes  of  gov- 
ernment as  a  tool  for  the  promotion  of  the 
general  welfare. 

McCarthy  of  "the  Wisconsin  Idea"  has 
been  known,  aside  from  his  friends  of 
whom  many  are  still  living,  to  a  small 
circle  of  educators  and  public  officials. 
Yet  thousands  have  been  the  beneficiaries 
of  his  idea — of  a  legislative  reference  and 
drafting  service  to  aid  the  people's  repre- 
sentatives to  fashion  statutes  that  would 
effectuate  what  they  wanted  to  accom- 
plish. 

His  contribution  to  Wisconsin  and  to 
American  politics  did  not  end  with  the 
invention  and  refinement  of  the  legisla- 
tive reference  and  drafting  device.  For 
the  first  two  decades  of  this  century,  he 
utilized  a  minor  administrative  position 
in  a  single  state  capital  to  animate  the 
programs  of  political  leaders  of  every  per- 
suasion within  and  without  the  state. 

In  the  Progressive  Era,  he  was  a  major 
taproot  from  which  flowed  the  intellec- 
tual and  moral  sap  of  the  vital  forces 
alike  of  the  New  Freedom  and  Arma- 


within  the  circles  of  organized  women.  For  geddon.  A  natural  human  sympathy  with 
Miss  Earhart  lifts  Frances  Willard  from  the  the  under-dog  infused  his  spirit.  A  pow- 
exclusive  possession  of  the  WCTU  and  erful  intellect  translated  aspirations  into 


makes  her  the  foremost  leader  of  the  cen- 
tury in  the  woman  movement.  She  thinks 
Miss  Willard  has  too  long  been  denied  "her 
rightful  place  in  history.  Women  of  lesser 
stature,  like  Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton  and 
Susan  B.  Anthony,  have  been  accorded  far 
greater  prominence  by  historians  than  she, 
although  it  is  probable  that  her  contribution 
to  the  woman  suffrage  movement  alone  far 
surpassed  that  of  either  of  these  notable 
leaders." 

This  is  a  double  charge  of  dynamite.  But 
the  biographer  makes  an  excellent  case, 
amply  documented.  Although  a  first  book, 
the  style  is  clear,  concise,  easy.  But  it  is  a 
research  worker's  record.  Everything  is 
there,  yet  nothing  quite  comes  to  life,  sings 
and  surges  into  reality  experienced.  One 
almost  wishes  that  Miss  Earhart  herself 
had  known  years  of  crusading  under  the 
direct  influence  of  a  great  leader  so  that 
answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC^ 
74 


workable  legislative  formulas — for  sound 
progressive  taxation,  for  effective  agricul- 
tural and  labor  legislation,  for  broader  ed- 
ucational opportunity,  for  a  professional 
civil  service,  and  for  dozens  of  other  ideas 
which  are  today  the  keystones  of  prog- 
ress in  all  our  states. 

This    warm    and    human    biography 
a  friend  and  co-worker  in  Wisconsin  is 
rich  addition  not  only  to  the  literature 
political   science    but   to    the    saga    that 
America.      Here  was  a   man  capable  and 
eager   to   seize   an   opportunity    for   servic 
to   the    people,   who    never   deserted    their 
trust   in    him   for  the  greater   rewards 
money    which    were   more    than    once    of- 
fered  him,  who  died  as   he  had  lived — ir 
that   service. 

The  author  has  put  us  in  his  deb 
by  revealing  the  personality  behind  "th 
Wisconsin  Idea."  The  work,  so  finely 


portrayed  here,  lives  on  as  concrete 
achievement  in  our  governmental  system 
and  as  proof  of  the  efficacy  of  effort. 

PHILLIPS   BRADLEY 
Queens  College,  New  Yor/( 

A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLI- 
TICS, edited  by  Edward  Conrad  Smith  and 
Arnold  John  Zurcher.  Barnes  &  Noble.  #3. 

THIS      IS      A      FIRST-AID      BOOK      FOR      TODAY'S 

reader  of  newspapers  and  weeklies.  Its 
compact  entries,  written  by  fourteen  au- 
thorities in  the  field  of  political  science, 
define  and  explain  more  than  3,000  terms, 
ranging  from  the  American  political  slang 
of  this  and  other  periods  to  Supreme  Court 
cases  and  the  names  of  military  decora- 
dons.  The  present  volume  is  a  revision  and 
enlargement  of  a  dictionary  originally  pub- 
lished in  1888,  with  a  second  edition  put 
out  in  1924.— B.A. 

AN  AUTHOR   REPLIES 

To  THE  EDITOR:  I  suppose  authors  are  never 
satisfied  with  reviews  of  their  books,  yet 
I  have  written  three  and  never  before  have 
I  complained.  As  a  public  official  I  learned 
to  receive  criticism  and  like  it,  but  the  re- 
view of  "Freedom  from  Fear"  [Survey 
Graphic,  November  1944,  page  468]  hurt 
me,  not  because  it  is  critical  or  because  it 
disagrees — that  is  the  right  of  any  reviewer. 
My  grievance  is  that  the  comment  distorts 
the  aim  and  purpose,  and  even  more  im- 
portant, misstates  what  the  book  says.  My 
main  purpose  was  to  show  that  we  cannot 
have  social  security  at  home  unless  there  is 
security  and  employment  in  other  nations 
too — that  a  United  States  of  Europe,  a  free 
flow  of  trade,  and  international  economic 
agencies  such  as  envisioned  at  Bretton 
Woods  and  Dumbarton  Oaks  are  as  neces- 
sary to  peace  and  prosperity  here  as  they 
are  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  The  whole 
book  turns  on  this  point,  yet  there  is  not  a 
suggestion  of  it  in  the  review. 

As  for  social  security  at  home,  on  which 
the  reviewer  concentrates,  the  review  delib- 
erately misstates  what  the  book  says  about 
accident  and  health  companies,  experience 
rating,  Sir  William  Beveridge  and  the  Bev- 
eridge  Plan,  the  sound  and  logical  extension 
of  social  security,  and  passes  over  the  many 
positive  and  constructive  suggestions  for 
progress  along  social  and  economic  lines 
which  the  book  advocates.  Let  me  take 
just  one  sample. 

Your  reviewer  says  that  the  book  "warns 
against  undue  liberalization  of  the  federal 
old  age  and  survivors'  insurance  system — 
lest  it  discourage  private  initiative."  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  my  book  favors  the  ex- 
tension of  old  age  and  survivorship  insur- 
ance and  says  that  it  is: 

".  .  .  one  of  the  most  satisfactory  of  our 
governmental  services.  It  provides  pensions 
for  those  who  reach  sixty-five  and  have 
retired.  Though  intended  primarily  for  the 
lower  income  group,  as  a  matter  of  admin- 
istrative simplicity,  all  are  subject  to  its  reg- 
ulations and  are  required  to  contribute  on 
the  first  $3,000  of  income.  Since  many 
who  have  large  earnings  find  themselves 
practically  penniless  in  their  old  age,  this 
protection  should  be  a  source  of  satisfaction 
to  people  in  all  walks  of  life.  The  pro- 


vision for  widows  with  small  children,  or 
widows  who  have  reached  sixty-five,  is  also 
progressive  and  desirable. 

"The  amendments  suggested  by  the 
National  Resources  Planning  Board  for  in- 
creasing benefits  in  the  low  income  brackets 
seem  desirable.  Benefits  should  be  deter- 
mined not  only  by  contributions  but  by 
considerations  of  'social  adequacy.'  That 
employes  of  nonprofit  corporations  should 
be  covered  is  obvious;  they  should  never 
have  been  excluded.  The  suggestion  of  the 
Planning  Board  for  the  inclusion  of  agri- 
cultural and  domestic  workers  is  also  logi- 
cal and  sound;  there  is  no  argument,  except 


difficulty  of  administration,  for  discriminat- 
ing against  people  who  are  apt  to  need 
protection  most."  (page  138) 

The  reviewer  suggests  that  the  book  is 
merely  a  front  for  the  private  insurance 
companies,  but  anyone  who  knows  any- 
thing about  my  record  as  State  Superin- 
tendent of  Insurance  (New  York)  will  re- 
sent this.  It  may  add  to  the  peace  of  mind 
of  the  reviewer  to  know  that  the  only 
serious  criticism  I  have  received,  outside  his 
own,  is  from  the  executive  of  a  large  insur- 
ance company  who  says  that  the  book  is 
unfair  to  industrial  insurance. 
New  Yor/^  Louis  H.  PINK 


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75 


AIR  AGE  TRANSPORTATION 

(Continued  from  page  59) 


use.  At  this  writing,  it  is  said  that  only 
about  one  hundred  helicopters  are  in  ex- 
istence in  the  United  States,  all  of  them 
used  by  the  armed  forces. 

Of  many  improvements  to  be  made,  per- 
haps the  one  least  assured  is  the  ability  to 
land  in  a  small  space  when  the  engine  stops. 
Without  power,  landing  is  safer  with  a 
forward  motion,  especially  if  the  power 
goes  off  accidentally.  But  if  city  landing 
areas  for  helicopters  should  be  large  enough 
for  emergency,  power-off  landings,  then 
much  of  the  advantage  of  the  helicopter 
in  adapting  to  congested  areas  is  lost. 

How  this  problem  will  be  solved  is  not 
clear;  very  probably  by  improving  engines 
and  mechanisms  'so  that  the  likelihood  of 
the  engine  stopping,  except  at  the  will  of 
the  pilot,  will  be  exceedingly  small.  Even 
now  a  helicopter  engine  cannot  stall  as  does 
an  automobile  engine.  And  if  presently  the 
chances  of  a  helicopter  engine  stopping  art- 
no  greater  than  of  an  airplane  overturning 
at  the  take-off,  certainly  people  will  use 
them.  Helicopters  will  follow  air  lanes  over 
the  city,  with  emergency  landing  areas 
along  the  lanes.  A  city  located  on  a  body 
of  water  will  have  convenient  emergency 
landings  on  its  lake,  river  or  harbor. 

For  landings  near  homes,  vacant  lots  or 
parks  will  serve  and  the  helicopter  with 
wheels  may  then  be  driven  along  the 
ground  into  a  garage  at  the  residence. 

By  the  end  of  the  first  decade  after  the 
war,  there  may  be  many  hundred  thousands 
of  helicopters,  which  will  curtail  the  use  of 
private  airplanes.  Helicopters  are  likely  to 
be  used  first  by  professionals,  such  as  the 
Coast  Guard,  the  Forestry  Service,  by  cattle- 
men, and  for  scheduled  passenger  trans- 
portation. Although  helicopters  are  now 
slower  in  speed  than  the  airplane,  this  is 
not  likely  to  be  a  deterrent  since  they  travel 
betwen  100  and  150  miles  an  hour,  and 
later  they  will  go  even  faster. 

The  postwar  price  contemplated  now  is 
around  $5,000  for  a  small  helicopter, 
though  early  models  today,  not  produced  by 
assembly  line  methods,  probably  cost  $100,- 
000  to  build.  Later  they  are  expected  to  be 
priced  at  about  the  present  figure  for  private 
airplanes.  It  may  be  a  very  long  time  before 
they  are  sold  at  less  than  $1,000  or  $1,500. 

A  helicopter  is  not  likely  to  be  a  substi- 
tute for  an  automobile,  and  probably  the 
majority  of  owners  of  helicopters  will  also 
own  cars.  Before  the  war,  there  were  752,- 
000  persons  and  families  with  incomes  of 
$10,000  a  year  and  over,  and  2,086,000  with 
incomes  of  $5,000  and  above.  It  is  from 
these  income  groups  that  the  owners  of 
helicopters  are  likely  to  come,  but  only  a 
small  minority  of  these  groups  are  apt  to 
own  helicopters  in  the  second  decade  after 
the  war.  In  contrast  to  this  are  the  20,000,- 
000  owners  of  private  automobiles. 

The  fact  that  a  helicopter  owner  will 
need  a  car  as  well  suggests  that  the  two  be 
combined  into  a  single  vehicle.  Both  the 
flying  automobile  and  the  roadable  heli- 
copter are  technically  possible.  But  it  is 


"difficult  to  make  a  vehicle  that  moves  in 
two  media  as  well  as  in  one  alone.  In  the 
past,  no  amphibious  vehicle  has  been  as 
good  as  the  single  purpose  one  built  for 
land  or  water  only.  A  roadable  helicopter  is 
not  expected  to  be  a  good  automobile.  It 
will  be  heavier  and  more  complicated  than 
a  non-roadable  helicopter. 

However,  the  old  autogiro  could  run 
along  the  ground  at  about  40  miles  an  hour. 
A  helicopter  that  could  do  as  well  would 
have  a  greatly  increased  flexibility  of  use. 
An  owner  with  a  garage  but  no  landing 
space  at  his  residence  could  use  it.  It  could 
be  stored  more  easily  in  city  buildings  for 
parking.  Suburbanites  could  travel  on  the 
ground  to  nearby  shopping  centers.  Up  to 
now,  there  has  been  less  talk  about  a  road- 
able  helicopter  than  about  a  roadable  plane. 
But  the  demand  for  a  roadable  helicopter 
probably  will  be  very  great  and  there  would 
seem  to  be  a  rather  high  probability  of  its 
development,  perhaps  in  the  second  decade 
after  the  war.  A  roadable  helicopter  would 
need  to  be  cheaper  than  the  combined  price 
of  an  automobile  and  a  helicopter.  Even  so, 
roadable  helicopters  are  not  likely  to  replace 
very  many  automobiles. 

The  car  is  an  excellent  means  of  trans- 
portation in  a  country  of  good  roads  like 
the  United  States.  After  the  postwar  tran- 
sition period,  the  automobile  will  be  im- 
proved in  construction,  as  manufacturers 
take  advantage  of  today's  technological  de- 
velopments. Improvements  will  include 
lightness  in  weight,  greater  visibility,  great- 
er engine  efficiency,  increased  durability, 
and  more  convenience  in  design.  In  speed, 
automobiles  cannot  compete  with  aircraft, 
but  the  speed  of  aviation  will  be  available 
in  common  carrier  planes,  irrespective  of 
the  developments  of  private  aircraft. 

Adjusting  to  the  Air  Age 

The  foregoing  picture  is  set  forth  with 
the  thought  that  it  is  a  relatively  reliable 
estimate  of  what  may  be  expected  in  the 
predictable  future.  It  will  be  necessary  to 
make  many  adjustments  in  our  institutions 
and  habits  for  such  a  new  and  radical 
change.  A  few  illustrations  may  be  listed 
as  suggestions. 

Scheduled  air  passenger  and  cargo  trans- 
portation will  be  especially  significant  for 
undeveloped  countries  such  as  Alaska,  the 
interiors  of  South  America,  Africa  and  Cen- 
tral Asia.  The  airplane  is  particularly  adap- 
table to  undeveloped  areas,  not  only  because 
of  its  speed,  but  because  landing  fields  can 
be  built  more  readily  than  highways  or  rail- 
roads. The  natural  resources  of  these  un- 
developed areas  will  be  exploited.  Other 
forms  of  transportation  will  follow  aviation. 
In  the  United  States,  the  Pacific  Coast  will 
be  connected  more  closely  to  the  areas  east 
of  the  Mississippi  River. 

Larger  numbers  of  our  population  will 
travel  to  foreign  countries  and  thus  widen 
their  knowledge  of  the  customs  and  habits 
of  other  nations.  International  isolation, 
both  political  and  economic,  will  be  im- 
possible. Great  Britain  and  Latin  America 
will  be  drawn  commercially  closer  to  the 
United  States.  Aviation  will  offer  American 
business  many  new  opportunities  for  in- 
vestment and  trade. 


The  influence  of  aviation  in  a  warlike 
world  is  further  to  weaken  the  small  nations 
and  to  strengthen  the  great  powers,  espe- 
cially those  with  large  land  areas.  Small 
nations  already  are  being  tied  closer  to  ad- 
joining or  nearby  great  powers.  It  will  be 
more  difficult  to  be  neutral  in  future  wars. 
In  a  warlike  world,  aviation  for  a  time 
encourages  a  sort  of  feudalism  among 
nations,  perhaps  later  on — integration.  One 
international  world  seems  immeasurably 
far  off. 

The  small  plane  and  small  helicopter 
will  call  for  a  great  variety  of  adjustments. 
In  agriculture,  the  helicopter  will  be  widely 
used  for  spraying  and  dusting  and  even 
seeding.  The  helicopter  has  proved  its  value 
in  rescue  work.  The  preservation  of  forests 
will  be  aided.  The  helicopter  should  modify 
greatly  the  work  of  the  cowboy  and  the 
sheep  herder.  In  mining,  aviation  means  a 
great  expansion  through  its  use  in  prospect- 
ing undeveloped  areas.  Color  photography 
and  the  helicopter  are  very  useful  in  ex- 
ploration of  natural  resources. 

The  areas  of  buying  and  selling  will  be 
widened  for  various  businesses,  and  for 
some  goods  there  will  be  new  markets. 
Business  transactions  will  be  speeded.  Pack- 
ing methods  will  be  radically  changed,  in 
many  instances  in  favor  of  lightness.  The 
use  of  light-weight  materials  may  extend 
to  railroad  cars,  automobile  bodies,  and 
other  fields.  Helicopters'  will  be  used  by 
the  police,  by  patrols,  and  also  by  smug- 
glers and  other  criminals. 

New  Ways  and  New  Attitudes 

In  the  space  of  a  single  article  it  is  not 
possible  to  consider  in  detail  the  social 
effects  of  a  new  dimension  of  travel  and 
commerce.  But  let  us  glance  at  a  few  prob- 
abilities. 

In  recreation  the  trend  toward  the  utili- 
zation of  the  weekend  for  pleasure  trips 
will  be  furthered,  especially  to  different 
climates,  to  scenes  of  woodland  beauty,  and 
to  wilderness  areas  that  attract  sportsmen 
or  campers.  There  is  the  possibility  of  great- 
er international  competition  in  sports  and, 
at  least  in  the  United  States,  a  further  na- 
tionalization of  the  sport  spectacle. 

In  education,  some  phase  of  aviation  will 
find  its  way  into  practically  every  course  of 
the  school  system.  The  teaching  of  geog- 
raphy will  be  most  radically  affected.  The 
history  of  the  Oriental  peoples  and  their 
civilizations  will  be  a  part  of  the  curricula. 
Aviation  also  will  extend  student  exchange, 
especially  perhaps  in  the  graduate  schools 
of  the  large  universities. 

The  religious  activity  which  will  be  in- 
fluenced most  by  aviation  will  be  foreign 
missions.  Obviously,  mission  administration 
can  be  improved  by  use  of  the  airplane,  and 
the  emphasis  of  the  missionary  work  of  the 
air  age  is  likely  to  be  concerned  less  with 
customs  and  more  with  the  spirit  of  religion 
and  with  the  extension  of  services — medical, 
educational,  welfare.  Perhaps  home  missions 
at  a  later  date  may  find  the  helicopter  use- 
ful in  extending  the  area  the  pastor  can 
visit  and  bringing  outlying  members  closer 
to  the  church.  Secularization  is  not  dis- 
couraged by  aviation. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  aviation  will  fur- 


76 


ther  the  use  of  basic  English,  in  view  of  the 
great  role  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  in  aviation,  and  the  increased  de- 
mand for  a  common  tongue  at  the  landing 
fields. 

As  to  family  life,  it  is  the  well-to-do  who 
will  be  affected  first  by  aviation.  Occasional 
residences  will  be  located  farther  from  cities, 
on  the  rim  of  suburbs.  If  helicopter  buses 
are  not  frequent  enough,  private  helicopters 
may  connect  the  home  with  through-service 
of  one  kind  or  another.  Helicopters  also 
will  mean  larger  residential  land  space  for 
their  owners.  Aviation,  like  all  travel  media, 
leads  to  wider  scattering  of  members  of  the 
family.  No  doubt,  too,  like  the  automobile, 
aircraft  may  lead  to  some  competitive  family 
rivalries  for  social  recognition  and  display. 
The  birthrate  may  be  lowered  slightly  and 
the  deathrate  probably  increased  by  a  very 
small  fraction.  The  redistribution  of  popu- 
lation will  be  a  slow  process,  not  rapid  as 
in  the  case  of  the  railroads.  Planes  will 
follow  present  population  routes.  But  even- 
tually population  will  be  spread  to  outlying 
regions,  for  instance,  Alaska,  if  the  eco- 
nomic base  exists.  Also  regions  like  the 
Pacific  Coast  will  gain  in  population  since 
the  spread  of  aviation  will  enable  big 
markets  to  be  tapped. 

A  great  development  like  aviation  is  like- 
ly to  leave  an  impression  on  our  thinking. 
International  ideas  and  considerations  and 
less  provincialism  are  to  be  looked  for, 
though  the  first  influence  probably  will  be 
to  accentuate  national  interests  and  rivalries 
among  the  larger  powers.  Travel  will  be 
fashionable  and  its  broadening  influence 
felt.  Racial  issues  are  likely  to  be  raised. 
But  even  the  village  storekeeper  will  have 
to  learn  to  think  in  terms  of  the  world, 
rather  than  of  Main  Street.  The  tempo  of 
living  will  be  increased,  and  time  will  be 
watched  even  more  closely  than  now.  For 
those  who  see  a  dichotomy  between  the 
spiritual  and  the  material,  aviation  appears 
likely  in  the  main  to  strengthen  the  forces 
of  the  machine  and  of  material  progress. 


CLEAN  SWEEP  IN 
PUERTO  RICO 

(Continued  from  page  65) 


the  time  for  reform  had  passed  and  that 
today  only  complete  independence  could  be 
satisfactory.  Everywhere,  at  all  times, 
Puerto  Ricans  are  talking  of  status. 

Munoz  Marin  would  like  to  postpone 
the  promised  plebiscite  until  the  end  of 
the  war.  He  may  have  to  call  it  much 
earlier  or  appeal  to  the  people  over  the 
heads  of  many  of  the  prominent  men  in 
his  own  party.  He  also  may  have  to  sub- 
mit some  proposal  on  status  to  Washing- 
ton, to  forestall  action  on  the  part  of  the 
insular  legislature  contrary  to  his  purposes. 
Even  if  the  reform  bill  now  pending  in 
Congress  were  passed  in  its  original  form, 
giving  Puerto  Ricans  the  right  to  elect 
their  governor  and  other  officials  now  ap- 
pointed by  the  President,  and  assurance  that 
future  changes  in  the  Organic  Act  will  be 
made  only  with  the  approval  of  the  people 
of  Puerto  Rico,  it  is  questionable  whether 
it  would  be  acceptable,  though  the  demand 
for  immediate  and  unqualified  independ- 


ence might  be  weakened.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Reform  Bill  as  adopted  by  the 
senate  is  satisfactory  to  no  one. 

Certainly  anyone  who  has  been  in  Puerto 
Rico  for  a  time  can  see  that  the  United 
States  should  adopt  toward  the  island  a 
definite,  clear-cut,  dependable  policy,  which 
will  assure  it  consistent  treatment  and  in- 
creasing autonomy.  So  many  Puerto  Ricans 
recognize  not  only  the  desirability  but  the 
necessity  of  continued  close  relationship 
with  the  United  States  that  they  might, 
upon  the  basis  of  established,  firm,  and 
progressive  colonial  policy,  prevail  over  the 
independence  faction. 

Puerto  Rico  Has  Money  to  Spend — 

Despite  the  problem  which  it  must  face 
on  the  independence  issue,  no  party  in 
Puerto  Rico  ever  took  office  under  pros- 
pects as  bright  as  those  of  the  Popular 
Democrats.  Not  only  are  they  in  complete 
control,  but  they  have,  relatively  speaking, 


incident.  The  student  council  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Puerto  Rico,  without  the  knowl- 
edge of  any  responsible  officer  of  the  uni- 
versity, invited  the  president  of  the  student 
organization  of  the  University  of  Havana 
to  visit  Puerto  Rico.  He  himself  did  not 
come,  but  two  Cuban  students,  without 
legal  authority  to  enter  the  island,  reached 
Puerto  Rico  on  a  Cuban  navy  plane  and 
gave  independence  talks  to  university  stu- 
dents and  others.  When  it  was  discovered 
that  their  papers  were  not  in  order  they 
were  asked  to  leave  the  island. 

Other  evidences  that  agitation  for  inde- 
pendence is  growing  are  not  lacking.  A 
meeting  of  the  "Pro-Independence  Con- 
gress" was  held  on  December  10,  with 
delegates  from  all  over  the  island  in 
attendance.  The  very  word  independence 
was  greeted  with  shouts  of  enthusiasm,  and 
the  general  sense  of  the  meeting  was  that 

(In  answering 


Two  VALUES  FOR  ONE 


Assured  Income  for  Life 
Joy  in  Helping  Others 


OUR  GUARANTEED 
GIFT  ANNUITIES 


Your  money  works  for  YOU  during  your  lifetime,  and  for  OTHERS  after 
you're  gone,  by  helping  to  finance  the  religious  and  charitable  program 
of  this  great  organization. 

A  SAFE,   DEPENDABLE   INVESTMENT 

1  It  guarantees  you  an  income  for  life  from  2Vi  to 
7%  according  to  age. 

2  It  is  thoroughly  safeguarded  by  certified  account- 
ing reports  and  is  backed  by  the  reputation  and 
resources  of  this  national  institution. 

3  It  has  the  legal  reserve  and  surplus  fund  protec- 
tion required  by  law. 

A  SOUND   ANNUITY...  AN   ACT   OF   CHARITY... 
FOR   THE   SAME   INVESTMENT 

Gift  annuity  agreements  are  issued  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  New  York  State  Insurance  Department. 

Send  for  illustrated  booklet  for  full  details 


The  SALVATION  ARMY 

(A  New  York  Corporation) 

130  West  14th  Street  •  New  York  11,  N.  Y. 


Please  send  me  your  Annuity  Booklet  No.  25 
telling  about  your  plan  for  a  life  income  from  a  gift. 


Name        

Address 

Date  of  Birth 


advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 
77 


an  enormous  amount  ot  money  with  which 
to  work. 

On  June  30,  1944,  the  Puerto  Rican 
Treasury  had  a  free  surplus  of  approxi- 
mately $75,000,000,  which  will  have  in- 
creased to  well  over  $100,000,000  by  the 
end  of  the  present  fiscal  year.  This  money 
comes  in  large  part  from  the  internal 
revenue  tax  on  rum  sold  in  the  United 
States,  which,  under  the  Jones  Act  (1917), 
is  returned  to  the  insular  government.  In- 
come from  this  source  alone  amounted  to 
$63,884,357  during  the  fiscal  year  1943-44, 
compared  to  $13,550,000  for  the  previous 
fiscal  year. 

The  new  government  is  also  fortunate 
in  that  it  will  be  guided  in  its  economic 
program  by  over-all  planning  much  more 
extensive  than  any  planning  yet  done  on 
the  mainland.  To  proponents  of  economic 
planning,  the  next  few  years  in  Puerto  Rico 
promise  to  be  extremely  interesting,  since 
it  will  be  the  first  time  in  any  part  of  the 
United  States  that  long  term  planning  on 
such  a  broad  scale  has  been  attempted. 

— And  a  Six-year  Plan  for  Spending 

The  Puerto  Rico  Planning,  Urbanizing, 
and  Zoning  Board,  set  up  in  1942,  has 
just  issued  its  revised  Six- Year  Plan  for 
the  fiscal  years  1945-46  through  1950-51. 
This  plan  will  be  submitted  to  the  insular 
legislature  as  a  guide  for  appropriations. 
The  plan  recommends  the  expenditure  of 
$322,000,000  in  improvements  "necessary 
to  the  health  and  well-being  of  the  people 
of  Puerto  Rico."  This  is  a  long  way  to 
go  in  six  years  and,  if  the  plan  is  put  into 
effect,  Puerto  Rico,  at  the  end  of  that 
period,  will  be  far  different  from  what  it 
is  today. 

It  is  regrettable  that  the  one  place  with- 
in the  boundaries  of  the  United  States 
where  economic  planning  has  been  really 
accepted,  has  certain  peculiar  problems 
which  seriously  increase  the  difficulties  of 
planning.  The  Puerto  Rico  Planning,  Ur- 
banizing, and  Zoning  Board  is,  in  its  Six- 
Year  Plan,  limited  to  financial  planning. 
And  even  there  it  must  proceed  without 
knowing  for  what  kind  of  political  entity 
it  is  planning.  Should  its  recommenda- 
tions be  directed  toward  a  Puerto  Rico 
in  the  present  colonial  status,  toward  a 
free  Puerto  Rico,  toward  a  Puerto  Rico 
linked  to  the  United  States  in  some  kind 
of  dominion  status,  or  toward  a  State  of 
Puerto  Rico?  Long  term  plans,  to  be  re- 
alistic, must  be  in  terms  of  a  settled  politi- 
cal future.  If  Puerto  Rico  becomes  inde- 
pendent, for  example,  the  entire  economy 
of  the  island  will  change. 

In  its  current  Six-Year  Plan,  the  board 
assumes  continuance  of  the  present  politi- 
cal status  and,  therefore,  the  plan  contem- 
plates federal  aid  for  housing,  roads,  edu- 
cation, health — in  fact,  all  the  infinite  va- 
rieties of  help  which  Puerto  Rico  receives 
from  continental  United  States.  It  pre- 
sumes the  continued  return  to  the  insular 
government  of  the  internal  revenue  tax 
on  rum,  which  at  present  forms  the  back- 
bone of  insular  income,  and  which  the 
planning  board  estimates  at  43.4  percent 
of  total  income  for  the  next  six  years. 

This  dilemma  in  which  the  board  finds 


itself  is,  of  course,  merely  a  reflection  of 
that  of  any  insular  government  which  at- 
tempts to  plan  for  the  future.  Political 
uncertainty,  dependence  upon  a  distant  and 
fundamentally  uninterested  federal  Con- 
gress, which  nonetheless  has  power  to  over- 
turn at  will  any  program  the  insular  gov- 
ernment may  undertake,  in  large  part  ex- 
plains why,  before  1940,  no  government 
had  ever  undertaken  a  long  time  program 
to  solve  the  island's  economic  and  social 
problems. 

For  the  island  as  a  whole,  the  first  re- 
quirements of  a  social  program  are  water 
and  sewerage  systems,  schools,  and  hospi- 
tals. Not  more  than  22  percent  of  the  en- 
tire population,  urban  as  well  as  rural, 
now  has  access  to  running  water.  An  even 
smaller  proportion  has  access  to  any  kind 
of  sewer  or  sanitary  system.  Close  to  half 
of  the  school  population  is  not  in  school, 
because  there  are  neither  schools  nor  teach- 
ers enough  to  care  for  them. 

The  Six- Year  Plan  calls  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  about  half  of  the  needed  water 
supply  and  sewerage  systems  within  the 
six  years;  it  proposes  the  construction  of 
9,300  new  classrooms  at  an  expenditure 
of  $28,560,000.  Even  this  will  provide  only 
about  half  the  schools  required  to  make  ef- 
fective the  island's  compulsory  education 
law. 

In  the  matter  of  health,  although  a  six- 
year  building  program  totaling  close  to 
$25,000,000  is  proposed,  with  a  very  great- 
ly increased  budget  for  current  expenses, 
it  is  only  about  one  third  of  the  expendi- 
tures needed  to  meet  modern  health  stand- 
ards. As  to  housing,  it  is  believed  by  the 
planning  board  that  within  the  six  years, 
and  with  federal  aid,  most  of  the  urban 
slums  can  be  cleared. 

All  of  this  is  one  way  of  saying  that,  if 
the  Popular  Democratic  Party  does  not  de- 
stroy itself,  or  permit  others  to  destroy  it, 
on  the  issue  of  political  status,  the  next  few 
years  will  see  enormous  betterment  in  the 
economic  and  social  conditions  in  Puerto 
Rico. 


ON  OUR  CONSCIENCES 

(Continued  from  page  48) 


Labor  Relations  Acts  fortify  the  boards  they 
set  up  by  providing  that  the  board's  find- 
ings "as  to  the  facts,  if  supported  by  the 
evidence,  shall  be  conclusive."  The  Tempor- 
ary Commission's  draft  inserted,  instead,  a 
provision  that  "the  findings  of  the  commis- 
sion as  to  the  facts  shall  be  conclusive  only 
if  supported  by  a  fair  preponderance  of  all 
evidence."  The  provision  would  have 
wrested  from  the  Permanent  Commission 
all  real  power  in  dealing  with  discrimina- 
tion— and  turn  it  over  to  the  courts.  Criti- 
cizing a  similar  provision  in  a  federal  bill 
for  another  purpose,  the  Committee  on  Ad- 
ministrative Procedure  of  the  United  States 
Department  of  Justice  held  that  it  would 
"require  the  courts  to  determine  independ- 
ently which  way  the  evidence  preponder- 
ates. Administrative  tribunals  would  be 
turned  into  little  more  than  media  for 
transmission  of  the  evidence  to  the  courts. 
It  would  destroy  the  value  of  adjudication 


ot  tacts  by  experts  or  specialists  in  the  field 
involved." 

The  resulting  delays,  with  their  drain  on 
time  and  energy,  would  be  only  a  small 
part  of  the  price  for  such  a  change.  The 
fact  is  that  the  success  of  such  an  ad- 
ministrative body  depends  on  the  expert 
and  fully-informed  judgment  of  men  and 
women  constantly  concerned  with  these 
problems,  and  chosen  for  their  sympathy 
with  the  purpose  of  the  legislation.  Under 
the  amended  set-up,  the  judgment  of  such 
experts  would  be  replaced  by  that  of  mem- 
bers of  the  bench  holding,  quite  naturally, 
widely  variant  views  on  so  controversial  an 
issue  as  equality  in  the  right  of  employ- 
ment. 

2.  The    Temporary    Commission's    draft 
provided  that  the  Permanent  Commission 
might  obtain  an  order  from  the  court  for 
the  enforcement  of  any  ruling  or  order  of 
its  own  only  in  the  event  of  failure  of  com- 
pliance by  the  violator.   These  words  could 
only  mean  that  after  the  Permanent  Com- 
mission had  found  that  a  complainant  has 
suffered  from  a  violation  of  the  law,  and 
after  it  had  issued  an  order,  the  violator 
could  block  enforcement  in  the  courts  by 
claiming  he  had  meanwhile  corrected  the 
situation.  The  commission  would  then  have 
to   hold  a   second   hearing  before   a   court 
order  could  be  secured. 

As  a  matter  of  history,  employers  hostile 
to  the  National  Labor  Relations  Act  sought 
to  have  such  a  provision  read  into  that  law, 
but  the  federal  courts  refused,  saying  that 
such  procedure  would  make  a  "merry-go- 
round"  of  it. 

3.  Under  the  redraft  only  the  employe  or 
worker  directly  involved  could  file  the  com- 
plaint, which  would  be  prerequisite  to  any 
action  by  the  Permanent  Commission.  Such 
a  complaint  could  not  be  filed  by  a  union, 
by  a  religious  organization,  or  even  by  an 
organization  established  for  the  very  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  rights  of  minorities. 

A  procedure  of  this  sort  means,  in  prac- 
tice, that  if  complaint  is  to  be  filed,  the 
worker  involved  must  be  able  and  willing 
to  risk  his  own  job,  if  he  has  one,  or  be- 
come known  as  a  trouble-maker.  Will  a 
wage  earner  who  has  been  passed  over  for 
promotion  by  reason  of  his  color,  race  or 
creed  dare  do  this?  Will  one  who  has 
found  another  job  take  on  the  burden  of 
the  situation  once  he  has  left  it  behind? 
Generally  speaking,  the  answer  to  these 
questions  is  "No."  The  provision,  there- 
fore, would  have  substantially  undermined 
the  enforcement  of  the  high  principles  set 
forth  in  the  proposed  act. 

These  flaws  in  the  tentative  proposals 
might  be  described  as  classic  amendments 
repeatedly  inserted  or  offered  by  persons  op- 
posed to  progressive  administrative  mea- 
sures in  order  to  limit  the  powers  of  the 
agencies  created  to  execute  them.  Happily, 
they  were  brought  out  into  the  open  by  tbe 
press  and  by  participants  in  the  public  hear- 
ings of  the  commission.  Supporters  of  the 
purposes  of  the  bill  predominated  and 
called  for  stronger  legislation.  However, 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
representatives  of  special  interests,  are  at 
work  to  prevent  any  legislation  at  all. 


78 


The  1945  Bills  Themselves 

As  this  issue  is  in  press,  the  Temporary 
Commission  has  submitted  its  definitive 
bills.  Religious,  social,  and  other  non- 
profit organizations  are  still  excluded  from 
their  scope.  More  seriously,  only  aggrieved 
individuals  may  file  a  complaint,  and  must 
do  so  within  three  months.  But  two  other 
major  criticisms  in  this  analysis  are  met. 
Thus  the  preponderance-of-evidence  rule 
laid  down  in  the  tentative  proposals  has 
been  supplanted  by  a  workable  formula, 
giving  proper  weight  to  the  findings  of  the 
Permanent  Commission.  More,  the  provi- 
sions for  securing  compliance  with  that 
commission's  orders  have  been  streamlined 
and  greatly  strengthened.  The  legislation 
recommended  would  mark  a  decisive  step 
forward  in  the  fight  to  end  discrimination 
in  employment.  The  fight  at  Albany  will 
be  a  real  one,  and  it  is  essential  that  New 
Yorkers  who  believe  in  the  purpose  of  the 
bills  do  not  allow  any  division  over  minor 
imperfections  to  play  into  the  hands  of  their 
opponents. 

A  limited  number  of  opponents  to  such 
legislation  appeared  at  the  New  York  hear- 
ings in  December.  Some  attempted  to  tag 
the  bill  as  "communistic."  Others  professed 
that  education  rather  than  legislation  is 
what  is  needed  to  correct  discrimination  on 
the  part  of  employers  and  labor  unions. 
That  oft-repeated  argument  should  be  con- 
sidered in  the  perspective  afforded  by  re- 
cent polls  conducted  by  the  National  Opin- 
ion Research  Center  at  Denver  University. 
The  Center  reported  on  a  cross-section  of 
opinions  held  by  white  persons  the  country 
over.  This  showed  that  most  complacency 
exists  wherever  discrimination  against  the 
Negro  is  most  severe.  Showed,  moreover, 
that  those  who  have  had  least  opportunity 
for  education  themselves  are  most  optimistic 
about  the  economic  opportunities  open  to 
the  Negro.  The  less  schooling  they  have 
had,  the  more  concerned  they  are  about  the 
job  competition  they  will  face  should  racial 
bars  be  lifted.  Such  attitudes  do  not  pro- 
vide fertile  soil  for  improvement  through 
education  alone. 

These  polls  revealed,  also,  how  muddled 
and  contradictory  much  of  our  thinking  is. 
Thus,  35  percent  of  these  white  people  reg- 
istered that  their  own  standards  of  what  is 
fair  treatment  on  the  other  side  of  the  color 
line  are  far  different  from  those  held  by 
N'egroes  themselves.  Fifty  percent  answered 
that  Negroes  have  the  same  chance  as  the 
rest  of  us  to  make  a  good  living  in  this 
country.  In  another  answer  in  the  same 
questionnaire,  71  percent  admitted  that 
Negroes  do  not  have  just  as  good  a  chance 
as  white  people  to  get  any  kind  of  job. 
These  answers  should  be  read  against  an 
earlier  survey  by  NORC  which  found  that 
Xegroes  consider  economic  discrimination 
the  most  important  grievance  they  have 
I  against  white  Americans. 

On  the  one  hand,  we  see  in  such  cross- 
I  sections  of  opinion  how  complacency,  vary- 
j  ing  standards,  discrimination,  and  prejudice 
I  among  white  Americans  center  on  the  key 
I  problem  of  equality  of  economic  opportun- 
ity. On  the  other  hand,  the  most  con- 
I  eentrated  sense  of  grievance  among  Negroes 
I  stems  from  that  same  source. 


True,  these  polls  show  how  much  educa- 
tion is  needed.  But  can  the  American 
people  afford  to  wait  until  the  least  secure, 
least  educated,  and  most  prejudiced  among 
us  are  transformed?  Economic  discrimina- 
tion is  damaging  alike  to  those  against 
whom  it  is  aimed  and  to  those  who  practice 
it.  Only  legislation  can  crystallize  our  prin- 
ciples in  standards  for  all  of  us  and  can 
provide  the  machinery  to  effectuate  them. 


TAXES  AND  EMPLOYMENT 

(Continued  from  page  62) 


inflation  periods,  and  will  leave  the  neces- 
sary deficits  in  periods  of  recession.  To 
illustrate,  when  the  national  income  fell  to 
approximately  half  its  former  level  in  the 
depression  of  the  Thirties,  the  personal  in- 
come tax,  in  spite  of  an  intervening  increase 
in  rates,  dropped  to  one  third.  If,  in  addi- 
tion, the  tax  rates  could  be  raised  or  low- 
ered as  business  conditions  demand,  the 
tax  system  might  become  a  really  useful  in- 
strument of  control — even  though  it  cannot 
be  expected  to  do  the  job  alone. 

The  most  encouraging  factor  in  tax  plans 
so  far  offered  is  that  most  of  the  planners 
recognize  the  close  relationship  of  the  tax 
system  to  the  problem  of  full  employment. 
Apparently  they  are  all  aware  that  however 
desirable  a  balanced  budget  may  be,  there 
is  no  hope  of  attaining  it  unless  the  whole 
economy  prospers-.  Tax  reduction  is  no 
magician's  wand  —  and  full  employment 
will  not  be  achieved  by  this  method  alone. 
Industry  must  learn  that  profits  can  be 
made  from  low  prices  and  full  production 
as  well  as  from  high  prices  and  restricted 
output,  and  that  profits  from  a  low  price 
policy  are  apt  to  be  steadier  than  those  from 
a  high  price  policy.  Tax  policy  can  supple- 
ment price  policy  in  achieving  full  employ- 
ment, but  it  cannot  replace  it. 

In  short,  while  taxation  may  affect  em- 
ployment, the  complete  solution  of  the 
problem  of  full  employment  will  not  be 
found  in  tax  policy.  It  is  in  fact  the  other 
way  round:  full. employment  is  the  first  es- 
sential to  any  satisfactory  solution  of  the  tax 
problem.  This  must  be  borne  in  mind  as 
we  approach  a  period  when  the  country's 
welfare  may  depend  in  no  small  degree  on 
the  full  use  of  our  labor  force. 


It'sten  to  t/iis  Record! 


SPEAK 
SPANISH 

FRENCH.GERMAN, OR  ITALIAN 

Bic  opportunities  awaiting  American*  who  ipeafc  Spaauh. 
'     u  a  child  learnt — "by   listening"  to  thcM 


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brand-new  CORTINA  recordings. 


Only  15  Minutes  a  Day 

THOUSANDS  hare  found  it  the  most  fascinating,  most 
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what  you  want  to  know.     Interesting. 


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12   BOOKLETS   BY 

WILL'DURANT 

AND    1   ABOUT  HIM 

Dr.  Will  Durant,  who  has  a  talent  for 
popularizing  problems  in  philosophy,  has 
written  12  booklets  for  E.  Haldeman-Julius, 
as  follows: 

NIETZSCHE'S   PHILOSOPHY 

ARISTOTLE'S    PHILOSOPHY 

PLATO'S   PHILOSOPHY 

BACON'S   PHILOSOPHY 

ARE  WE   MACHINES? 

VOLTAIRE  AND  THE   FRENCH    ENLIGHTENMENT 
SPINOZA'S   PHILOSOPHY 

KANT'S    PHILOSOPHY 

SPENCER'S    PHILOSOPHY 

CONTEMPORARY   EUROPEAN    PHILOSOPHERS 

TODAY'S   AMERICAN    PHILOSOPHERS 
ANATOLE   FRANCE:   LAUGHING  CYNIC 

In  addition  we  offer  Booklet  No.  13,  which  contains 
a  long  study,  by  Joseph  McCabe,  entitled  "Will 
Durant's  Story  of  .Civilization."  This  appears  in  a 
volume  (5J4  x  S'/i  inches)  that  contains  about 
60,000  words.  All  13  booklets  offered  for  $1.25, 
which  includes  all  carriage,  packing  and  handling 
charges.  Ask  for  13  WILL  DURANT  BOOK- 
LETS. .Address: 


Box 

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79 


E.     HALDEMAN-JULIUS 
D-8  Girard,    Kansas 


THE  BOOKSHELF 


HOW  TO  RETIRE  AND  LIKE  IT 

Raymond   P.    Kaighn 

For  persons  who  contemplate  retirement, 
voluntary  or  otherwise  .  .  .  here's  how  to 
go  about  it  and  how  to  make  the  most 
of  it.  $1.75 

ASSOCIATION   PRESS 
347    Madison    Avenue  New    York    17,    N.    Y. 


BOOK  SALE,  new  and  used.  Bargains.  35c  up. 
New  free  catalog.  6000  titles.  Novels,  westerns, 
mysteries,  non-fiction.  AMERICAN  LENDING 
LIBRARY,  Dept.  SU,  College  Point,  N.  Y. 

THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  NURSING 
shows  the  part  which  professional  nurses  take  in 
the  betterment  of  the  world.  Put  it  in  your 
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York,  N.  Y. 

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MANUSCRIPT  TYPING,  also  Stenotype  Report- 
ing, Mimeographing.  Prompt,  efficient  service; 
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RESEARCH:  Congressional  Library,  Government 
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FOREIGN  LANGUAGE  DICTIONARIES 


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guages. Phonograph  Courses.  Bought,  Sold, 
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INDIAN  PIPE 


SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
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Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 


YOUNG  MAN,  college  graduate,  trained  and  ex- 
perienced social  worker,  desires  administrative 
position.  8098  Survey. 


SOCIAL  WORKER,  young  man,  ten  years'  experi- 
ence welfare  work,  well  equipped  education  and 
experience  handling  people;  public  speaker.  Now 
employed  large  national  organization,  wishes  new 
opportunity,  New  York  or  vicinity  preferred. 
8097  Survey. 


DIRECTOR  OF  MEDICAL  SOCIAL  SERVICE 
DEPARTMENT,  fifteen  years'  experience,  de- 
sires challenging  opportunity  in  hospital  or  teach- 
ing field.  8092  Survey. 


WOMAN,  college  graduate.  A.A.S.W.  member, 
former  settlement  Headworker  and  experienced 
social  worker  desines  counseling  position  in  Fam- 
ily Agency  in  the  Philadelphia  area.  8093  Survey. 


TRAINED,  EXPERIENCED  WORKER  in  boys' 
work  field  available  in  near  future — capable, 
adaptable.  Northeast.  8086  Survey. 


EXPERIENCED  WOMAN  GARDENER  Degree 
Horticulture,  Fruit,  Flowers,  Vegetables,  Green- 
houses, Poultry,  able  run  truck  garden,  instruct- 
ing, course  Rehabilitation,  Columbia,  wants  inter- 
esting all  year  round  position,  excellent  references. 
8089  Survey. 


LADY  WITH  COLLEGE  DEGREE  desires  posi- 
tion in  Juvenile  institution  as  dramatics  teacher, 
supervisor,  or  superintendent.  Specialized  in 
Child  psychology  and  children's  activities.  Thirty 
years'  experience.  8088  Survey. 


USED      BOOKS 

50%  Off  Regular  Price 

for  books  displayed  by  our  field  workers. 
In  good  condition,  but  without  that  new 
look! 

For  complete  ncic  list  write 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Book   Order  Department 

112  East  19  Street,  N«w  York  3,  N.  Y. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


WANTED:  MEDICAL  SOCIAL  WORK 
AGENCY,  St.  Louis,  high  standards,  interested 
in  psychosomatic  developments,  needs  a  qualified 
case  work  supervisor  and  three  case  workers. 
8096  Survey. 


SPECIAL  WORKER— in  Jewish  multiple  service 
case  work  agency  to  carry  selected  case  load  and 
assume  special  responsibilities  involving  community 
organization  and  interpretation.  Salary  range 
$2400  to  $3500.  7986  Survey. 


CASE  CONSULTANT  in  Jewish  Case  Work 
Agency  rendering  family  and  child  placement 
services.  Responsible  for  program  of  staff  develop- 
ment and  some  administrative  duties.  Profession- 
ally trained  and  experienced  person  desired. 
Salary  range  $3600  to  $4500.  8090  Survey. 


GROUP    WORKER — Director    of    Community    Ac 
tivities  with  Jewish  Community  Council  in  inter 
mediate  Midwestern  community.     Excellent  oppor- 
tunity for  community  organization.     Salary  rang 
$2700-$3200.     8087  Survey. 


FULL    TIME    Boys    Athletic    Director    to    replac 
present  part  time  worker  for   Community  Center, 
Poughkeepsie,      New      York.       Write      Rockwoo" 
Jenkins,    Executive    Director,    Lincoln    Center. 


TWO  CASE  WORKERS  for  child  and  family  work 
in  rapidly  expanding  Lutheran  agency  in  Easten 
city.  Requirements:  Master's  Degree  or  one  yea. 
training  plus  experience.  Salary  range:  $1800- 
$2400.  8083  Survey. 


TRAINED  AND  EXPERIENCED  SOCIAL 
WORKER  for  large,  progressive  mental  hospital 
in  East.  Beginning  salary  $1908.  Excellent  op- 
portunity for  advancement  for  well  qualified  per- 
son. Citizenship  required.  8084  Survey. 


WANTED:  Director  of  Boys'  Work  in  neighbor- 
hood house  and  playground  in  a  large  Eastern 
city.  Residence  desirable  but  not  required.  8082 
Survey. 


WANTED:  Woman  Social  Worker  with  some 
psychiatric  experience  who  could  work  in  as 
assistant  to  superintendent  in  Jewish  old  people's 
Home  in  Chicago.  State  qualifications  and  salary 
expected  with  full  maintenance.  6079  Survey. 


PAROLE  OFFICER— Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dents. Vacancies  principally  in  New  York  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  754%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679, 
Albany,  New  York. 


HEAD  CASE  WORK  SUPERVISOR,  man  or 
woman,  professionally  trained  and  experienced,  in 
large  New  England  Family  Agency  serving 
Armed  Forces  and  Veterans.  Salary  commensu- 
rate with  experience  and  ability.  Give  full  de- 
tails. 8094  Survey, 


WE  SERVE  as  a  confidential  clearing  house 
through  which  social  workers,  executives  and 
agencies  everywhere  can  get  in  direct  touch  with 
one  another  quickly  and  at  surprisingly  small 
cost.  A  $3.00  registration  fee  to  both  employers 
and  applicants  is  our  only  charge.  No  com- 
missions! Just  tell  us  what  kind  of  situation  you 
are  qualified  for,  location  you  would  consider, 
etc.,  or  give  us  complete  details  about  the  posi- 
tion you  have  open.  After  careful  crossmatching, 
employers  descriptions  are  mailed  to  all  potential 
candidates.  Those  interested  then  apply  direct 
to  employers  on  special  forms  we  furnish.  Don  t 
run  the  risk  of  overlooking  the  very  position  or 
applicant  you  might  be  most  interested  in  I  Take 
advantage  of  the  increased  selection  our  low  ^fees 
and  streamlined  service  creates.  Central  Registry 
Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus  9,  Ohio. 

WANTED:  MEN  CAMP  LEADERS— TEACH- 
ERS, as  Counselors  in  a  co-educational  so-called 
"progressive"  camp.  Single  or  married,  with  or 
without  children,  if  one  and  all  are  capable  of, 
and  interested  in,  sharing  the  responsibilities  for 
the  continued  development  of  a  sound  guidance 
program  in  a  truly  cooperative,  democratic  camp 
community,  for  the  summer  of  1945.  8056  Survey. 

WANTED:  HEADWORKER  for  an  established 
Settlement.  8099  Survey. 

WANTED:  Catholic  Charities  or  Child  Welfare 
Worker.  Must  have  graduate  training.  Apply 
Catholic  Charities,  418  N.  25th  Street,  Omaha  2, 
Nebraska. 

WANTED:  A  couple  for  resident  position  as 
Superintendent  and  Matron  in  small  New  England 
Home  for  Boys.  Write  qualifications  apd  for 
information  8076  Survey. 


BUY    WAR    BONDS 


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80 


SMITH  COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Scienre. 

Academic  Year  Opens  June  1945 

The  Accelerated  Cour»e  provide*  two  years  of  aca- 
demic credits,  covering  two  ie«iotu  of  theory,  nine 
months  of  field  practice  in  selected  social  agencies,  and 
the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
serve  in  the  reconstruction  period. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 
Contents  for  September,  1944 

The  Changing  Role  of  Social  Work  in  an  Expanding 
American  Economy  Eveline  M.  Burnt,  Pk.D. 

Intake  Interview!  with  Relatives  of  Piychotic  Patients 

Either  Goodale 

Behavior  Problems  of  Bright  and  Dull  Negro  Children 

Teague  Stradford 


The  Adjustment   of   Handicapped   Persons  to  Employment  in 
War  Time  Clara  SweelUnd 

For  further  information  write  to 

THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  MaaMchtuetts 


PENNSYLVANIA    SCHOOL    OF    SOCIAL    WORK 

(Affiliated   with   the   University  of   Pennsylvania) 

Professional  Education  For 

Social  Administration 
Social  Case  Work 
Social  Group  Work 
Social  Research 

Fall    Semester,   1945-46,  opens  October  2,   1945. 
Applications    received    after    February    1,    1945. 


Slimmer  Institute,  June  11 — June  23. 
Announcement  available  February  15. 


Address,  Secretary  for  Admissions 
2410  Pine  Street 

Philadelphia  3,  Penna. 


SIMMONS   COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Beacon  Hill,  Boston 


THE  BRITISH  AND  OURSELVES 

The  tenth  in  our  series  of  Survey  Graphic  specials  will  be 
published  soon.  This  special  number — written  by  Americans 
for  Americans — will  deal  with  a  new  England  tempered  by  five 
war  years;  with  the  British  system  from  London  to  Montreal, 
from  Sydney  to  Cape  Town.  It  will  trace  realistically  our 
wartime  collaboration  from  joint  boards  at  Washington  to  the 
furthest  fronts  and  come  to  grips  with  divergencies  and  things 
in  common — with  the  choices  ahead  for  Americans  and 
Britishers  alike.  Watch  for  it! 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC    •    112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.Y. 


THE  NEW  YORK  SCHOOL 
OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY 

FELLOWSHIPS  1945-1946 

Commonwealth  Fund:  For  advanced  training 
in  psychiatric  social  work. 

Group  Work:  A  limited  number  of  fellowships 
for  men  and  women  living  outside  the  metro- 
politan area  who  are  interested  in  group  work. 

Recent  College  Graduates :  A  limited  number  of 
fellowships  for  men  and  women  living  outside 
the  metropolitan  area  who  have  graduated  since 
1942. 

Tuition  Fellowships:  A  limited  number  of  fel- 
lowships providing  tuition  for  three  quarters. 
Preference  will  be  given  to  applicants  living 
outside  the  metropolitan  area. 

Willard  Straight:  For  a  foreign  student  who 
has  a  background  of  social  work  experience  in 
his  own  country  and  expects  to  return  there. 

Final  date  for  filing  all  applications  is 
February  15,  1945. 

For  details  and  application  blanks  apply   to   the  School. 

122  BAST  22nd  STREET 
NEW    YORK    10,    N.    Y. 


ARK  OLD.  HOWARD    Pi 


Tin*  Most 


tt  ork  Of  Onr  Time  — 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

By   MORRIS   ZUCKER 


Whose  Historical  Field  Theory,  If 
Valid,  Must  Revolutionize  Thought 
In  History  As  Did  COPERNICUS  In 
Astronomy,  DARWIN  in  Biology, 
And  EINSTEIN  In  Physics! 


The  Historical  Field  Theory- 
The  THEORY: 


^e  historical 


Theory 


Period,  In  Ameri 

lu  APPLICATION: 


u 

to  lf 


tific  achievement 
1070  pages. 


Nobly  conceived  and  executed,  in  this  work 
history  emerges  from  the  status  of  an  art  to 
assume  the  rank  of  a  science.  The  effective 
social  forces  of  a  period  and  the  laws  of  his- 
torical motion  are  presented  in  definitive 
form.  The  Philosophy  of  American  History 
consists  of  two  separate  and  complete  vol- 
umes: the  Historical  Field  Theory  and  the 
Periods  In  American  History — the  theory  and 
its  application.  It  is  a  penetrating,  vital, 
factual  work.  The  style,  while  analytical,  is 
warmly  human.  Many  of  its  incisive  sen- 
tences will  become  the  current  phrases  of 
the  next  generation.  Because  prediction  based 
on  established  laws  is  the  essence  of  science, 
you  will  discover  an  almost  irrefutable 
answer  to  the  most  pressing  questions  of 
these  times. 

What  will  be  our  economic,  social  and 
political  development?  What  their  world  re- 
percussions? Is  a  third  World  War  inevitable? 
The  entire  philosophy  of  history  is  crystal- 
lized in  the  final  chapter:  "The  Next  Twenty 
Years  in  American  History." 

The  digest  on  the  left  tries  to  give  you 
some  cue  to  the  contents  of  these  two  master- 
ful volumes.  It  can  be  but  an  inkling.  In- 
spect these  works  at  your  bookstore.  You'll 
realize  at  once  what  a  grand  climax  25  years 
of  patient  study  and  reflection  has  achieved. 
Every  scholar,  statesman  and  student  of  cur- 
rent problems  will  find  the  Philosophy  of 
American  History  an  indispensable  addition 
to  his  classic  library — to  read,  re-read  and 
refer  to  again  and  again.  Cloth  bound,  price 
$4.50  each  volume;  $8.50  for  both.  At  your 
Bookstore  now,  or  write  to 


ARNOLD-  HOWARD 

PUBLISHING  COMPANY.INC. 
Long  Island  City  3,  N.  Y. 


IQ45 


SURVEY 


30  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


Cartoon  by  Fitzpatricfc  in  the  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 


"  Without  a  Country"— Joseph  P.  Chamberlain 

FULL  EMPLOYMENT 

A  British  Plan:  What  Beveridge  Proposes- Maxwell  S.  Stewart 
American  Bill:  From  Patchwork  to  Purpose- Leon  H.  Keyserling 
The  Electronic  Tube,  NEW  ALADDIN'S  LAMP-Waldemar  Kaempffert 


Helping  the 
sick  get  well 


LAMPS  that  kill  germs ...  X  rays 
to  guide  the  surgeon's  fingers  .  . . 
operating  rooms  bathed  in  glare- 
less  light  ...  air  conditioning  to 
screen  out  street  noises  and  dust. 

Helping  the  sick  get  well  is  only 
one  of  the  contributions  of 
General  Electric.  From  the  re- 
search and  engineering  in  G.E.'s 
laboratories  come  products  to 
make  your  work  easier,  your  home 
brighter,  creating  new  comforts, 
better  jobs. 

The  pictures  you  see  here  are 
typical  of  things  accomplished  for 
you  by  G-E  research  and  engi- 
neering. General  Electric  Com- 
pany, Schenectady,  N.  Y. 


of  D-Doy  Injury!  How  X  rays  speed 
treatment  of  war  injuries  is  shown  in  this 
picture  of  Seaman  Brazinski's  thigh.  On  D-Day 
a  German  mine  shattered  bis  boat,  blew  him 
20  feet  in  air.  Rescued  by  an  LST,  rushed  to 
England,  X  rays  quickly  defined  his  injury, 
permitted  accurate  setting.  Portable  G-E 


X-ray  machines  at  St.  Albans  Naval  Hospital, 
L.  I.,  regularly  check  his  progress.  Through  the 
skill  of  doctors  97  per  cent  of  the  wounded  in 
this  war  are  saved.  The  modern  form  of  X-ray 
tube  was  invented  by  Dr.  W.  D.  Coolidge,  G-E 
scientist.  X-ray  units  built  by  the  G.E.  X-Ray 
Corp.  are  at  battlef ronts  the  world  over. 


New  lamp  kills  germf  .  .  .  Germ-laden  air  is 
purified  by  the  new  G-E  germicidal  lamp. 
It  is  already  at  work  in  hospitals,  in  battle- 
front  operating  rooms.  Tried  in  a  school  class- 
room during  a  measles  epidemic,  only  one- 
fourth  as  many  children  contracted  measles 
as  compared  with  unprotected  classrooms. 


Seeing  the  Invisible ...  The  electron  micro- 
scope, more  powerful  than  ordinary  micro- 
scopes, gives  doctors  a  new  tool  to  fight 
disease.  Here  is  the  germ,  bacillus  subtilis, 
magnified  8,000  times.  G-E  engineers  are 
working  to  make  available  a  portable  electron 
microscope  for  industry. 


Help*  treat  Infantile  Paralysis  .  .  .  Doctors 

wanted  hot  packs  to  relieve  pain  and  reduce 
muscular  spasms,  but  such  steam  packs  tended 
to  burn.  G-E  workers  put  together  a  ma- 
chine for  hospital  use  that  produces  heated 
packs  that  even  at  180°F.  will  not  burn 
the  patient's  skin. 


Hear  the  G-E  radio  programs:  The  G-E  All-girl 
Orchestra,  Sunday  10  p.m.  EWT,  NBC— The  World 
Today  news,  Monday  through  Friday  6:45  p.m. 
EWT,  CBS— The  G-E  House  Party,  Monday 
through  Friday  4:00  p.m.  EWT,  CBS. 

FOR  VICTORY— BUY  AND  HOLD  WAR  BONDS 


GENERAL  11  ELECTRIC 


DIRECTORY   OF   NATIONAL   ORGANIZATIONS 

Social,  Economic  and  international  Planning 


AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION  FOR  A  DEMOCRATIC 
GERMANY,  8  East  41st  Street,  New  York  17, 
New  York.  Officers:  Dean  Christian  Gauss, 
Honorary  Chairman;  John  A.  Lapp,  Reinhold 
Niebuhr,  Dorothy  Thompson,  Vice-Chairmen. 
Program :  The  distribution  of  factual  and 
interpretive  material  on  current  developments 
in  Germany;  the  mobilization  of  support  for 
genuinely  democratic  German  groups  and 
movements,  both  in  the  United  States  and 
abroad. 


AMERICAN    COUNCIL,    INSTITUTE    OF    PACIFIC 

RELATIONS,  1  East  54th  Street,  New  York  22, 
N.  Y.  Research  and  study  organization  on 
the  Pacific  area  problems  as  they  affect 
America. 

Special  Labor  Packet  .  .  .  25c  .  .  .  includes: 
LABOR  UNIONS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST— 
Eleanor  Lattimore 

LABOR  IN  AUSTRALIA— Lloyd  Ross 
OUR    JOB    IN    THE    PACIFIC— Henry    A. 
Wallace 

Also  available:  popularly  written  pamphlets 
on  China  (by  Maxwell  Stewart);  Philippines; 
Pacific  Islands;  Korea;  Japan;  U.S.S.R. ; 
India;  Australia;  New  Zealand;  Burma  and 
Malaya.  Write  for  complete  pamphlet  list. 


AMERICAN  FRIENDS  SERVICE  COMMITTEE 
(QUAKERS)— 20  South  12th  Street,  Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania;  Clarence  E.  Pickett, 
Executive  Secretary.  "Whatever  concerns 
•  human  beings  in  distress,  whatever  may  help 
free  individuals,  groups  and  nations  from 
fear,  hate  or  narrowness — these  are  subjects 
for  the  Committee's  consideration."  Present 
projects  include  civilian  relief  operations  in 
England,  China,  India  and  North  Africa;  aid 
to  refugees,  aliens  and  Japanese-Americans 
in  the  United  States  with  overseas  activities 
in  Switzerland,  Portugal,  Sweden  and  Hawaii; 
enrollment  of  students  and  other  volunteer? 
in  world  camp  projects  in  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  to  improve  social-industrial  and 
race  relations;  Institutes  of  International 
Relations  to  promote  study  of  religious  and 
economic  bases  for  peace  and  post-war 
reconstruction;  administration  of  Civilian 
Public  Service  Camps  for  religious  consci- 
entious objectors  in  cooperation  with  other 
agencies. 


Since    1917    AMERICAN   JEWISH   CONGRESS   has 

concerned  itself  with  protection  of  rights  of 
Jews.  Activities  now  embrace  situation  in 
United  States,  Latin  America,  and  Europe. 
Its  program  includes  defense  against  anti- 
Semitic  propaganda,  combating  economic  dis- 
crimination, law  and  legislation  with  a  view 
to  strengthening  democracy,  political  repre- 
sentation on  behalf  of  rights  of  Jews,  and 
amelioration  of  conditions  for  refugees;  par- 
ticipation in  war  program  of  United  States; 
preparation  for  reestablishment  of  Jewish 
rights  at  end  of  war. 

Toward  this  end  it  has  set  up,  in  cooperation 
with  the  World  Jewish  Congress,  an  Insti- 
tution of  Jewish  Affairs  now  studying  facts 
of  Jewish  life  with  a  view  to  establishing 
basis  on  which  rights  may  be  claimed  at  end 
of  war, 

Also  engaged,  together  with  World  Jewish 
Congress,  in  political  negotiations  with  demo- 
cratic governments  with  a  view  to  securing 
sympathetic  support  for  post-war  rights. 
Has  recently  established  Inter  -  American 
Jewish  Council  for  inter  -  American  Jewish 
community  cooperation  in  behalf  of  post-war 
Jewish  reconstruction  and  strengthening  of 
democracy.  1834  Broadway,  New  York  City. 


AMERICAN    RUSSIAN    CULTURAL    ASSOCIATION 

— Devoted  to  strengthening  cultural  ties 
between  U.  S.  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  Lectures, 
Public  Events  Exhibitions,  Classes,  Private 
Lessons  in  Russian  given  by  graduates  of 
Russian  Universities.  For  full  information 
address  American  Russian  Cultural  Ass'n., 
200  West  57th  St.,  New  York  19,  N.  Y. 


AMERICAN  SOCIETY  FOR  PUBLIC  ADMINIS- 
TRATION, 1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago  37A, 
Illinois.  A  national  organization  to  advance 
the  science  of  public  administration.  All 
members  receive  official  quarterly  journal 
Public  Administration  Review,  which  presents 
articles  on  current  administrative  practices. 
Discussion  groups  for  members  in  metro- 
politan,, areas.  Membership  $5. 


B'NAI  B'RITH— Oldest  and  largest  national  Jew 
ish  service  and  fraternal  organization  whose 
program  embraces  manifold  activities  in  war 
service,  Americanism,  youth  welfare,  war  re- 
lief, education,  community  and  social  service, 
inter-faith  good  will,  defense  of  Jewish  rights 
and  philanthropy.  Membership  200,000  in- 
cluding women's  auxiliaries  and  junior  units 
—1003  K  Street,  N.W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


INSTITUTE  OF  INTERNATIONAL  EDUCATION — 

2  West  45th  Street,  New  York  19,  N.  Y. 
Stephen  Dutrean,  Director;  Edgar  J.  Fisher, 
Assistant  Director;  Washington  Bureau  of 
the  Institute,  927  15th  Street,  N.W.,  Wash- 
ington 5,  D.  C.  A.  Handle  Elliott,  Admin- 
istrator. A  non-membership  organization  the 
purpose  of  which  is  to  promote  closer  inter- 
national educational  relations  and  understand- 
ing between  the  people  of  the  United  States 
and  other  countries  through  such  activities 
as  the  interchange  of  students  and  teachers, 
and  the  visits  of  foreign  scholars  as  lecturers 
or  visiting  professors  to  our  colleges  and  uni- 
versities. Publications:  annual  report,  monthly 
News  Bulletin,  and  occasional  pamphlets. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  CITY  MANAGERS'  ASSO- 
CIATION, 1313  East  60  Street,  Chicago  37,  III. 
To  aid  in  improving  municipal  administration 
(1)  annually  issues  the  Municipal  Year  Book, 
an  encyclopedia  of  information  about  munici- 
pal activities  in  the  2.042  cities  in  the  United 
States  over  3,000;  (2)  publishes  Public  Man- 
agement, a  monthly  journal  devoted  to  local 
government;  (3)  issues  special  reports  such 
as  "Police  and  Minority  Groups,"  "Measur- 
ing Municipal  Activities,"  "Municipal  Public 
Relations,'*  etc.;  and  (4)  provides  a  series  of 
eight  practical  correspondence  courses  in 
municipal  government.  Write  for  complete 
list  of  publications  and  a  catalogue  on 
training  courses. 


NATIONAL  CONGRESS  OF  PARENTS  AND 
TEACHERS  —  An  educational  organization  of 
over  three  million  men  and  women,  working 
together  in  28,000  local  associations  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  children  and  youth. 
Conduct  a  nation-wide  program  devoted  to 
home  and  school  education,  parent  education, 
health  and  social  services.  One  of  its  major 
projects  is  the  preparation  and  distribution 
of  Parent-Teacher  publications,  among  which 
are  the  "National  Parent  -Teacher,"  official 
magazine,  and  a  monthly  Bulletin,  both  issued 
on  a  subscription  basis;  Proceedings  of  An- 
nual Meetings;  Community  Life  m  a  Democ- 
racy ;  The  Parent -Teacher  Organization,  Its 
Origin  and  Development.  Write:  Mrs.  William 
A.  Hastings,  President,  600  South  Michigan 
Boulevard,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 


NATIONAL  CONSUMERS  LEAGUE,  348  Engineers' 
Building,  Cleveland  14,  Ohio.  A  voluntary 
organization  founded  in  1 899  to  awaken 
consumers'  responsibility  for  conditions  under 
which  goods  are  made  and  distributed,  and 
through  investigation,  education,  and  legis- 
lation to  promote  fair  labor  standards.  Mini- 
mum membership  fee  including  quarterly 
bulletin,  $2.00.  Elizabeth  S.  Magee,  General 
Secretary. 


NATIONAL  COUNCIL  OF  JEWISH  WOMEN,  1819 
Broadway,  New  York  23,  N.  Y.  FIFTY 
YEARS'  SERVICE  TO  FAITH  AND 
HUMANITY.  SERVICE  TO  FOREIGN 
BORN — immigrant  aid,  port  and  dock  work, 
naturalization  aid,  Americanization  classes, 
location  of  relatives  in  war-separated  families. 
SOPTAL  WELFARE  AND  WAR  ACTIV- 
ITIES— Council  houses  and  clubs,  nurseries, 
clinics;  scholarships,  camps,  teen-age  canteens; 
work  with  handicapped.  Participation  in 
national  wartime  programs  through  educa- 
tional projects  and  community  activities. 
FmirATTON  DIVISION  —  Contemporary 
Jewish  affairs,  international  relations  and 
peace,  social  legislation.  Study  groups  under 
national  direction  keep  Jewish  women  through- 
out country  alert  to  vital  current  issues.  215 
Senior  Sections  in  United  States.  100  Junior 
and  Councilette  Sections.  65,000  members. 


SAVE  WASTE  PAPER 
BUY  WAR  BONDS 


NATIONAL  FEDERATION  FOR  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL LIBERTIES -205  East  42  St.,  Room 
1613,  New  York  17,  N.  Y.  A  national 
federation  through  which  labor,  church,  civic, 
fraternal  and  farm  organizations,  as  well  as 
individual  citizens,  work  to  protect  and 
extend  civil  rights  in  the  tradition  of.  the 
American  Constitution. 

Maintains  a  national  office  in  New  York, 
and  a  Washington  Bureau  to  provide  accurate 
and  timely  information  on  civil  rights  issues 
— through  publications,  meetings,  and  special 
legislative  assistance. 

NCFL  Subscription  Service:  $3  per  year  for 
individuals;  $5  for  organizations. 


NATIONAL  PEACE  CONFERENCE,  8  West  40  St., 

New  fc'ork  l,ity  18.  Through  meetings,  popu- 
lar pamphlets  and  an  annual  study  project 
marking  November  1 1  as  World  Government 
Day  the  CONFERENCE  contributes  to  the 
education  of  public  opinion  for  an  organized 
postwar  world.  Subscription  price  to  the 
N.P.C.  Bulletin  is  $3.00  per  year.  Dr.  Walter 
W.  Van  Kirk,  Honorary  President;  Dr.  John 
Paul  Jones,  President;  Miss  Jane  Evans, 
Director. 


THE  NATIONAL  VOCATIONAL  GUIDANCE 
ASSOCIATION.  Christine  Melcher,  Executive 
Secretary.  525  West  120th  Street,  New  York 
City  27,  is  the  professional  organization  for 
counselors  and  others  engaged  and  interested 
in  vocational  guidance,  and  the  publishers  of 
OCCUPATI ONS,  the  Vocational  Guidance 
Journal. 


PUBLIC    OWNERSHIP    LEAGUE    OF    AMERICA — 

Facts  about  America's  10,000  publicly  owned 
projects  —  Bi-monthly  illustrated  magazine  — 
Extensive  bulletin  and  leaflet  service.  "Studies 
in  Public  Power" — 25  chapters,  latest  data 
on  Bonneville,  Grand  Coulee,  TVA,  and 
other  great  federal  power  projects  —  for 
individuals,  study  and  discussion  groups  — 
with  questions  and  answers,  $5.00.  Aids 
municipal,  state  and  federal  government  and 
progressive  groups.  Send  lOc  for  descriptive 
literature.  Address :  1 27  North  Dearborn 
Street,  Chicago  2,  Illinois. 


SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC.— 112  East  19th  Street, 
New  \  ork  3.  A  cooperative  educational 
society  built  around  a  periodical  rather  than 
a  campus,  and  carrying  forward  swift  re- 
search and  interpretation  in  the  fields  of 
family  and  child  welfare,  health,  education, 
civics,  industrial  and  race  relations,  and  the 
common  welfare.  Publishes  monthly  Survey 
Graphic,  Magazine  of  Social  Interpretation 
without  counterpart,  and  Survey  Midmonthly, 
Journal  of  Social  Work.  Membership,  $10, 
and  upwards. 


WORLD  PEACE  FOUNDATION  —  A  non  -  profit 
organization  founded  in  1910  by  Edwin  Ginn 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace,  justice 
and  good  will  among  nations.  This  purpose  is 
accomplished  through  the  objective  presenta- 
tion and  interpretation  of  the  facts  of  Amer- 
ican foreign  relations  through  publications, 
study  groups  and  a  Reference  Service. 
Publications:  Documents  on  American  For- 
eign Relations,  1938  —  (annual) ;  America 
Looks  Ahead  (a  pamphlet  series) ;  and  other 
titles. 

The  Foundation  also  cooperates  with  the  Uni- 
versities Committee  on  Post-War  Problems 
in  the  publ  ication  of  Problem  Analyses 
(appearing  monthly). 

Information  concerning  publications  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request.  40  Mt.  Vernon 
Street,  Boston  8,  Massachusetts. 


This  DIRECTORY  appears  In  Survey 
Graphic  four  times  a  year  including:  spe- 
cial numbers.  Its  columns  are  open  to 
social  action  groups  organized  to  pro- 
mote good  government,  better  education, 
city  planning  and  housing,  improved  in* 
dustrial  and  labor  relations,  the  safe- 
guarding of  civil  liberties,  land  eonserva- 

tlon,     study     of     the     Arts economic     and 

social  planning  in  their  widest  aspirations. 
Rate*  are  modent-^Let  the  Advertising  De- 
partment tell  you  about  them! 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  March.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  3.  Published  monthly  and  copvricht  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC.  Publication  Office,  34 
North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburu,  Pa.  Kditcnp.l  and  business  office,  11L'  i-J  a.st  1!)  Street,  New  York  3.  X.  Y.  Price  this  issue  3d  cents;  $3  a  year;  Foreign 
po-ta^e  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents.  Entered  as  second  class  matter  on  .lune  22.  1940  at  the  post  office  at  East  Btroudsburg,  Pa.,  under  the  Act  of  March 
d,  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a  special  rate  oi  postage  piovided  for  in  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  3,  1917,  authorized  Dec.  -1,  1921.  Printed  !n  U.S.A. 


Traveling  Crime  Laboratory 


This  laboratory  travels  the 
country  running  down  "crimes" 
against  telephone  service.  Staffed 
by  scientists  of  Bell  Telephone 
Laboratories,  it  can  move  to  the 
scene  on  a  day's  notice. 

Always  caught,  its  "criminals" 
never  make  the  headlines.  For 
they  are  not  people,  but  such 
things  as  a  thread  of  lint,  a  trace 


of  acid,  or  sulphur  compounds  in 
the  air.  Finding  these  enemies  in 
the  telephone  plant  is  one  of  the 
services  rendered  to  the  Bell  Sys- 
tem by  Bell  Laboratories. 

In  an  organization  now  concen- 
trating on  war  work,  Bell  Tele- 
phone Laboratories'  people  have 
ferreted  out  substitutes  for  scarce 
materials,  have  recommended 


materials  for  difficult  conditions, 
have  identified  enemy  materials 
in  captured  equipment. 

The  services  of  these  Bell  Lab- 
oratories' scientists  are  always 
available  to  any  part  of  the  Bell 
System.  This  ability  to  call  upon 
expert  aid  whenever  needed  is 
part  of  the  strength  of  the  Bell 
System. 


BELL     TELEPHONE     SYSTEM 


Among  Ourselves 

FRANK  BROCK'S  ARTICLE  "WAR  HELPS  THE 
Chiselers,"  printed  in  Survey  Graphic  for  No- 
vember and  condensed  in  the  December  Read- 
er's Digest,  has  received  wide  attention  in 
newspapers  all  over  the  country.  It  has 
brought  a  barrage  of  letters  asking  for  guid- 
ance, which  the  author  has  taken  pains  to 
answer  personally. 

One  such  letter  from  a  reader  in  a  small 
community  pointed  out  that  city  people  can, 
if  they  wish,  protect  themselves  against  war 
fraud  gyps,  but  people  in  small  towns  and 
in  the  country  lack  sources  to  which  they  can 
turn  for  information.  Here  is — 

Frank  Brock's  Reply 

"WAR    CHARITY    CHISELERS,    DESPITE    THEIR    WIDE- 

spread  depredations,  are  merely  a  minor  fac- 
tion of  the  large  fraternity  of  gyps  who  are 
eagerly  awaiting  war's  end  to  resume  practice 
of  their  craft.  Some  part  of  more  than  $130 
billions  of  investments,  savings,  and  E  bonds 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  public  undoubtedly 
will  reward  their  efforts. 

"This  threat  has  been  anticipated,  however, 
and  plans  are  already  maturing  to  frustrate  it. 
Last  October  the  Securities  &  Exchange  Com- 
mission called  a  conference  of  business  or- 
ganizations for  a  discussion  of  the  problem 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  study  it  and 
report.  Later  meetings  have  been  postponed, 
however,  because  of  travel  restrictions.  The 
National  Association  of  Better  Business  Bu- 
reaus, with  86  bureaus  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  is  in  the  forefront  of  this  move- 
ment. 

"My  own  small  part,  I  think,  deserves  men- 
tion. I  have  recently  completed  arrangements 
through  a  firm  of  radio  program  producers 
for  a  series  of  radio  programs  to  be  presented 
over  a  national  hook-up  which  will  dramatize 
the  various  swindles  of  the  sharpshooting 
brotherhood.  The  details  of  their  schemes  are 
no  secret,  except  to  their  potential  victims.  On 
the  theory  that  no  one  would  be  cheated  if  he 
knew  in  advance  what  the  swindler  was  going 
to  do,  we  propose  to  educate  the  public  in  the 
tricks  and  devices  of  the  non-violent  racketeers. 
It  is  hoped  that  a  series  of  movie  shorts  will 
augment  this  program. 

"Community  newspapers  can  help  materially. 
Through  their  press  associations,  correspon- 
dents, membership  in  newspaper  editorial  and 


In  February  Survey  Midmonthly 

OUR  HONORABLE   PARENT  AND   ESTEEMED  CON- 

tcmporary  exhibits  this  month  the  results 
of  a  combined  face-lifting  and  streamlin- 
ing in  type,  make-up,  and  cover.  On  the 
stimulating  outcome,  we  offer  our  respect- 
ful congratulations. 

Where   All   That   Money   Goes 

by   Cornelia   Dunphy 
The  Man  Who  Will  Come  Home 

by  David  Danzig 
Books — Windows  to   the   Future 

by   Carl   Dahl 
Integration  in  Rhode  Island 

by  Elizabeth  M.  Smith 
Financing  Postwar  Welfare 

by  Etvan  Clagite 
A  Town  That  Is  Good  to  Live  In 

by  Sherwood  Gates 


VOL.  XXXIV  CONTENTS  No-  3 

Survey  Graphic  for  March  1945 

Cover:  Cartoon  by  Fitzpatricl^  in  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 

Henrietta  Szold:  Inscription  84 

"Without  a  Country" JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN  85 

Aladdin's  Wonderful  Lamp WALDEMAR  KAEMPFFERT  89 

Full  Employment  93 

I.  What  Beveridge  Proposes:  A  British  Plan MAXWELL  S.  STEWART  93 

II.  From  Patchwork  to  Purpose:  An  American  Bill.  .LEON  H.  KEYSERLING  95 

What  Shall  We  Do  About  Germany? JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  99 

Statesmen  Discover  Medical  Care " MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  101 

Letters  and  Life 103 

Education  in  a  Complex  World HARRY  HANSEN  103 

Copyright,   1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,   East  Stroudsburg,   Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOJC,  JOSEFH 
P.  CHAMBERLAIN,  EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN,  EARL  G.  HARRISON,  RALPH  HAYES,  SIDNEY  HILLHAN,  FRED 
K.  HOEHLER,  BLANCHE  ITTLESON,  ALVIN  JOHNSON,  EDITH  MORGAN  KING,  WILLIAM  W.  LANCASTER, 
AGNES  BROWN  LEACH,  WILLIAM  M.  LEISERSON,  THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIE», 
WILLIAM  ROSENWALD,  BEARDSLEY  RUML,  EDWARD  L.  RYERSON,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL 
SHUMWAY,  HAROLD  H.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY  TEAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AHIDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL,  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN, 
KATHRYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HARRY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOEB  KEL- 
LOGG, LOULA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEON  WHIFFLE.  Contributing  editors:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KURTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MARY  Ross, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDON;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  Representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

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business  organizations,  they  have  access  to 
much  preventive  information.  Many  of  them, 
however,  are  frightened  by  the  libel  bugaboo. 
They  hesitate  to  name  known  gyps  or  to  print 
details  of  their  swindles  until  after  they  have 
been  arrested — and  the  damage  has  been  done. 
The  cure  for  this  evil  is  prevention.  Advance 
information  is  essential.  Some  gyps  may 
threaten  or  even  bring  suit,  but  they  seldom 
risk  facing  trial.  Better  Business  Bureaus  have 
been  sued  for  more  than  $60,000,000,  but 
never  have  had  to  pay  a  dollar  in  damages. 

"Few  appeals  for  money  —  charitable  or 
otherwise — are  so  urgent  that  a  day  or  so  can- 
not be  spent  profitably  in  investigation.  A  tele- 
gram to  the  right  source  of  information 
usually  will  bring  the  facts,  and  sometimes 
trap  a  swindler.  No  honest  proposition  ever 
suffered  because  it  was  investigated  in  ad- 
vance, but  charlatans  invariably  urge  that  you 
consult  no  one. 

"In  the  absence  of  a  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
a  Community  Chest  or  a  Better  Business  Bur- 
eau, there  should  be  some  local  center  of  in- 
formation for  citizens  and  I  nominate  the 
community  newspaper.  It  is  surprising  how 
quickly  sources  of  information  can  be  de- 


veloped and  how  the  information  piles  up. 
Certainly,  no  paper  could  render  a  greater 
service  or  one  that  will  be  so  badly  needed  as 
soon  as  peace  is  declared.  Money  saved  by 
veterans  of  the  armed  forces,  particularly, 
must  not  help  build  a  swindler's  paradise." 

Mr.  Brock  has  asked  us  to  announce  that  he 
will  be  glad  to  direct  community  newspapers 
to  the  sources  of  information,  should  they  wish 
to  advise  their  readers  against  such  frauds.  He 
welcomes  letters  about  concrete  experiences 
with  war  charity  chiselers. 

Poll  Tax  Repeal 

A  GEORGIA  LAW  REPEALING  THE  STATE  POLL  TAX 
was  passed  in  both  legislative  houses  last 
month  by  impressive  majorities  and  signed  by 
Governor  Arnall.  While  this  forward  step 
does  not  admit  Negro  citizens  in  "white  pri- 
maries," it  does  enfranchise  Georgians  of  both 
races  who  were  barred  or  discouraged  from 
voting  in  general  elections  by  the  tax.  Seven 
southern  states  still  levy  a  poll  tax. 

A  southerner  presented  the  case  against  the 
poll  tax  in  our  pages  on  the  eve  of  the  1944 
campaign:  "3.2  Democracy  in  the  South,"  by 
Stetson  Kennedy,  in  the  May  Survey  Graphic. 


Studio  Ganan,   Jerusalem 


1860  —  HENRIETTA  SZOLD  —  1945 


The  founder  of  Hadassah  died  in  Jerusalem  in  Febru- 
ary— at  the  modern  hospital  which  is  a  living  monument 
to  her  faith  in  Palestine  and  in  her  people.  A  woman 
rare  in  any  country  or  any  century,  she  had  literally 
crowded  into  eighty-four  years  several  lifetimes  of  work. 

Palestine  was  a  desolate  land  when  she  first  went  there 
at  fifty  and  envisioned  this  institution  of  healing,  of 
teaching,  and  research  which  would  help  in  its  revival. 
On  the  one  hand,  Hadassah  came  of  that  vision — the 
Women's  Zionist  Organization  of  America.  On  the  other, 
came  its  medical  program  in  the  Holy  Land  which  makes 
for  health  among  Arabs,  Christians,  and  Jews,  through- 
out the  Near  East. 


She  was  seventy-five  when  she  put  aside  thought  of 
retirement.  For  in  the  30's  she  foresaw  this  ancient  Home- 
land as  the  natural  place  of  refuge  for  tens  of  thousands 
of  Jewish  children  who  would  have  to  flee  from  Hitler's 
Europe.  Out  of  this  second  vision  sprang  Youth  Aliyah 
(Youth  Immigration),  through  which  thousands  of  young 
Jews — German,  Hungarian,  Rumanian,  Polish — have 
been  given  a  new  chance  in  life.  Today  they  mourn  the 
loss  of  "Our  Mother,"  under  whose  intimate  aegis  grow- 


ing minds  and  bodies  sprang  back  to  health,  young  spirits 
found  new  nourishment. 

Miss  Szold  was  eighty  when  the  Women's  Centennial 
Congress  chose  her  among  one  hundred  outstanding 
American  women  of  the  last  hundred  years.  First  Lady  of 
Palestine,  she  was  living  in  a  small  pension  when  a  Survey 
editor  visited  her  a  decade  ago.  Her  single  room  radiated 
her  gentle  modesty  no  less  than  her  indomitable  initiative. 
Love  for  her  native  Baltimore  was  not  shelved  by  love  for 
Jerusalem.  She  transplanted  there  ideals  and  standards 
from  that  American  span  of  her  life. 


On  her  last  visit  to  this  country  Survey  Associates  was 
fortunate  to  share  in  honoring  her.  Those  at  our  luncheon 
will  remember  her  acknowledgment  to  American  social 
workers  and  health  workers  for  tools  that  could  be  turned 
to  account  in  backward  regions.  We  shall  remember  most 
of  all,  sobering  and  stirring  things  she  said  of  young  peo- 
ple for  whom  she  held  out  a  new  Promised  Land. 

"Above  all,"  said  Survey  Graphic  afterward,  her  listen- 
ers sensed  "her  vivid,  yet  serene  and  simple  personality." 
That  here  "was  one  of  the  world's  great  people,  statesman 
and  sensitive  woman  at  the  same  time." — Loula  D.  Lasker 


S  U  RVEV 


PHIC 


"Without  a  Country" 

The  plight  of  the  refugees  as  victims  of  war  and  fascism — a  blueprint 
of  transcendent  human  need  superimposed  on  the  war  maps  of  Europe. 

JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN 


WHEN  THE  BUGLES  SOUND  "CEASE  FIRING" 
throughout  Europe,  the  Allies  will  find  a 
mass  problem  already  entered  on  their  first 
order  of  business.  That  is  the  succor  and 
disposal  of  vast  companies  of  people  up- 
rooted from  countries  they  once  called 
home.  Estimates  vary  as  to  the  number  of 
these  "displaced  persons,"  as  they  are  des- 
ignated, but  run  at  least  as  high  as  10,000,- 
000  men,  women,  and  children. 

They  include  those  dislodged  by  invasions 
and  counter-invasions,  but  many  have  been 
prisoners  of  war,  or  workers  constrained 
to  labor  in  factories  and  on  farms  in  Ger- 
many, or  in  the  countries  occupied  by  the 
Nazis. 

Among  them,  also,  are  other  peoples  of 
German  stock,  brought  back  from  their 
homes  in  eastern  Europe  or  elsewhere  and 
settled  in  Germany  or  in  annexed  terri- 
tories, especially  Poland.  This  largely  en- 
forced migration  had  been  in  line  with 
Nazi  plans  for  reassembling  all  Germans  in 
the  greater  Reich  of  Hitler's  dreams. 

On  the  other  hand,  great  numbers  of 
these  displaced  persons  were  transported 
into  the  Soviet  Union  from  Poland  and 
other  battle  areas.  Perhaps  20,000  other 
Europeans  were  caught  in  Shanghai  by  the 
war  in  the  Far  East. 

Almost  all  of  them,  wherever  they  are, 
will  be  eager  to  go  home  wherever  it  is, 
once  the  war  is  ended.  The  task  of  army 
and  civil  administrations  in  occupied  coun- 
tries, of  UNRRA  and  the  new  govern- 
ments set  up,  will  be  to  arrange  for  their 
prompt  return.  The  reason  is  simple 
enough.  Most  of  them  are  "nationals"  and 
their  governments  will  be  active  in  bring- 
ing this  about  and  in  seeing  to  it  that  they 
are  provided  for  meanwhile.  Once  they  are 
back  in  their  native  lands,  these  govern- 
ments will  have  the  duty  of  caring  for  them 
until  they  can  finally  reach  the  village  or 
city  where  each  can  say,  "Here  I  belong." 


Within  that  ten  million  there  will,  how- 
ever, remain  another  large  group  who 
"belong"  nowhere.  They  are  the  genuine 
refugees  for  whom  no  government  will 
make  provision,  either  because  they  are 
stateless,  nationals  of  no  country,  or  because 
they  are  unwilling  to  return  to  the  land 
from  which  they  came.  How  many  of  these 
there  will  be  at  the  close  of  World  War  II 
no  one  can  know  until  things  take  clearer 
shape  in  Europe. 

Enter  the  Refugees 

The  refugee,  then,  is  a  person  who  for 
political  reasons  has  been  driven  from  his 
country  of  residence  or  who  fears  the 
political  consequences  of  his  return.  He  may 
be  stateless  or,  while  not  yet  formally  de- 
nationalized, he  nonetheless  may  have  lost 
his  status  by  refusing  to  return  home  when 
the  opportunity  offered. 

He  thus  becomes  a  person  without  the 
protection  of  a  government.  In  the  modern 
world,  made  up  of  national  states,  this  has 
wide  implications.  For  the  international 
rights  of  any  individual,  such  as  they  are, 
depend  for  their  enforcement  on  the  action 
of  his  home  government.  Furthermore,  a 
network  of  treaties  between  governments 
reciprocally  gives  to  the  citizens  of  one  state 
privileges  in  the  others,  the  right  to  work, 


— By  the  long  time  chairman  of  the 
National  Refugee  Service;  American 
member  of  the  High  Commission  for 
Refugees  Coming  from  Germany,  set  up 
by  the  League  of  Nations  in  the  mid- 
Thirties.  Now  member  of  the  President's 
Advisory  Board  on  Political  Refugees 
and  chairman  of  the  American  Council 
of  Voluntary  Agencies  for  Foreign  Serv- 
ice. Former  chairman  of  the  Foreign 
Policy  Association  and  chairman  of  the 
board  of  Survey  Associates. 


the  right  to  the  benefits  of  workmen's  com- 
pensation and  other  social  insurance  laws, 
the  right  to  education.  Thus  the  alien  who 
is  a  national  is  assured  through  reciprocity 
many  of  the  privileges  of  a  citizen.  In  con- 
trast, the  stateless  person,  unprotected  by 
any  government,  loses  each  and  all  of  these 
advantages. 

But  there  is  more  to  it  than  that.  Every 
country  is  obliged  to  receive  its  nationals 
if  they  wish  to  return.  Moreover,  most 
states  provide  for  their  own  people  when 
in  want.  The  refugee,  on  the  other  hand, 
has  no  country  to  which  he  may  turn  as  a 
right.  No  country  has  a  duty  to  care  for 
him  in  case  of  need.  Normally  a  person 
cannot  enter  a  foreign  country  without  a 
passport  issued  by  the  government  of  which 
he,  himself,  is  a  national.  There  is  no 
nation  to  issue  a  passport  to  a  stateless 
person  or  to  a  political  refugee. 

History  That  May  Repeat  Itself 

The  refugee  problem  broke  with  great 
force  upon  the  world  at  the  close  of  the 
last  World  War.  There  was  a  flood  of  folk 
from  the  former  Russian  and  Turkish  Em- 
pires into  the  countries  of  southeastern 
Europe.  These  impoverished  countries  were 
unable  to  carry  the  burden  and  wished  only 
to  get  rid  of  their  unwelcome  guests.  The 
immediate  problem  of  relief  was  met, 
though  not  too  liberally,  by  other  govern- 
ments and  by  voluntary  agencies.  Their 
further  removal  to  places  where  there  were 
chances  for  them  to  find  both  shelter  and 
work  was  encouraged  by  authorizing  a 
travel  document  identifying  the  bearer, 
which  governments  generally  were  willing 
to  accept  at  their  frontiers. 

Fortunately  enough,  the  League  of 
Nations  was  in  existence  and,  under  the 
inspiration  of  Dr.  Fridtjof  Nansen,  it  cre- 
ated an  organ  that  promoted  agreements 
between  governments  under  which  the  lot 


85 


American    Jewish    Joint    Distribution    Committee 


Jews  make  the  greatest  company  of  stateless  people.  Here  are  refugees  from  Central 
Europe  who  fled  to  Italy,  and  soon  thereafter  found  themselves  put  into  internment 
camps.  Though  Allied  advance  set  these  men  free,  they  remain  people  without  a  land 


of  the  refugees  was  made  easier.  Their 
travel  documents  were  improved  and  ad- 
justed to  meet  new  needs.  They  were  as- 
sured the  privilege  of  residence  in  the 
countries  where  they  found  themselves  and, 
to  a  limited  degree,  the  right  to  work  was 
accorded  them.  Through  it  all,  the  League 
organization  under  Dr.  Nansen  acted  as  a 
kind  of  international  champion  for  those 
who  otherwise  had  no  government  pro- 
tection at  all — pleading  the  cause  of  indi- 
vidual refugees  before  governments  and 
steadily  seeking  ways  and  means  to  ameli- 
orate their  situation. 

Private  agencies  played  an  important 
part  from  the  beginning.  They  provided 
material  aid  and,  in  cooperation  with  the 
League  authorities,  urged  upon  one  gov- 
ernment after  another  more  humane  treat- 
ment for  these  unfortunate  people.  More- 
over, economic  conditions  were  soon  on 
the  upgrade  everywhere.  There  was  con- 
sequent widespread  need  for  workers  to 
make  up  the  heavy  manpower  losses  of 
World  War  I.  These  and  other  factors  per- 
suaded governments  to  allow  refugees  to 
live  .and  to  work  in  their  territories. 

But  when  unemployment  later  struck  any 
national  economy,  these  stateless  outlanders 


86 


were  naturally  among  the  first  to  lose  their 
jobs,  the  last  to  find  new  ones.  Always  the 
citizen  has  preference. 

Then  Came  Hitler 

Came  the  rise  of  Nazism  in  Germany; 
came  its  excesses  and,  once  in  power,  its 
settled  policy  to  drive  Jews  out  of  that 
country.  This  was  more  gradual  than  war 
in  making  itself  felt.  It  seemed  incredible 
to  many  Germans,  as  well  as  to  outsiders, 
that  the  Nazi  regime  would  go  to  the  ex- 
tremes of  cruelty  and  hatred  that  it  did. 
"Appetite  came  with  eating."  The  Nazis 
invented  worse  and  worse  means  of  op- 
pression as  the  lust  for  cruelty  and  greed 
were  unsatisfied.  The  Jews,  native  no  less 
than  foreign  born,  were  pushed  out  ot 
Germany.  Most  left  behind  them  all  the 
property  and  civil  rights  they  had  acquired 
as  useful  citizens  of  the  Reich — and  went 
naked  out  into  the  world.  More  than  that, 
their  relatives  and  friends  abroad  had  to  pay 
ransom;  and,  to  squeeze  out  this  ransom, 
were  warned  of  what  would  happen  other- 
wise to  their  kith  and  kin  still  within  Nazi 
reach. 

Alarmed  both  at  the  number  of  refugees 
leaving  that  country,  at  the  greater  numbers 


which  seemed  sure  to  come,  the  govern- 
ments concerned  created  a  commission  in 
1933  to  cope  with  the  situation,  with  James 
G.  McDonald,  hitherto  chairman  of  the 
Foreign  Policy  Association,  New  York,  as 
High  Commissioner  for  Refugees  Coming 
from  Germany.  As  the  Reich  was  still  a 
member  of  the  League,  this  new  com- 
mission was  not  made  part  of  its  machinery 
but  was  supported  by  private  funds.  Mr. 
McDonald  took  up  his  work  at  a  difficult 
time.  The  widespread  depression  of  the 
Thirties  was  on  and  other  countries  were 
especially  reluctant  to  admit  immigrants  as 
they  themselves  had  mass  unemployment  to 
cope  with.  The  commission  had  little  suc- 
cess either  in  persuading  such  governments 
to  open  their  doors  wider,  or  in  pressing 
the  Nazis  to  lessen  their  persecutions,  much 
less  to  end  them. 

The  High  Commissioner  and  his  suc- 
cessors made  some  progress,  however,  in 
dealing  with  the  immediate  problem  with 
which  Dr.  Nansen  had  sought  to  cope — 
of  persons  without  a  country.  What  was 
done  to  help  them  was  principally  the  work 
of  private  organizations,  or  of  relatives  and 
friends  who  helped  them  singly  or  in  family 
groups  to  find  a  home  somewhere  and  an 
opportunity  to  earn  a  living.  Later,  when 
Germany  left  the  League,  that  body  took 
over  the  work  Mr.  McDonald  and  his  asso- 
ciates had  so  courageously  advanced.  The 
League's  work  for  refugees  both  from 
Germany  and  from  eastern  Europe  was 
united  under  Sir  Herbert  Emerson  as  ex- 
ecutive officer. 

Large  numbers  of  these  fugitives  remained 
in  the  countries  of  western  Europe  which 
offered  them  shelter.  The  flight  from  Ger- 
many, however,  ended  for  great  numbers 
overseas.  This  was  because  so  many  German 
emigrants  had  settled  in  the  United  States, 
in  other  American  countries  or  in  the 
British  Dominions,  and  held  out  helping 
hands  to  relatives  and  friends  from  Ger- 
many. Also,  because  strong  private  or- 
ganizations, some  operating  since  the  last 
war,  were  deeply  moved  by  the  sufferings 


Latin    America    Refugee    Fuml 


One  of  thousands  of  Spanish  political 
refugees  who  found  shelter  in  France 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


TM          /-       i      t  o  r  United   Nations   Information   Office 

Inese  Ureeks  from  Samos  who  have  found  temporary  refuge  in  a  camp  set  up  in  the  Middle  East;  the  Spaniard  on  the  page  op- 
posite; the  Yugoslavs  below — all  belong  among  the  millions  of  people  who  must  find  a  place  to  live  after  the  war.  Many  can  be 
returned  to  their  homes  and  will  find  a  welcome;  others  may  be  afraid  to  go  back  to  their  own  countries,  or  will  be  unwilling  to  return 


of  persecuted  people  and  made  provision 
for  them. 

The  Russian-Turkish  situation  after 
World  War  I  had  differed  from  this.  Most 
of  the  people  scattered  from  these  countries 
had  remained  on  the  continent  or  sought 
refuge  in  Asia. 

In  the  Thirties,  Palestine  was  the  destina- 
tion of  large  numbers  of  refugees  both  from 


Germany  and  eastern  Europe.  How  great 
a  haven  it  proved  is  borne  out  by  the  fact 
that  Palestine,  with  only  a  fragment  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States,  has  taken 
in  120,000  of  them  compared  with  250,000 
who  found  refuge  with  us.  An  advantage 
of  no  little  moment  is  that  refugees  arriving 
there  cease  to  be  such.  Difficulties  of  ad- 
justment to  climate  and  to  new  ways  of 


United   Yugoslav    Relief    Fund    of   America 
Undernourished,  frightened  Yugoslav  children  reach  shelter  in  a  neutral  country 


. 


MARCH      1945 


unwilling  i 

life  they  had  in  plenty,  but  the  immigrants 
were  accepted  as  permanent  residents  and 
full  opportunities  in  the  new  society  were 
open  to  them.  In  1939,  with  the  issuance  of 
a  White  Paper,  Britain  prohibited  further 
immigration  of  Jews  into  Palestine  beyond 
75,000  to  be  admitted  over  the  next  five 
years.  There  are  perhaps  5,000  certificates 
now  outstanding.  What  the  future  holds  in 
this  area  depends  on  a  change  in  British 
policy. 

An  Acid  Test 

Figures  vary  widely,  but  it  has  been 
estimated  that  there  remain  in  Great  Bri- 
tain about  60,000  racial  refugees  from  the 
Nazi  terror;  in  the  United  States  some 
250,000;  in  Latin  America  perhaps  125,- 
000;  in  Palestine  120,000  of  whom  about 
half  are  Germans;  and  in  other  overseas 
countries  more  than  50,000.  Switzerland  is 
providing  for  around  24,000  and  Sweden 
12,000.  Those  found  by  the  Nazis  when 
they  overran  western  Europe  were  ordered 
deported  to  Germany  to  work  there,  or  to 
eastern  Europe,  but  since  the  liberation  of 
conquered  territories  some  are  turning  up 
who  were  able  to  escape  arrest. 

Other  racial  stocks  are,  of  course,  in- 
volved but  Jewish  fugitives  from  political 
and  religious  persecution  make  up  the 
greatest  company  of  stateless  people. 

Their  fate  remains  one  of  the  acid  tests 
of  humanitarian  concern  in  the  period 
ahead. 


87 


When  war  broke  out,  the  Nazi  govern- 
ment changed  its  policy — but  not  for  the 
better.  Most  of  the  Jews  in  Germany  had 
been  forced  out — when  Hitler  slammed  the 
door  on  those  who  remained.  Instead  of 
driving  the  unfortunate  victims  of  their 
hatred  from  Europe,  the  Nazis  set  out  to 
liquidate  them  within  the  continent.  There- 
after, we  have  grim  evidence  -of  another 
trek  of  refugees  not  only  from  the  Reich 
but  from  countries  under  Nazi  influence, 
to  the  prison  camps  and  work  camps  of 
Poland.  There,  disease,  lack  of  food,  and 
various  forms  of  execution  and  of  torture 
so  cut  down  their  number  that  only  a  small 
proportion  remains.  For  most  of  them 
theirs  was  an  enforced  migration  to  death. 

Who  Are  the  After-War  Refugees? 

As  indicated  earlier,  there  can  be  no 
certainty  in  the  present  confusion  in  Europe 
as  to  what  will  be  the  number  of  postwar 
refugees — stateless  or  those  who  are  unwill- 
ing to  return  to  their  homes.  But  we  can 
examine  further  sources  and  wartime 
pressures  from  which  they  sprang. 

We  know  that  the  Nazis  brought  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  people  of  German 
descent  from  the  Soviet  Union  and  from 
southeastern  Europe  and  settled  them  in 
what  for  a  time  was  German-held  territory, 
principally  in  Poland.  A  quarter  century 
earlier,  when  the  South  Tyrol  was  ceded 
to  Italy  at  the  end  of  the  last  World  War, 
some  80,000  had  been  settled  largely  in 
the  mountainous  regions  of  Austria  and  the 
surrounding  country.  It  may  be  that  all  of 
these  people  of  German  stock,  now  as  then, 
have  been  made  German  citizens — as  have 
many  hitherto  of  Polish  citizenship.  Those 
outside  the  Reich  at  the  war's  end  may  be 
treated  like  other  Germans  and  forced  back 
into  whatever  territories  are  left  to  it.  Others 
may  be  among  those  required  to  return  to 
the  Soviet  Union  and  to  other  countries 
whence  they  came,  to  help  meet  demands 
for  workers  in  rebuilding  regions  scotched 
by  the  Nazi  invasion.  Apart  from  claims 
thus  made  on  them  in  the  name  of  restitu- 
tion, such  countries  may  not  recognize  their 
change  of  citizenship.  (Former  Polish  citi- 
zens are  likely  to  be  an  exception.) 

Those  of  German  stock  not  returned  to 
their  countries  of  origin  will  be  people  with- 
out homes  in  the  diminished  Germany; 
their  permanent  settlement  will  be  difficult 
in  that  crowded  territory,  and  they  will 
present  a  problem  similar  to  that  of  home- 
less refugees  elsewhere. 

A  large  number  of  people  from  the  Baltic 
states,  some  brought  into  the  Reich  for 
forced  labor,  some  evacuated  before  the 
advance  of  the  Soviet  armies,  will  be  found 
after  the  war  both  in  Germany  and  in 
Poland.  Among  them  will  be  many  un- 
willing to  return  to  their  home  countries 
if  these  are  under  Soviet  rule.  That  may  be 
true  also  of  various  races  represented  among 
the  2,000,000  easterners  from  Russia  and 
elsewhere  who  have  been  working  in  Ger- 
many. Of  these,  some  few  have  even  served 
in  the  German  army.  Many  were  prisoners 
of  war  taken  during  the  Nazi  invasion  of 
Russia. 

The  Soviet  authorities  have  indicated 
their  desire  that  their  nationals  should  re- 


turn and  help  rebuild  the  country,  and  if 
they  do  not  do  so  will  probably  refuse  them 
protection.  They  will  thus  become  stateless. 

In  southeastern  and  central  Europe,  par- 
tisanship and  violence  in  the  war  years  have 
provided  poor  seed  beds  for  peaceful  and 
friendly  settlement  of  the  sharp  differences 
among  factions.  Whether  conservatives  or 
radicals  win  out  in  these  countries,  there 
are  certain  to  be  many  who  will  try  to  flee; 
others  now  abroad  will  refuse  to  go  back, 
thus  creating  further  groups  of  refugees. 

What  are  left  of  the  Poles  brought  into 
Russia  may  return  to  Poland.  If  not,  they 
doubtless  will  be  taken  into  the  Soviet 
Union,  so  they  cannot  be  counted  as  refu- 
gees. Not  so  the  Poles  elsewhere  in  Europe, 
Africa  or  the  Near  East,  whose  return  will 
hang  on  the  character  of  the  government 
set  up  in  the  new  Poland,  and  who,  as  the 
die  is  cast,  might  sooner  or  later  become 
stateless. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  a  Yugoslav  govern- 
ment uniting  all  factions  will  finally  win 
power  in  that  country,  but  if  this  does  not 
happen,  those  who  belong  to  the  "outs" 
may  not  be  willing  to  return. 

In  France  are  thousands  of  Spanish  refu- 
gees. Few  are  adjusted  to  life  there,  and 
unless  there  is  an  overturn  in  Madrid,  or 
widespread  need  for  labor  in  France  or  her 
colonies,  they  will  need  help  in  migrating 
elsewhere. 

The  Status  of  the  Jews 

Finally,  we  must  reckon  with  the  back- 
wash of  hatred  and  calumny  against  the 
Jews  in  Germany  and — under  spur  of  the 
Nazis — in  all  of  eastern  Europe  where  anti- 
Semitism  long  had  existed.  This  makes  all 
the  more  probable  a  large  refugee  problem 
among  what  is  left  of  German  and  eastern 
European  Jewry.  German  Jews  now  in 
Poland  will  not  want,  nor  should  they  be 
required  to  accept,  protection  from  any 
German  government.  German  Jews  now  in 
western  European  countries,  it  may  be  as- 
sumed, will  be  no  more  willing  to  do  so. 
At  the  start,  they  will  be  stateless  if  they 
do  not  accept  German  citizenship  and  want 
to  remain  in  the  countries  where  many  of 
them  have  long  made  their  homes. 

The  situation  in  eastern  Europe  and  the 
Danube  Basin  is  such  that  it  is  hard  to 
forecast  how  many  Jewish  refugees  from 
those  regions  will  want  to  return  there,  or 
how  many  can  remain  there  under  postwar 
conditions.  Many  of  them,  especially  from 
Hungary,  were  packed  off  to  Germany  to 
work.  Many  others — from  Greece,  Bulgaria, 
Rumania,  Hungary  and  Yugoslavia — were 
sent  to  concentration  camps  in  Poland. 

Greece  and  Yugoslavia  will  take  them 
back  on  their  prewar  footing.  The  settle- 
ment at  the  time  of  surrender  can  require 
enemy  countries  to  receive  their  citizens  as 
such  and  to  end  racial  discrimination.  The 
hope  is  that  conditions  in  all  these  countries 
will  make  it  possible  for  Jewish  nationals 
to  reestablish  themselves  in  economic  and 
social  life;  that  their  nationality  will  be 
restored  if  it  has  been  taken  away;  and  that 
provision  will  be  made  for  turning  back 
their  property.  More,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
they  will  be  given  a  fair  chance  to  play 
their  part  in  the  rehabilitation  of  home 


countries  in  which  they  hitherto  had  a  use- 
ful place.  It  is  important  that  that  place 
be  restored  to  them  if  the  world's  protest 
against  the  Nazi  doctrine  of  racial  intoler- 
ence  is  not  to  have  been  in  vain. 

The  Soviet  Union  will  be  very  influential 
in  eastern  Europe  and  its  policy  of  non- 
discrimination  may  be  expected  to  affect 
governmental  action  there.  However,  the 
difficulties  of  life,  the  heightened  prejudices, 
and  the  probability  of  unruliness  in  these 
areas  will  drive  many  to  seek  refuge  over- 
seas. If  so,  they  will  not  be  technically  refu- 
gees; they  will  have  the  nationality  of  their 
home  countries,  but  as  migrants  they  will 
need  much  the  same  sort  of  help  as  the 
stateless. 

The  comparatively  few  German  Jews  left 
in  the  Reich  may  come,  also,  in  the  class  of 
refugees.  Though  they  are  German  citizens 
and  though  their  civil  and  property  rights 
will  have  been  restored  to  them  at  the  sur- 
render, it  is  unlikely  that  many  will  want 
to  remain  where  they  have  been  subjected 
to  such  wholesale  cruelty  and  ignominy. 
For  sake  of  protection,  it  may  be  necessary 
to  assemble  them,  and  they  should  be  given 
the  option  of  relinquishing  their  German 
citizenship  and  an  opportunity  to  establish 
their  lives  elsewhere. 

It  is  probable  that  the  new  Germany 
will  be  obligated  to  open  her  borders  to 
former  citizens  in  exile  and  to  restore  their 
civil  rights.  But  they  should  not  become 
German  citizens  again  without  their  con- 
sent and  they  should  be  free  to  remain  out- 
side Germany.  Even  the  unhappy  lot  of 
statelessness  may  seem  better  to  many  of 
them  than  to  resume  their  citizenship  in  a 
land  where  they  have  been  so  slandered  anc 
abused.  Nor  should  they  be  forced  tc 
shoulder  burdens  which  will  fall  on  Ger- 
man citizens  in  meeting  reparations  pay- 


ments. 


Tasks  and  Tools  Ahead 


Such  an  analysis  shows  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  European  refugees  will  be  found 
in  Europe  at  the  close  of  World  War  II. 
The  first  tasks  will  be  like  those  after  World 
War  I:  to  take  care  of  them  where  they 
are  found;  to  intercede  on  their  behalf  with 
governmental  authorities  in  the  countries 
concerned;  to  provide  travel  and  identity 
documents.  Many  will  be  in  Germany, 
where  a  considerable  residue  can  be  antici- 
pated of  those  who  do  not  desire  to  return 
home  or  who  are  stateless.  The  conditions 
of  their  lives  will  be  subject  for  decision  by 
the  United  Nations  authorities.  This  will 
be  true  in  other  enemy  countries.  In  the 
Allied  countries,  the  governments  will,  of 
course,  control. 

Likely  enough,  many  refugees  will  have 
to  remain  where  they  are  found  for  a  long 
time.  Governments  will  be  too  busy  with 
urgent  tasks,  including  the  repatriation  of 
their  own  nationals,  to  give  the  refugees 
much  thought.  Outsiders  may  not  be  too 
welcome,  and  it  will  be  important  for  an 
international  authority  to  plead  their  cause. 

Such  an  authority  exists  in  the  Inter-Gov- 
ernmental Committee  with  its  seat  in  Lon- 
don, and  with  Sir  Herbert  Emerson  as  its  I 
executive  officer,  seconded  by  Patrick  Malin,  ' 
(Continued  on  page  108) 


88 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


The  electron  tube — "the  most  important  invention  of  this  generation."    This  in- 
stallation   changes   alternating   current    into   direct   current   for   radio   transmission 


Westinghousc 


Aladdin's  Wonderful  Lamp 

A  wonder  story  that  surpasses  the  Arabian  Nights — the  story  of  the 
electron   tube,   and  of  machines  that  talk,   feel,   listen,   count,   sort. 


WALDEMAR  KAEMPFFERT 


FOR  DECADES    ENGINEERS   DESIGNED  AND  BUILT 

central  stations  which  supplied  electric  en- 
ergy to  millions,  invented  electric  lamps, 
motors  and  coffee  percolators,  drove  rail- 
way trains  electrically  and  saw  to  it  that 
Niagara  Falls  milked  cows  and  sucked  dirt 
out  of  carpets.  And  all  this  without  know- 
ing what  electricity  was.  Then  came 
Roentgen  with  his  X-rays,  the  Curies  with 
the  discovery  of  radium,  J.  J.  Thomson  with 
his  classic  studies  of  the  light  that  glows 
in  gas-discharge  tubes,  Einstein  with 
equations  that  tied  matter  and  energy  to- 
gether. A  few  theoretical  physicists  who 
were  bent  on  tearing  the  atom  apart  and 
finding  out  what  matter  is,  and  who  had 
no  thought  of  radio,  trolley  cars  or  toast- 
ers, told  the  world  that  a  current  in  a  wire, 
a  flash  of  lightning  was  a  flow  of  electrons. 
From  this  work  came  the  electron  tube — 
probably  the  most  important  invention  of 
this  generation.  The  physicists  proved  again 
that  there  is  nothing  so  impractical  as  a 


— By  the  science  editor  of  The  New 
York  Times,  author  of  "Science  Today 
and  Tomorrow,"  a  frequent  contributor 
to  scientific  and  engineering  periodicals 
in  this  country  and  abroad. 

Mr.  Kaempffert  is  serving  as  our 
counselor  in  developing  the  series  of 
articles,  "The  Future  Is  Already  Here," 
of  which  this  is  the  second. 


practical  man  and  nothing  so  practical  as  a 
theory  that  works. 

Now  that  the  dreamy  theorists  have  told 
us  that  electricity  is  composed  of  particles, 
just  as  a  river  is  composed  of  drops,  en- 
gineering receives  a  new  impetus,  with  so- 
cial consequences  which  read  like  a  tale  by 
H.  G.  Wells  in  his  younger  days  and  which 
give  economists  much  to  think  about.  Many 
an  industrial  process  has  been  revolution- 
ized. What  were  once  possibilities  and  spec- 
ulations are  now  realities.  Years  have 


been  telescoped  into  months.    Electronically 
speaking,  we  are  in  the  year  1960. 

The  Universe  of  the  Atom 

It  is  impossible  to  understand  electron- 
ics without  understanding  the  constitution 
of  the  atom.  Before  the  theoretical  physi- 
cists began  to  bombard  matter,  the  atom 
was  supposed  to  be  the  smallest  conceivable 
particle.  It  was  an  infinitesimal  sphere, 
hard  and  indestructible.  When  the  theorists 
showed  that  it  was  far  more  complicated 
than  a  grand  piano  or  a  telephone  ex- 
change, there  was  consternation.  An  atom 
turned  out  to  be  somewhat  like  a  solar  sys- 
tem. In  the  center  was  a  nucleus  or  "sun," 
and  around  the  "sun"  minute  "planets," 
called  electrons,  not  only  revolved  and  spun 
but  leaped  from  orbit  to  orbit  in  unpre- 
dictable ways.  The  outer  planetary  elec- 
trons could  be  torn  away  to  leave  only  the 
naked  central  nucleus  or  "sun."  And  these 
electrons  bore  about  the  same  relation  in 


MARCH     1945 


89 


size  to  the  atom  that  a  football  bears  to  a 
barn.  In  other  words,  not  the  atom  but  the 
electron  was  the  smallest  particle  of  matter 
and,  therefore,  the  rockbottom  of  the  uni- 
verse. 

This  electron  could  be  regarded  as  en- 
ergy and  as  matter,  and  from  this  it  fol- 
lowed that  matter  was  converted  into  en- 
ergy and  energy  into  matter.  There  was 
no  theoretical  moonshine  about  this.  The 
conversion  was  a  reality.  All  that  the  en- 
gineer did  when  he  generated  electricity 
was  to  tear  electrons  out  of  matter  and 
send  them  coursing  over  a  wire. 

The  Slave  at  Work 

With  this  new  knowledge,  Aladdin's 
lamp  becomes  a  reality.  It  takes  the  form 
of  an  electron  tube,  the  most  remarkable 
invention  of  our  time.  This  Aladdin's 
lamp  does  not  summon  slaves  to  build  pal- 
aces in  an  hour  or  to  produce  bags  of 
jewels,  as  it  did  in  the  Arabian  Nights. 
It  is  itself  a  slave  with  senses  and  capaci- 
ties that  outstrip  those  with  which  we  are 
endowed.  It  talks,  feels,  listens,  counts, 
sorts  and  measures,  all  because  of  its  deli- 
cate control  of  electrons.  It  may  cost  as 
little  as  25  cents  or  as  much  as  $1,500; 
it  may  be  as  small  as  an  acorn  or  as  big 
as  a  prizefighter;  it  may  assume  any  one 
of  about  2,000  different  forms;  it  already 
is  the  basis  of  an  industry  bigger  than  that 
engaged  in  making  automobiles,  a  five  bil- 
lion dollar  industry. 

Electron  tubes  are  older  than  the  war. 
Look  inside  your  radio  set  and  you  will  see 
them  glowing  faintly.  If  they  look  like 
small  electric  lamps,  it  is  because  they  were 
evolved  from  lamps.  There  is  a  filament 


coated  with  a  metal  compound  out  of  which 
electrons  fly  when  the  current  is  turned  on. 
But  there  is  also  a  little  metal  plate  and 
a  little  metal  grid  between  the  filament  and 
the  plate.  The  electrons  flow  from  the 
filament  through  the  grid  to  the  plate. 
If  the  grid  is  electrified  more  or  less,  the 
flow  may  be  a  mere  trickle,  or  it  may  be 
a  torrent.  English  engineers  call  such  a 
tube  a  "valve."  It  is  a  good  term  because 
it  defines  the  function  of  the  tube.  That 
grid  is  like  a  valve  in  a  pipe — something 
with  which  electrons  can  be  turned  on  and 
off  like  water.  The  electrons  that  strike 
the  plate  are  collected  in  the  form  of  a  cur- 
rent which  can  be  made  to  work  ma- 
chinery in  a  thousand  different  ways. 

A  tube  thus  constructed  made  radio 
broadcasting  possible.  In  one  form  it  shakes 
the  ether  into  waves  much  as  we  shake 
a  rope  tied  at  one  end  to  a  post.  The  ether 
waves  may  measure  a  few  inches  or  twenty 
miles  from  crest  to  crest,  and  they  can  be 
sent  around  the  earth  with  the  speed  of 
light.  The  tube  also  detects  the  waves 
even  when  they  are  all  but  spent.  Since 
only  a  minute  fraction  of  the  energy  sent 
out  by  a  station  is  received,  it  must  be  am- 
plified. Again  electron  tubes  come  into 
play.  And  how  they  amplify!  By  con- 
necting one  amplifying  tube  with  a  second, 
a  third,  or  a  twentieth,  if  need  be,  the 
crawling  of  a  fly  can  be  made  to  sound 
like  a  regiment  of  cavalry,  the  ticking  of 
a  watch  like  the  blows  of  a  trip-hammer. 

Walkie-Talkie  and  Television 

Because  some  tubes  can  be  made  no 
bigger  than  a  peanut,  radio  acquires  new 
potentialities.  Men  in  the  caboose  of  a 


mile-long  freight  train  can  talk  with  the 
engineer.  On  the  fighting  front  the  leader 
of  a  bombing  squadron  gives  orders  to 
pilots  under  his  command  and  takes  orders 
from  staff  headquarters  on  the  ground. 
Men  in  tanks  talk  with  one  another  and 
with  generals  in  the  rear.  The  apparatus 
required  can  be  packed  into  a  container 
not  much  larger  than  a  suitcase.  Still 
smaller  is  the  "walkie-talkie."  Parachute 
jumpers  and  patrols  use  it  to  communicate 
with  their  commanding  officers  miles  away. 
Brakemen  on  railroads  will  use  it  to  warn 
of  danger  when  a  train  is  stalled  instead 
of  walking  back  a  mile  and  waving  a  red 
flag.  In  a  recent  report,  the  Federal  Com- 
munications Commission  predicts  that  it 
will  give  physicians  a  calling  service  as  they 
make  their  rounds;  that  department  stores, 
dairies,  laundries,  and  other  business  houses 
will  use  it  to  give  drivers  instructions  on 
the  road;  that  captains  of  harbor  craft 
will  talk  with  their  offices;  that  farmers  in 
the  field  will  communicate  with  their  wives 
in  the  kitchen.  What  is  called  a  "personal 
radio  set"  no  bigger  than  a  cigarbox  has 
been  designed.  With  it  anybody  in  a  city 
can  talk  to  his  home  from  the  street.  We 
have  seen  only  the  beginning  of  radio. 

One  of  the  innovations  of  the  war  was 
radar — a  method  of  sending  out  radio 
waves  and  detecting  their  reflections  from 
hostile  aircraft  many  miles  away.  That 
invention  saved  Great  Britain  after  Dun- 
kerque  during  those  terrible  months  when 
English  towns  were  systematically  bombed 
for  weeks.  For  radar  made  it  possible  to 
concentrate  the  few  available  British  fight- 
ers exactly  where  they  could  do  the  most 
good.  We  shall  hear  more  of  radar  in 


An  electronic   "chemist"   which  tests   production   in   synthetic   rub- 
ber plants  more  swiftly  and  exactly  than  a  battery  of  technicians 


Westinghouse  photos 

Radio  waves  coat  tinplate  for  the  can  factory  ten  times  as  fast 
as    the    best    previous    methods,    and    save    tin    as    well    as    time 


90 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


civilian  life.  It  will  prevent  ships  from 
colliding  in  a  fog  or  running  aground  on 
a  rocky  coast,  warn  automobile  drivers  of 
danger  when  they  cannot  see  ahead.  Pilots 
of  passenger  airplanes  will  know  exactly 
how  high  they  are  over  an  elevation  on  an 
inky  night. 

Under  the  pressure  of  war  the  electron 
tube  has  acquired  new  powers.  Because  of 
this  acquisition,  television  on  a  grander 
scale  is  promised.  Viewing  screens  will  not 
be  of  present  handkerchief  size  but  as  large 
as  those  of  motion  picture  theaters.  House- 
wives will  probably  do  some  of  their  shop- 
ping by  television.  "Show  me  a  nice 
chicken,"  Mrs.  Jones  will  say,  whereupon 
the  butcher  will  hold  one  up  for  inspec- 
tion. Department  stores  will  similarly  ex- 
hibit their  smaller  and  lighter  wares. 

Since  we  have  been  spoiled  by  Holly- 
wood, we  shall  probably  demand  a  new 
television  play  every  day — a  prospect  that 
producers  shudder  at.  Where  are  the  script 
writers?  How  is  an  army  of  scene  build- 
ers to  be  recruited?  Where  are  the  actors 
who  will  be  required  for  the  televising  of 
several  hundred  plays  a  year?  The  fate 
of  the  motion  picture  theater  is  in  doubt, 
for  which  reason  Hollywood  companies  are 
as  much  interested  in  television  as  they 
are  in  films.  The  press,  already  somewhat 
concerned  about  the  broadcasting  of  news, 
is  wondering  what  will  happen  when  base- 
ball games,  prizefights,  sports  events,  in- 
augurations and  political  meetings  are 
brought  right  into  the  home,  with  all  the 
blare  of  brass  bands,  the  yells  of  the  crowd 
and  the  rapid-fire  interpretations  of  eye- 
witness commentators. 

Thinking  Machines 

More  elated  are  the  makers  of  business 
machines.  They  have  been  watching  the 
anti-aircraft  guns  from  afar — watching  be- 
cause their  fire  is  controlled  electronically. 
Consider  what  is  required  of  an  anti-air- 
craft battery's  crew.  Allowances  must  be 
made  for  the  speed  of  a  hostile  bomber, 
for  the  wind,  for  temperature,  for  baro- 
metric pressure,  even,  occasionally,  for  the 
rotation  of  the  earth.  There  is  no  time 
to  make  the  necessary  calculations  on  pa- 
per. Electron  tubes  make  the  corrections 
in  a  few  seconds,  so  that  the  guns  are 
pointed  at  the  place  where  the  hostile 
plane  will  be  and  fired  at  the  right  in- 
stant. 

The  electronic  mechanism  can  easily  be 
adapted  to  the  construction  of  new  busi- 
ness machines.  A  122-tube  electronic  mas- 
ter-mind has  already  been  devised  which 
saves  144,000  man-hours  annually  in  cali- 
brating apparatus  for  the  Signal  Corps. 
That  electronic  mind  calculates  faster  than 
any  mathematician  can,  and  it  never  makes 
a  mistake.  The  keeping  of  accounts,  the 
dunning  of  creditors  with  bills  will  be  as- 
signed to  girls  who  will  handle  cards  or 
slips  of  paper  just  as  they  now  feed  strips 
of  steel  into  a  machine,  and  electron  tubes 
will  do  the  rest.  Huge  machines  have  al- 
ready been  designed  which  occupy  more 
space  than  is  available  in  a  room  of  average 
size  and  which  solve  problems  in  higher 
mathematics  for  engineers.  The  pushing 
of  keys,  the  pulling  of  levers,  the  turning 

MARCH     1945 


General  Electric 

Electronic  motor  control  drives  in  the  Detroit  plant  of  Nash-Kelvinator  test  airplane 
propeller  governors.  Each  governor,  driven  by  a  motor  with  a  range  of  900  to  3,000  rptn, 
is  held  to  the  required  testing  speed  by  the  control,  even  with  a  widely  varying  load 


of  a  knob  or  two  is  all  that  is  necessary. 

When  we  enter  the  factory,  we  see  the 
electron  tube  at  work  in  ways  that  were 
inconceivable  only  ten  years  ago.  It  is  con- 
nected with  a  motor,  a  door,  a  conveyor- 
belt,  anything  that  moves,  cuts,  heats. 
Here,  a  giant  turbine  spins.  It  is  important 
to  know  what  the  spinning  drum  is  doing 
at  any  given  moment.  Pressure,  speed, 
temperature  and  a  few  other  factors  must 
be  known  to  give  the  answer.  The  electron 
tube  performs  the  task.  It  measures  all 
the  factors,  converts  them  into  meter  read- 
ings, so  that  a  man  has  only  to  watch 
a  finger  as  it  plays  over  a  dial  to  know 
what  is  happening  inside  the  turbine. 

Go  into  an  oil  refinery  and  you  see  the 
electron  tube  at  work  in  another  capacity. 
In  a  tower,  high  octane  gasoline  is  separated 
from  something  else.  Is  the  rate  of  separa- 
tion right?  Is  the  gasoline  pure?  The 
electron  tube  takes  the  place  of  the  chem- 
ist and  gives  the  information  wanted  in 
electrical  terms  and  in  meter  language. 
So  it  is  with  the  production  of  synthetic- 
rubber.  Suppose  furnace  gases  contain  too 
much  moisture.  Rust  is  then  inevitable, 
and  rust  is  the  enemy  of  the  steel  parts 
of  airplanes,  guns,  and  tanks.  The  elec- 
tron tube  stands  guard  and  warns  when  the 
gases  are  too  wet.  A  light  flashes  on  a 
panel  and  the  man  stationed  there  to  watch 
it  knows  what  must  be  done.  One  such 


electronic  recorder  can  measure  moisture 
in  a  gas  which  is  1,000  times  drier  than 
the  air  in  the  desert  of  Sahara. 

In  the  Lockheed  airplane  plant,  torches 
are  no  longer  used  to  weld  150-gallon 
fuel  tanks,  with  the  result  that  the  cost 
of  making  a  tank  has  been  reduced  to  one 
sixth  of  what  it  was.  Westinghouse  en- 
gineers have  made  it  possible  to  machine 
the  huge  propellers  of  an  aircraft  carrier 
700  percent  more  rapidly  than  before  by 
electronic  means.  Two  sharp  steel  cutting 
tools  are  automatically  and  electronically 
guided  over  the  surfaces  of  the  propeller 
(twenty-four  feet  in  diameter)  and  in  this 
way  perform  in  two  days  work  that  once 
took  two  weeks. 

The  Tube  in  Charge  of  Heat 

Heat  is  indispensable  in  nearly  every  in- 
dustrial operation.  Control  of  heat  in- 
volves control  of  temperature.  We  have 
thermometers  and  other  devices  enough  to 
measure  heat,  it  would  seem.  They  are  too 
coarse  when  the  difference  of  a  hundredth 
of  a  degree  spells  success  or  failure.  The 
electron  tube  steps  in  and  with  its  in- 
visible sensitive  fingers  swings  a  needle 
on  a  dial  and  thus  tells  from  second  to 
second  whether  there  is  too  much  or  too 
little  heat.  In  this  way  the  time  of 
brazing  some  machine  parts  has  been  re- 
duced from  four  minutes  to  forty  seconds. 


91 


Westinghouse 

The  phototitner  (mounted  at  bottom  of  screen  hood)  shuts  off  the  X-ray  tube  when  proper 
exposure    has    been    made.    It    steps    up    X-ray    pictures    to    six    a    minute,    1,000    a    day 


The  electron  tube  not  only  controls  but 
generates  heat.  Doctors  have  used  it  in 
this  fashion  to  set  up  artificial  fevers  within 
the  body  in  treating  arthritis  and  venereal 
diseases.  The  patient  sits  between  two 
plates.  Nothing  touches  him.  A  radio 
wave  passes  through  him,  heats  up  his 
tissues,  quickens  his  physiological  proces- 
ses. Inside  of  the  machine  are  the  elec- 
tron tubes  that  send  out  the  waves — actually 
radio  waves.  Fever  machines  built  on  the 
same  principle  are  found  in  many  a  war 
factory. 

If  heat  is  wanted  on  a  spot  of  metal  no 
bigger  than  a  pinhead,  the  electron  tube 
supplies  it;  if  the  area  is  a  square  yard, 
the  tube  obliges.  So  nice  is  the  applica- 
tion that  the  metal  can  be  heated  to  red- 
ness or  just  enough  to  achieve  a  technical 
purpose.  Only  three  years  ago  it  used 
to  take  hours  and  sometimes  days  to  set 
the  binder  that  holds  layers  of  plywood 
together.  The  electronic  fever  machine 
does  the  work  in  minutes  and  releases  men. 
Wherever  there  is  gluing  and  welding  to 
be  done  the  electron  tube  is  in  charge. 
Sheets  of  plastics  are  fused  into  boards. 
Strips  of  metal  are  "sewn"  together  at  the 
rate  of  1,800  invisible  stitches  a  minute. 
In  "spot-welding,"  electron  tubes  join 
metals  before  the  whole  mass  has  time 
to  heat  up.  If  there  is  polishing  to  be 
done,  the  electron  tube  is  switched  on  to 
melt  down  the  minute  hills  that  cause 
roughness. 

The  household  is  bound  to  profit  by  the 
introduction  of  the  electronic  fever  ma- 
chine. Bread,  cake,  stews,  roasts — all  can 
be  cooked  on  an  electronic  range.  You 
may  miss  the  golden  brown  crust  on  a 
loaf  of  bread  or  the  crisp  shell  of  a  roast 
beef,  for  the  electron  tube  sends  out  waves 
that  heat  bread  and  meat  from  the  inside 
out.  Still  it  is  something  that  you  can 
cook  a  stew  in  your  best  china  dish,  time 


the  process  to  the  second  and  let  the  range 
cut  off  the  heat  automatically  at  the  pre- 
determined instant. 

Hair-Trigger  Control 

When  it  comes  to  selective  action  there 
is  nothing  that  remotely  approaches  the 
electron  tube.  Electrons  are  always  nega- 
tively charged.  This  means  that  they  will 
fly  to  a  positively  charged  surface  and  away 
from  one  negatively  charged.  The  prin- 
ciple is  applied  in  painting.  If  a  metal 
kitchen  cabinet  is  to  be  painted,  a  tube  is 
switched  on  to  charge  the  paint  negatively, 
whereupon  the  paint  flies  to  the  positively 
charged  metal  surface  and  sticks  there. 
So  it  is  when  dust  is  to  be  precipitated 
from  values.  In  refining  plants,  powdered 
ore  is  dropped  on  a  slowly  rotating  drum 
electronically  sprayed  with  either  positive 
or  negative  electricity.  Ten  million  particles 
that  make  up  ten  pounds  of  concentrated 
ore  drop  off;  the  useless  rest  drops  off 
a  little  farther  on.  There  are  two  piles— 
the  one  concentrated  ore,  the  other  mere 
dirt.  It  is  possible  in  this  way  to  wring 
one  half  of  one  percent  of  tin  from  its 
ore. 

Some  of  these  electron  tubes  are  what 
the  engineer  calls  "rectifiers."  He  means 
that  they  change  alternating  into  direct  cur- 
rent. Direct  current  flows  in  one  direc- 
tion only,  like  water  in  a  pipe;  alternating 
current  swings  back  and  forth  usually 
sixty  times  a  second.  In  many  shops  and 
mills  the  motors  on  individual  machines  are 
driven  by  direct  current  because  speed 
can  thus  be  more  easily  controlled.  It  is 
possible  to  change  a  direct  current  into  an 
alternating  current  by  a  machine  called  a 
"converter"  and  thus  give  the  shop  what 
it  wants.  But  converters  are  difficult  to  ob- 
tain because  of  the  exigencies  of  war. 
The  electron  tube  now  does  the  conversion. 
It  performs  its  task  with  a  precision  that 


has  given  the  term  "scientific  management" 
a  new  meaning.  The  reason  is  that  the 
mechanical  tools  of  a  machine  shop  have 
a  rhythm  of  their  own.  Work  must  flow 
from  machine  to  machine  in  a  stream  that 
must  never  stop.  The  electron  tubes  control 
the  pace  of  individual  machines  and 
hence  the  whole  shop.  "You're  too  fast," 
they  say  to  a  motor  and  slow  it  down. 
Everywhere  in  the  shop  the  electron  tube 
watches  and  regulates.  The  control  is  of 
the  hair-trigger  type — sensitive  and  unfail- 
ing. 

The  Infallible  Watchman 

There  are  micrometers  in  machine  shops 
that  measure  sizes  down  to  the  ten- 
thousandth  of  an  inch.  The  electronic 
tube  does  better.  No  gauge  can  measure 
powders  which  consist  of  particles  that  may 
be  of  microscopic  dimensions.  But  the 
electron  tube  can.  In  fact  it  can  measure 
a  millionth  of  an  inch.  So  it  is  with 
vapors.  If  there  is  only  a  whiff  of  an  im- 
purity, the  electron  tube  will  detect  it 
and  flash  a  warning  red  light.  Fruit  grow- 
ers save  thousands  of  dollars  annually  by 
using  electronic  inspectors  to  throw  out 
oranges  and  pears  that  are  overweight,  un- 
derweight or  off-color — and  all  at  lightning 
speed. 

Most  of  these  sorters  are  photoelectric 
cells,  that  is,  tubes  which  change  light 
into  an  electric  current  by  which  auxiliary 
apparatus  can  be  set  in  motion.  Even  be- 
fore the  war  we  saw  what  the  photoelectric 
cell  could  do  in  railway  stations.  Carrying 
a  bag  with  one  hand,  a  suitcase  with  the 
other  we  approached  a  door.  As  we 
did  so  we  intercepted  a  beam  of  light  which 
fell  on  a  concealed  cell.  With  that  inter- 
ception a  circuit  was  completed  and  ap- 
paratus set  in  motion  that  obligingly  opened 
the  door  for  us.  When  we  passed  out  of 
the  beam  the  door  closed. 

The  same  principle  is  applied  in  several 
hundred  different  ways.  If  smoke  from 
a  chimney  is  too  thick — always  a  sign 
that  fuel  is  wasted — the  beam  of  light  is 
cut  off,  whereupon  engineers  are  warned 
that  their  fires  need  attention.  Anything 
can  be  electronically  counted — from  auto- 
mobiles traveling  through  a  tunnel  or  past 
a  given  point  on  the  road  to  bottles  or 
castings  on  a  belt  conveyor  or  printed 
sheets  as  they  come  off  the  press.  The 
thickness  of  paper  as  it  is  formed  from 
pulp  on  a  machine  can  be  thus  gauged 
and  held  constant.  Cracks  and  holes  in 
thin  sheets  can  be  detected. 

Go  into  any  good  pharmaceutical  labora- 
tory and  you  will  see  the  photoelectric 
cell  peering  into  a  solution  and  telling  the 
chemists  how  much  vitamin  it  contains. 
Go  into  a  tobacco  factory  and  you  will  see 
cells  sorting  fifteen-cent  from  ten-cent  ci- 
gars. Go  to  any  plant  where  powdered 
metals  are  pressed  and  sintered  into  ma- 
chine parts  and  you  will  see  the  cell  sort- 
ing the  particles  and  counting  them  at  the 
rate  of  50,000  a  minute.  An  elaborate  in- 
strument of  which  photoelectric  cells  are 
the  heart  and  brain  can  distinguish  two 
million  tints.  The  best  that  an  artist  can 
(Continued  on  page  106) 


92 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


FULL  EMPLOYMENT 

/.  A  British  Plan 


What  Beveridge  Proposes 

An  outline  of  policy  and  action  by  which  the  democracies  can  outlaw 
unemployment  in  peacetime,  and  provide  steady  jobs  and  steady  markets. 


MAXWELL  S.  STEWART 


TWO  YEARS  HAVE  PASSED  SINCE  SlR   WlLLIAM 

Beveridge  submitted  his  notable  report  on 
social  insurance  to  the  British  government. 
This  public  document,  bold  and  far-reach- 
ing though  it  was,  has  been  accepted  in 
its  essentials  by  the  Churchill  government 
as  the  pattern  for  reorganizing  Britain's  al- 
ready relatively  advanced  social  security 
system. 

But  as  Sir  William  emphasized  in  his 
report,  the  success  of  the  social  security 
program  depends  on  the  abolition  of  mass 
unemployment.  No  social  insurance  sys- 
tem can  provide  adequately  for  all  the  vic- 
tims of  social  misfortune  if  the  productive 
resources  of  the  country  are  largely  im- 
mobilized. Nor  can  security  be  regarded 
as  a  satisfactory  substitute  for  jobs.  As 
Sir  William  puts  it  in  his  inimitable  phrase- 
ology: 

"Idleness  is  not  the  same  as  Want,  but 
a  separate  evil  which  men  do  not  escape  by 
having  income.  They  must  also  have  the 
chance  of  rendering  useful  service  and  of 
feeling  that  they  are  doing  so." 

The  Peacetime  Problem 

Since  the  British  government  did  not 
ask  him  to  prepare  a  companion  study  on 
the  problems  of  full  employment,  Sir  Wil- 
liam undertook  the  task  on  his  own  re- 
sponsibility. The  absence  of  government 
assistance  has  naturally  restricted  the  scope 
of  his  study,  but  the  "policy"  for  full  em- 
ployment which  is  outlined  in  his  new 
book*  is  marked  by  the  same  clarity,  and 
the  same  mastery  of  both  details  and  es- 
sentials which  characterized  his  justly  cele- 
brated Beveridge  Plan.  With  the  result 
that  his  two  studies  stand  as  twin  beacons 
in  all  the  welter  of  discussion  of  postwar 
economic  policy  in  this  country  and  in 
Great  Britain. 

To  say  that  "Full  Employment  in  a 
Free  Society"  is  a  remarkable  book,  or  even 
an  outstanding  one,  is  an  understatement. 
While  it  may  never  be  a  best-seller  even 
among  serious  books  because  of  its  tech- 
nical nature,  it  is  the  kind  of  book  that 
exercises  tremendous  influence  on  the  so- 
cial and  economic  thinking  of  a  generation. 
If  we  are  wise  in  our  political  decisions,  it 
may  have  great  influence  on  the  recasting 
of  our  economic  mechanism  so  as  to  elimi- 
nate the  maladjustments  created  by  our 
modern  industrial  system. 

The  problem  of  creating  an  economy  that 
will  assure  jobs  for  all  is  far  more  com- 

*  Ft'T.r,  KMPLOYMFA'T  IV  A  FRF.E  SOCIETY, 
by  Sir  William  Beveridge.  Norton.  $3.75. 


— By  an  American  authority  on  employ- 
ment and  social  insurance.  Mr.  Stewart 
is  editor  of  the  Public  Affairs  Pamphlets, 
and  an  associate  editor  of  The  Nation. 
He  is  the  author  of  "Social  Security," 
"America  in  a  World  at  War,"  "Build- 
ing for  Peace  at  Home  and  Abroad." 

Survey  Graphic  readers  will  recall  his 
critique  of  the  National  Resources  Plan- 
ning Board  reports  on  demobilization 
and  social  security  in  our  special  issue, 
"From  War  to  Work." 


plicated  than  that  of  drawing  up  a  work- 
able program  of  social  security.  There  is 
little  in  the  peacetime  experience  of  either 
Great  Britain  or  the  United  States  to  indi- 
cate that  full  employment  is  a  practical  pos- 
sibility in  a  free  society. 

Since  the  industrial  revolution,  both 
countries  have  always  had  available,  ex- 
cept in  time  of  war,  considerably  more  men 
and  women  looking  for  jobs  than  there 
were  jobs  to  be  filled. 

Despite  all  the  furor  about  eliminating 
unemployment  during  the  past  two  or  three 
decades,  the  proportion  of  jobless  men  and 
women  has  never  been  higher  than  in  the 
period  between  World  War  I  and  World 
War  II.  Between  1921  and  1938  the  gen- 
eral unemployment  rate  in  Britain  aver- 
aged 14.2  percent.  In  those  seventeen  years 
there  was  only  one  brief  period  in  which  it 
fell  to  less  than  10  percent.  Furthermore, 
unemployment  was  much  more  severe  in . 
the  second  postwar  decade  than  in  the  first, 
and  more  severe  in  both  than  in  any  cor- 
responding period  before  World  War  I. 

American  workers  were  also  much  more 
severely  plagued  with  joblessness  between 
1930  and  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II 
than  at  any  previous  time.  Substantial  re- 


lief was  not  obtained  in  either  country  un- 
til the  rearmament  program  which  pre- 
ceded the  war. 

Yet  when  war  comes,  unemployment 
rapidly  melts  away.  That  has  been  true 
both  in  Britain  and  in  the  United  States, 
true  both  in  World  War  I  and  World  War 
II.  The  contrast  between  the  best  peace 
year  and  a  normal  war  year  is  startling. 

In  1937,  which  was  Britain's  best  year 
between  the  wars,  unemployment  was  cut 
to  approximately  1,500,000.  In  1943,  the 
number  was  not  more  than  100,000.  War 
presents  rather  conclusive  evidence  that  the 
number  of  jobs  in  the  world  is  not  limited 
— as  so  many  people  have  believed.  De- 
spite the  fact  that  millions  of  men  have 
been  taken  into  the  armed  forces,  the  num- 
ber of  industrial  jobs  has  increased  sub- 
stantially. Thus,  it  is  obvious  that  the  num- 
ber of  jobs  can  be  increased  whenever  the 
government  supplies  sufficient  incentive  for 
doing  so.  Our  problem  boils  down  to  that 
of  finding  peacetime  incentives  which  are 
comparable  to  those  afforded  by  war. 

Wartime  Lessons 

Some  of  the  factors  which  aid  in  pro- 
viding full  employment  during  a  war  can- 
not very  well  be  utilized  in  a  peacetime 
program.  During  war,  for  instance,  the 
individual  citizen  willingly  accepts  inter- 
ference with  his  control  over  the  purse- 
strings.  He  will  permit  a  much  higher 
level  of  taxation  than  in  peacetime;  he  will 
put  his  savings  into  government  bonds; 
permit  the  government  to  tell  him  what 
he  can  and  cannot  buy;  and  even  allow 
the  government  to  exercise  some  compul- 
sion in  telling  him  where  and  at  what 
tasks  he  should  work.  Since  no  one  wants 
such  controls  over  his  way  of  life  in  or- 
dinary times,  we  must  seek  a  peacetime 


GENERAL  EMPLOYMENT  RATE  1921-1938  (Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ireland) 


80 


\ 


1922        1925        1924       B25       1926        1927        1926       1929       1930       1931        1932       1933       1934       1935       1936      1927 

Chart  from  the  new  Beveridge  book 


MARCH.    1945 


93 


program  for  full  employment  that  can  op- 
erate without  them. 

Certain  lessons  can,  however,  be  distilled 
from  our  wartime  experience.  Chief  among 
these  is  the  necessity  for  setting  up  a  social 
goal  that  is  compelling  enough  to  com- 
mand the  support  of  all  groups  within  the 
community,  and  seeing  that  sufficient 
money  is  spent  to  attain  this  goal,  subject 
only  to  the  physical  limitations  imposed  by 
shortages  of  manpower  and  resources.  And 
while  it  is  not  thinkable  to  apply  compul- 
sion in  getting  workers  to  accept  specific 
jobs  in  peacetime,  the  government  can  and 
should  insist  on  the  elimination  of  all 
"featherbedding"  and  other  restrictions  on 
the  use  of  manpower.  Finally,  as  Sir 
William  reminds  us,  "war  experience  con- 
firms the  possibility  of  securing  full  em- 
ployment by  socialization  of  demand  with- 
out socialization  of  production." 

Let  us  examine  that  phrase.  In  peace 
or  in  war,  employment  depends  on  spend- 
ing, or  what  Beveridge  prefers  to  call  "out- 
lay." We  shall  have  full  employment  only 
if  enough  is  spent  to  create  a  demand  for 
goods  that  cannot  be  satisfied  without  using 
the  whole  manpower  of  the  country.  So 
far  as  employment  itself  is  concerned  it 
makes  no  difference  whether  the  increased 
spending  comes  from  private  business,  in- 
dividual citizens,  or  the  government.  Which 
source  the  money  comes  from  is  charged, 
of  course,  with  high  political  voltage,  but 
the  government  alone  is  in  a  position  to 
take  responsibility  for  seeing  that  outlay 
is  maintained.  No  one  else  has  the  neces- 
sary power,  and  bitter  experience  over  a 
period  of  many  years  shows  that  spending  is 
always  insufficient  unless  the  government 
takes  a  hand.  Sir  William  insists  that  it 
should  be  just  as  much  the  duty  of  the 
state  to  protect  its  citizens  against  mass 
unemployment,  by  assuring  adequate  spend- 
ing, as  it  is  to  defend  its  citizens  against 
attack  from  abroad  or  robbery  and  violence 
at  home,  by  the  use  of  army  and  police. 

The  "Human  Budget" 

To  achieve  this  objective,  Sir  William 
proposes  a  new  type  of  budget.  This  bud- 
get would  be  based,  not  upon  money,  but 
upon  available  manpower.  It  would  be  a 
"human  budget."  It  would  contain  esti- 
mates of  how  much,  assuming  full  em- 
ployment, individual  citizens  could  be  ex- 
pected to  spend  in  the  following  year.  The 
amount  of  public  outlay  that  would  be 
necessary  to  maintain  full  employment 
could  then  be  computed.  If  this  outlay  can 
be  met  within  the  limits  of  taxation  al- 
ready assumed,  well  and  good.  But  if  the 
government  is  serious  about  full  employ- 
ment, it  must  be  prepared  just  as  in  war- 
time to  spend  as  much  over  and  above  its 
receipts  in  taxes  as  the  emergency  requires. 

As  an  illustration,  Sir  William  prepares 
a  British  budget  for  1948.  Its  principal 
items  are: 

1.  Private  consumption  outlay; 

2.  Public   consumption   outlay; 

3.  Net  private  home  investment; 

4.  Public  outlay  based  on  revenue; 

5.  Public  outlay  based  on  loans; 


6.  Balance  of  payments  from  abroad;  and 

7.  A  computation  of  unused  resources — 
derived    by    subtracting    the    total    of 
items  1-6  from  the  estimated  capacity 
output  with  full  employment. 

It  is  estimated  that  with  full  employ- 
ment Britain's  total  output  in  1948  should 
be  approximately  20  percent  higher  than 
in  1938.  This  would  permit  a  19  percent 


SIR  WILLIAM  BEVERIDGE 


Delar 


increase  in  individual  consumer  spending 
(in  contrast  to  the  21  percent  reduction 
which  resulted  from  the  war)  and  a  25  per- 
cent increase  in  investments. 

Uses  of  Outlay 

The  essence  of  the  Beveridge  program  is 
to  be  found,  of  course,  in  the  things  which 
the  government  undertakes  in  order  to 
increase  and  maintain  spending  at  a  level 
that  will  provide  jobs  for  all.  Everyone 
understands  how  this  is  done  in  time  of 
war.  But  there  is  profound  skepticism  in 
conservative  circles  regarding  its  possibility 
in  peacetime.  Beveridge  does  not  rely 
merely  on  public  works,  or  on  a  combina- 
tion of  public  works  and  relief  as  did  the 
United  States  in  the  1930's.  His  program 
is  a  comprehensive  one  involving: 

Public  spending  for  non-marketable 
goods  and  services,  such  as  roads,  schools, 
hospitals,  defense,  and  order; 

Investment  in  a  socialized  sector  of  in- 
dustry, including  transport,  power  and 
either  coal  or  steel; 

Creation  of  a  National  Investment  Board 
to  provide  loans  and  tax  rebates  to  private 
investment; 

Encouragement  of  low  prices  for  essen- 
tial consumer  goods — if  necessary,  by  a 
system  of  subsidies; 

Increase  in  private  spending  by  increased 
national  income  and  broadened  social  se- 
curity provisions. 

Among  the  items  on  which  the  govern- 
ment is  urged  to  increase  its  spending  dur- 
ing the  postwar  period  in  order  to  im- 
prove British  living  standards  are:  a  na- 
tional health  service,  nutrition,  a  broadened 


educational  system,  town  and  city  planning, 
and,  of  course,  the  expanded  social  security 
program  known  popularly  as  "the  Bever- 
idge Plan." 

Some  attention,  he  holds,  will  also  need 
to  be  given  to  the  location  of  industries. 
This  is  a  particularly  crucial  problem  in 
Britain  because  of  overcrowding  in  and 
around  London  and  the  state  of  the  "de- 
pressed areas."  A  measure  of  governmental 
control  over  industrial  shifts  he  regards  as 
an  essential  part  of  a  full  employment  pro- 
gram. 

Distribution  of  Labor 

Even  more  crucial,  and  more  difficult,  is 
the  problem  of  controlling  the  location  of 
labor  so  that  there  will  not  be  too  many 
workers  in  some  localities,  too  few  in  others. 
An  analysis  of  prewar  unemployment  in 
Britain  shows  that  while  every  industry  and 
every  section  of  the  country  had  more 
workers  than  available  jobs,  some  sections 
suffered  much  more  severely  than  others. 
In  1937,  for  example,  the  unemployment 
rate  varied  from  approximately  6  percent 
in  the  London  area  to  24  percent  in  Wales 
and  26  percent  in  Northern  Ireland. 

In  a  totalitarian  state,  the  task  of  shift- 
ing workers  from  one  area  to  another  pre- 
sents no  problem.  They  can  be  ordered  to 
move,  regardless  of  convenience  or  senti- 
ment. But  such  compulsion  is  intolerable 
in  a  free  society.  Sir  William  believes, 
however,  that  some  pressure  might  be  used 
to  encourage  workers  to  accept  jobs  away 
from  home.  Thus  in  the  case  of  young 
workers  who  have  been  trained  at  state  ex- 
pense, he  feels  that  the  government  would 
be  justified  in  continuing  the  wartime  re- 
quirement of  compulsory  use  of  the  labor 
exchanges.  And  he  suggests  that  if  the 
government  lives  up  to  its  responsibility  of 
providing  enough  jobs  for  all,  it  would  be 
justified  in  imposing  stiff  conditions  for 
unemployment  benefits  on  those  who  re- 
main out  of  work  in  one  locality  for  any 
length  of  time.  Beyond  this,  he  suggests 
that  the  restrictions  on  employment  en- 
forced by  trade  unions  and  professional 
bodies  should  be  rigorously  reviewed  to 
see  if  they  are  still  applicable  under  con- 
ditions of  full  employment. 

Of  crucial  significance  to  Great  Britain 
and  of  almost  as  great  concern  to  the 
United  States  are  the  implications  of  Bev- 
eridge's  full  employment  program  as  these 
bear  on  world  trade  and  prosperity.  Ob- 
viously, Britain  cannot  hope  to  improve 
living  conditions  and  provide  jobs  for  all 
of  its  workers  without  considerable  trade 
with  other  countries.  But  this  imperative 
raises  fresh  issues  of  international  relations. 

American  Applications 

Many  Britishers  are  fearful  of  linking 
their  economy  too  closely  with  that  of  the 
United  States  lest  they  suffer  a  repetition 
of  the  events  of  1929.  If  Britain  follows 
a  policy  of  full  employment  but  the  United 
States  does  not,  Britain  might  readily  be- 
come a  victim  of  our  policy  of  "exporting 
unemployment" — or,  as  we  prefer  to  call  it, 
of  "stimulating  exports."  If  the  United 
States  and  other  countries  continue  to  pur- 
sue nationalistic  economic  policies  after  the 
(Continued  on  page  105) 


94 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


FULL  EMPLOYMENT 
//.  American  Bill 


From  Patchwork  to  Purpose 

Four  ranking  senators  throw  into  open  discussion  the  momentous 
issue  of  where  we  go  after  the  war — and  how  we  can  get  started. 


LEON  H.  KEYSERLING 


WITHOUT  FANFARE,  LAST  JANUARY,  JAMES 
E.  Murray  of  Montana,  chairman  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Education  and  Labor, 
introduced  the  "Full  Employment  Bill  of 
1945."  Joined  with  him  as  co-authors  were: 

Robert  F.  Wagner,  New  York,  chairman, 
Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency; 

Elbert  D.  Thomas,  Utah,  chairman,  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs;  and 

Joseph  C.  O'Mahoney,  Wyoming,  chair- 
man of  the  recent  Temporary  National 
Economic  Committee. 

Representative  Wright  Patman,  Texas, 
introduced  a  companion  bill  in  the  House. 

The  range  of  sponsorship  is  significant; 
and  so  was  the  timing,  for  that  was  the 
first  month  of  a  new  Congress  which,  we 
can  hope,  will  prove  the  first  postwar  Con- 
gress. 

Regardless  of  the  vicissitudes  it  may  face 
before  coming  to  a  vote,  this  bill  is  central 
to  present  public  concern.  Its  short  confines 
and  simple  provisions  embrace  such  vital 
matters  as  the  relationships  between  in- 
dustry and  government;  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Congress;  between  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  people. 

At  such  a  juncture,  it  is  good  to  remem- 
ber that  democratic  states  thrive  upon  the 
basis  of  agreement  about  fundamentals. 
Even  our  cherished  rights  to  debate  and 
dissent — such  as  freedom  of  speech,  of  con- 
science, of  assembly — derive  from  a  few 
accepted  propositions  written  into  the  Con- 
stitution. Thus  without  complete  agreement 
about  freedom  of  speech,  no  one  could 
speak  out  in  disagreement  about  anything. 

Our  economic  progress,  like  our  political 
freedom,  depends  in  this  same  way  upon 
reconciling  the  privilege  of  differing  about 
many  matters  with  the  capacity  to  arrive 
freely  at  an  accord  about  some  essentials. 
Can  we  say  as  much  for  this  Full  Employ- 
ment Bill — that  it  stems  from  heartening 
agreement  on  a  few  dominant  factors  to  be 
reckoned  with  in  our  industrial  affairs?  Let 
me  cite  half  a  dozen  in  sequence: 

The  Opportunity  That  Is  Ours 

1.  Our  unrivaled  American  aptitude  for 
technological  advance,  spurred  on  by  the 
depression  years  and  since  driven  harder 
by  the  impulse  of  total  war,  has  exceeded 
the  most  fanciful  expectations.  Witness 
Hagen  and  Kirkpatrick.  In  the  American 
Economic  Review  (September  1944)  they 
estimate  that  the  output  per  man  hour  in  a 
grouping  of  basic  industries  rose  from  an 
index  of  100  for  1923-25  to  122  for  1929, 
to  167  for  1940.  Viewing  the  marvels  of  war 


production,  they  conclude  that  the  index 
may  well  go  above  232  by  1950. 

The  increase  has  not  been  so  startling 
in  other  industries  or  in  agriculture.  Yet  if 
we  couple  this  rising  efficiency  with  reason- 
ably full  employment,  it  has  been  calculated 
that  (at  the  1944  price  level)  the  value  of 
our  annual  gross  national  product,  which 
stood  at  106  billion  dollars  in  1929,  slumped 
to  76  billion  in  1932,  and  rose  to  115  billion 
in  1939— will  reach  195  to  200  billion 
dollars  by  1950. 

Allowing  for  increases  in  population,  this 
would  mean  by  1950  a  general  output  per 
capita  more  than  50  percent  higher  than  in 
the  peak  "prosperity"  year  of  1929. 

2.  If  we  come  near  this  attainable  goal, 
we  can  assure  the  economic  upgrading  of 
the  average  family  and   at  the  same  time 
preserve    individual    initiative,    unusual    re- 
ward for  unusual  merit,  and  full  incentives 
to  legitimate  private  risk-taking. 

Without  making  it  impossible  for  any 
to  get  rich,  we  can  make  it  unnecessary  for 
any  to  suffer  proverty. 

3.  These  bright  prospects  have  their  dis- 


— The  general  counsel  of  the  National 
Housing  Agency  is  a  South  Carolinian 
who  studied  law  at  Harvard  and  post- 
graduate economics  at  Columbia. 

Writing  here  personally,  he  has  had 
much  experience  up  and  down  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue.  Thus,  he  spent  the  mid- 
Thirties  on  Capitol  Hill  as  an  assistant 
to  Senator  Robert  F.  Wagner,  on  the 
latter's  great  bills  on  Housing  and  Labor 
Relations,  National  Recovery  and  Social 
Security.  Then  came  five  years  as  deputy 
administrator  of  the  United  States  (now 
Federal  Public)  Housing  Authority. 

Up  to  his  elbows  in  war  and  postwar 
matters  in  his  present  post,  he  was  one 
of  35,767  entrants  a  year  ago  for  the 
"Postwar  Employment  Awards"  offered 
by  the  Pabst  Brewing  Co.,  in  celebrating 
its  centennial.  The  judges  were  Clarence 
Dykstra,  Wesley  C.  Mitchell,  Beardsley 
Ruml,  and  A.  F.  Whitney. 

Mr.  Keyserling's  entry  (rated  second 
— $10,000)  called  for  an  American 
Economic  Goal;  for  concerted  policies  to 
lift  not  only  production  and  employ- 
ment, but  also  standards  of  living;  and 
for  a  continuing  inventory  as  both  yard- 
stick and  lever.  These  concepts  he  ap- 
plies in  appraising  "The  Full  Employ- 
ment Bill  of  1945"— S.  380;  H.R.  2,202. 


mal  counterpoint,  if  the  shortcomings  of 
the  past  pervade  the  future.  So  long  as  our 
economic  system  retains  its  brittleness,  the 
impact  of  twenty  million  veterans  and  ex- 
war  workers  looking  for  postwar  jobs 'will 
deal  it  a  shattering  blow.  That  is,  one  which 
ultimately  might  smash  us  down  into  a 
depression  as  much  larger  than  the  de- 
pression of  the  Thirties  as  our  effort  in  this 
war  has  been  larger  than  our  effort  in  the 
last  war. 

4.  Which  of  these  two  roads  we  follow 
will  not  be  left  to  fate.  It  will  be  a  man- 
made  choice,  representing  a  compound  of 
economic  policies  and  programs  put  into 
effect  by  industry,  agriculture,  labor,  and 
government.  Our  future  is  in  their  hands 
rather,  if  we  will,  in  our  own. 


5.  In  order  that  this  compound  of  policies 
and  programs  achieve  optimum  results,  it 
is  essential  that  industry,  agriculture,  labor, 
and  government  work  together. 

This  imposes  a  double  obligation  upon 
the  federal  government.  As  itself  the  largest 
single  conditioner  of  our  economy  as  a 
whole,  its  actions  must  be  reasonably  clear, 
stable,  and  thought  through  to  their  ulti- 
mate implications.  It  must  also  take  the 
leadership  (for  no  other  agency  can)  in 
bringing  its  own  variegated  economic  activ- 
ities into  harmony  (through  conference  and 
agreement)  with  those  of  private  enterprise, 
organized  labor,  and  of  our  state  and  local 
governments. 

For  each  of  these  performers  to  take  a 
proper  part  in  our  national  symphony  of 
productive  effort,  there  must  be  a  score. 
Clearly  each  of  them  should  play  the  in- 
strument for  which  his  gifts  are  greatest; 
yet,  if  all  of  them  are  to  keep  clear  of 
discord,  someone  must  wield  a  baton.  Such 
is  the  tradition  of  music;  but  dictation  does 
not  fit  into  the  orchestration  of  democracy. 

6.  Hence  we  must  find  equivalents  for 
score  and  director  if  we  are  to  make  the 
music  we  want  to  hear.  We  must  have  a 
unifying  American  Economic  Policy  di- 
rected toward  a  common  American  Eco- 
nomic Goal.  (Of  these,  more  later.) 

The  Gap  Filled  by  the  Bill 

Once  we  found  substantial  agreement  on 
such  points  as  these,  it  would  be  a  far  cry 
from  the  time  when  serious  men  accepted 
literally  that  the  poor  should  always  be  with 
us;  or  shook  their  heads  forlornly  at  the 
natural  and  immutable  laws  of  the  "dismal 


MARCH     1945 


95 


FULL  EMPLOYMENT   IN   AMERICA 


SOCIAL  SECURITY  SYSTEM  WHICH 

WILL  PROTECT  SEASONAL  EMPLOYEES.  ETC. 


60  _  MILLION  JOBS 


WORKS;  HOUSING  &  OTHER  VITAL 
PROJCTS  EMPLOYING  UNUSED  MANPOWER. 


R.F.C  &  OTHER  GOVERNMENT  LOANS  TO  PRIVATE 
ENTERPRISE  ESPECIALLY  SMALL  BUSINESS. 


FURTHER  EMPLOYMENT  IN  PRIVATE  ENTER- 
PRISE STIMULATED  BY  GOV'T  RESEARCH 
FACT-FINDING  INCENTIVES  &  INSURANCE. 


MAXIMUM  EMPLOYMENT 
IN  PRIVATE  ENTERPRISE 
ENCOURAGED   BY 
WELL  DEVISED    TAX 
BANKING    &    OTHER 
FISCAL  POLICIES 


m 


FOUNDATION: 
AN  INTEGRATED  ECONOMIC 
POLICY  BASED  ON 
COMBINED  JUDGMENT 
OF  INDUSTRY  AGRICULTURE 

LABOR  a  GOVERNMENT. 


THIS  CHART  ILLUSTRATES  THE  PROCESS.     IT  IS  NOT    INTENDED  TO  DEFINE  THE  NUMBER  OF  JOBS    FURNISHED 
BY  EACH  METHOD 


96 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


But  even  with  consensus  about  what  we 
have  and  what  we  need,  there  would  re- 
main one  difficulty  that  has  balked  us  at 
every  turn.  Aside  from  our  war  effort,  we 
have  not  yet  arrived  at  enough  fundamental 
agreements — or  even  the  machinery  for 
achieving  them — with  respect  to  the  content 
or  the  application  of  an  integrated  economic 
policy  to  carry  us  where  we  want  to  go. 

Curiously  indeed,  in  a  pragmatic  and 
practical  people,  we  have  not  developed  any 
device  for  a  continuing  inventory  of  exist- 
ing and  largely  disjointed  public  policies 
even  to  measure  whether  these  are  working 
well  or  badly. 

The  Full  Employment  Bill  is  designed  to 
fill  in  this  gap.  It  would  blend  the  economic 
programs  of  private  enterprise  and  public 
agencies  into  one  American  Economic  Pol- 
icy headed  toward  what  might  be  called  an 
American  Economic  Goal.  No,  the  bill  does 
not  use  these  terms.  The  goal  stated  is 
simply  this: 

".  .  .  the  existence  at  all  times  of  sufficient 
employment  opportunities  to  enable  all 
Americans  who  have  finished  their  school- 
ing and  who  do  not  have  full  time  house- 
keeping responsibilities  freely  to  exercise 
.  .  .  the  right  to  useful,  remunerative,  regu- 
lar and  full  time  employment." 

But  if  we  broaden  this  idea  of  full  em- 
ployment to  include,  also,  the  best  utiliza- 
tion of  our  natural  resources  and  technical 
skills  (this,  the  bill  at  least  implies)  then  it 
may  be  said  that  it  sets  forth  as  our  Amer- 
ican postwar  objective: 

The  achievement  of  the  highest  levels  o/ 
production  and  presumably  the  highest 
standards  of  living  that  are  within  our 
reach. 

A  goal  of  this  kind,  aside  from  the  means 
of  attaining  it,  would  not  seem  subject  to 
much  debate.  Nor  would  there  seem  much 
room  for  questioning  the  stated  policy  of 
the  bill  that  as  much  of  this  achievement 
as  possible  should  be  through  the  medium 
of  private  enterprise  and  other  non-federal 


WHAT  THE  AVERAGE  AMERICAN  WORKER  CAN  DO 


PRODUCTION    PER    MAN-HOUR    IN     BASIC    INDUSTRIES 


232 


167 


122 


100 


PRE-WAR 

'NORMALCY' 

(1923-25) 


PRE-WAR 

'PROSPERITY' 

(1929) 


FIRST  YEAR  OF 
'NATIONAL  DEFENSE' 
(1940) 


WHAT  AMERICA  CAN   PRODUCE 


GROSS    NATIONAL   PRODUCT     IN     BILLIONS     OF     DOLLARS 


(1944  PRICES) 


$    195*200    BILLION 


$  195-200   BILLION 


ESTIMATED  FOR 
'MIDDLE  OF 
POST-WAR   DECADE" 
(1950) 


undertakings.     This   course   stems   soundly 
from  Lincoln's  statescraft  that 

"It  is  the  function  of  the  government  to 
do  for  the  people  only  what  they  need  to 
have  done  and  cannot  do  for  themselves, 
or  cannot  do  so  well,  in  their  separate  and 
individual  capacities." 

The  Core  of  the  Bill 

'  The  measure,  as  drafted,  rapidly  gets 
down  to  earth  in  the  industrial  civilization 
that  has  sprung  up  in  the  United  States 
since  Lincoln's  time.  It  designs  machinery 
for  formulating  such  an  over-all  economic 
policy,  for  gearing  it  to  such  an  American 
postwar  objective,  and  for  consecutively 
evaluating  the  means  used  in  terms  of  the 
ends  sought. 

Specifically,  the  bill  provides  that  at  the 
beginning  of  each  regular  session  of  Con- 
gress, the  President  shall  transmit  a  Na- 


$    106  BILLION 

Jj||fi: 

?':SS:S:£-SxSx¥£:-:'-:'' 

1$    76  BILLION 

il 

PRE-WAR                             PRE-WAR 

FULL  WAR     PRO-              ESTIMATED    FOR 

"PROSPERITY"                    'DEPRESSION'                      DUCTION'  EXCESS             REASONABLY 

3-4    MILLION                      15  MILLION                            CIVILIAN   EMPLOY-           FULL  EMPLOYMENT 

UNEMPLOYED  (1929)        UNEMPLOYED  (1932)          ,MENT,  BUT   11                       IN   I960 

MILLION  IN  ARMED 

FORCES   (1944) 

tional  Production  and  Employment  Budget. 
This  would  set  forth,  in  substance,  an  esti- 
mate of  what  at  the  time  would  constitute 
full  employment  coupled  with  an  estimate 
of: 

1.  How  much  employment  is  in  prospect 
as  the  sum  total  of  all  private  and  other 
non-federal  undertakings. 

2.  How  far  these  undertakings  will  fall 
short  of  the  yardstick  of  full  employment. 

3.  What  policies  the  federal  government 
can   and   should   utilize   to   maximize   the 
success    of   these   private    and   other   non- 
federal  undertakings  in  achieving  full  em- 
ployment; and,  as  a  final  supplement, 

4.  What    programs   the    federal   govern- 
ment itself  needs   to   undertake   to  assure 
full    employment.    (Present    estimates    put 
that  at  50  or  60  million  jobs.) 

The  bill  contemplates,  also,  that  the 
President  shall  from  time  to  time  transmit 
to  the  Congress  information  and  legislative 
recommendations  bearing  upon  this  Na- 
tional Production  and  Employment  Budget. 

On  the  congressional  side,  the  bill  would 
establish  a  Joint  Committee  on  the  National 
Production  and  Employment  Budget.  This, 
in  turn,  would  be  composed  of  the  chair- 
man and  ranking  minority  members  of 
the  Senate  committees  on  Appropriations, 
Banking  and  Currency,  Education  and 
Labor,  and  Finance,  and  seven  additional 
members  of  the  Senate  appointed  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate.  It  would  include, 
also,  the  chairmen  and  ranking  minority 
members  of  the  House  Committees  on  Ap- 
propriations, Banking  and  Currency,  Labor, 
and  Ways  and  Means,  and  seven  additional 
members  of  the  House  appointed  by  the 
Speaker.  Party  representation  on  the  Joint 
Committee  would  reflect  automatically  the 
relative  membership  of  the  majority  and 
minority  parties. 

The  bill  provides  further  that  the  Joint 
Committee  shall  study  this  new  type  of 
budget  transmitted  by  the  President,  and 
by  March  1  shall  report  its  findings  and 
recommendations  to  the  Senate  and  the 
House,  together  with  a  joint  resolution 
setting  forth  for  the  ensuing  fiscal  year  a 


MARCH     1945 


97 


general  policy  to  serve  as  guide  to  the  com- 
mittees on  Capitol  Hill  dealing  with  re- 
lated legislation. 

The  Place  of  the  Bill  in  Our  Thinking 

It  can  safely  be  said  that  no  future  his- 
torian will  be  able  to  date  the  decline  of 
the  Republic  from  the  introduction  of  this 
bill!  It  proposes  no  redistribution  of  func- 
tions between  the  Congress  and  the  Presi- 
dent. It  fastens  upon  no  single  economic 
program  or  panacea  for  producing  full  em- 
ployment, nor  does  it  introduce  specific 
economic  measures  that  have  not  now  been 
tried  out.  It  involves  neither  socialization 
nor  nationalization  of  anything  that  is 
now  privately  owned  or  operated. 

So  far  as  philosophy  goes,  the  bill 
preaches  neither  the  expansion  of  govern- 
mental functions  nor  the  contraction  of 
voluntary  initiative.  To  the  contrary,  it  ex- 
plicitly requires  that  every  effort  be  made 
to  enlarge  our  system  of  private  enterprise 
as  our  first  and  longest  front  against  un- 
employment. 

As  a  second  line  of  defense,  the  bill  con- 
templates that,  by  some  method,  the  gov- 
ernment shall  provide  jobs  for  those  who 
want  work  when  all  other  methods  have 
failed  to  employ  them.  But  this  residual 
responsibility  of  government  by  the  people, 
for  the  people,  was  itself  put  forward  last 
fall  with  equal  fervor  by  Franklin  D. 
Roosevelt  and  Thomas  E.  Dewey. 

What  is  more — two  considerations  that 
have  not  always  been  uppermost  in  the 
past — the  bill  requires  that  jobs  provided 
through  direct  public  action  shall  be  tested 
in  terms  of  their  effect  upon  stimulating 
private  enterprise  and  in  terms  of  the  value 
of  their  end  products. 

More  difficult  to  allay  may  be  trepidation 
that  a  thorough-going  national  policy  to 
assure  full  employment  would  tend  toward 
the  spread  of  bureaucracy,  toward  public 
control  and  operation  in  an  ever-increasing 
area  of  economic  activity. 

Wise  application  of  the  act  would  pull 
strongly  in  exactly  the  opposite  direction. 
Let  us  suppose,  for  example,  that  a  National 
Production  and  Employment  Budget  had 
been  in  effect  during  a  period  of  reasonably 
high  employment  before  1929.  One  factor 
entering  into  that  fall's  crisis  was  the  failure 
of  mass  purchasing  power  to  keep  pace 
with  productive  capacity.  Other  factors 
were  rampant  speculation  in  securities  and, 
in  reaction  to  this,  the  psychology  of  busi- 
ness fear  and  contraction  which  came  to  a 
head  in  the  stock  market  crash. 

Under  a  National  Production  and  Employ- 
ment Budget,  depressive  tendencies  would 
have  been  registered  through  its  continuing 
annual  inventories — long  before  the  country 
was  thrown  into  the  spiral  of  depression. 

By  1927,  the  economic  brains  and  re- 
sources of  America  could  have  been  mar- 
shaled to  exercise  a  corrective  influence  all 
along  the  line.  As  time  wore  on,  President 
Hoover  sensed  this,  but  his  plea  to  stop 
wage  cutting  went  unheeded. 

Concerted  advance  action  throughout  the 
highly  strategic  areas  of  prices,  taxes  and 
wages,  accompanied  by  moderate  public 
works,  would  have  written  a  different  story 
and  gone  a  long  way  toward  maintaining 


98 


our  economy  in  equilibrium.  Much  of  this 
could  have  been  voluntary;  some  would 
have  required  legislation  or  compulsion. 
Prompt  public  moves  in  a  limited  sphere 
might  have  averted  a  major  economic 
catastrophe.  There  would  have  been  no 
occasion  for  the  infinitely  more  sweeping 
governmental  undertakings  which  the 
actual  catastrophe  provoked. 

This  illustration  suggests  a  variety  of 
reasons  why  such  a  system  for  budgetary 
production  and  employment  should  sim- 
plify and  pare  down  the  governmental  struc- 
ture. The  testing  of  each  separate  admin- 
istrative institution  in  terms  of  a  single 
American  Economic  Policy  would  help 
weed  out  duplication  and  cross-purposes.  A 
constant  inventory  of  economic  trends  in 
general  and  of  the  economic  consequences  of 
policies  already  in  effect,  would  encourage 
the  stitch  in  time  that  saves  nine.  By 
keeping  our  economic  affairs  on  an  even 
keel,  the  proliferation  of  remedial  and 
rescue  ventures  can  be  avoided.  In  short,  to 
compress  these  analogies  into  a  rule  of 
thumb: 

If  the  American  government,  in  concert 
with  industry,  agriculture,  and  labor,  did  a 
few  things  very  well,  it  would  become 
unnecessary  for  it  to  attempt  under  duress 
of  emergency  a  great  variety  of  things  with 
varying  degrees  of  success. 

Of  course,  the  economic  specifics  for  ef- 
fecting a  smooth  transition  from  war  to 
peace  are  very  different  from  those  which 
might  have  averted  or  have  minimized  the 
depression  of  the  Thirties.  But  the  Full 
Employment  Bill  does  not  involve  pre-com- 
mitment  to  details.  As  illustrated  by  the 
accompanying  chart  (page  96),  it  presents 
instead  a  new  method  for  developing  sound 
measures  to  meet  current  problems  in  their 
sequence.  It  has  the  merit  of  being  oppor- 
tune, without  the  demerit  of  resorting 
habitually  to  improvization  to  handle  a 
crisis.  It  leaves  room  for  fresh  experiment 
without  abandoning  the  hard  lessons  of 
experience. 

When  Things  Are  Left  at  Loose  Ends 

What,  in  truth,  has  our  experience  taught 
us?  By  way  of  illustration,  more  than  half 
a  century  ago  we  initiated  the  anti-trust 
laws.  It  is  not  important,  here,  to  appraise 
whether  these  laws  were  wise  or  not.  The 
point  to  be  made  is  that  even  while  Uncle 
Sam  was  shaking  the  big  stick  at  the 
trusts,  federal  tariff  and  tax  policies  moved 
in  diametrically  the  opposite  direction — to- 
ward encouraging  nothing  less  than  large 
scale  enterprise  and  monopoly.  Not  only 
were  these  two  sets  of  policies  in  conflict — 
responsive  to  different  social  pressures  and 
tuned  to  tickle  different  political  ears — but 
there  was  never  much  meticulous  checking 
as  to  whether  they  were  accomplishing 
clear  objectives,  however  inconsistent  these 
might  be. 

Moreover,  the  failure  to  orientate  the 
anti-trust  laws  themselves  to  goals  for  the 
economy  as  a  whole,  led  inescapably  to 
vagaries  when  we  came  to  apply  them.  We 
commenced  to  promote  recovery  in  1933 
by  a  virtual  suspension  of  these  laws.  We 
sought  to  prevent  business  recession  after 
1937  by  reinvigorating  them.  And  we  have 


gone  about  promoting  the  war  effort  in 
some  quarters  by  enforcing  anti-trust  laws, 
in  other  quarters  by  ignoring  them. 

In  contrast,  the  series  of  economic  mea- 
sures enacted  in  1933  and  after  represented 
a  concerted  effort  to  develop  a  system  of 
interrelated  public  policies.  Nonetheless,  it 
has  been  observed  frequently  that  the  Na- 
tional Industrial  Recovery  Act  and  the 
Agricultural  Adjustment  Act,  the  two  big 
cylinders  of  the  New  Deal  recovery  ma- 
chine, were  in  some  degree  incompatible. 

There  were  three  main  programs  under 
the  Recovery  Act  itself — one  designed  to 
strengthen  labor  through  encouragement  of 
collective  bargaining;  another,  to  strengthen 
trade  associations  and  tending  toward  re- 
stricted production;  and  the  third,  to  ex- 
pand production  and  employment  through 
public  works.  These  programs  soon  became 
conspicuously  strange  bedfellows.  Some  of 
the  conflicts  were  smoothed  over;  none  was 
completely  rationalized. 

Our  need  for  a  unified  American  Eco- 
nomic Policy  is  not  limited  to  times  of 
stress.  Our  social  security  program  sprang 
from  emergency  in  the  mid-Thirties,  but 
in  the  years  since,  the  program  as  it  has 
developed  has  exhibited  the  same  need  for 
wider  unity.  Take  unemployment  compen- 
sation which  was  advocated  along  three 
lines: 

To  spur  managements  to  concentrate 
upon  stabilizing  employment; 

To  check  the  spread  of  unemployment  by 
maintaining  purchasing  power;  and 

To  provide  compensation  (not  charity) 
for  those  unemployed. 

These  three  purposes  are  not  rriutually 
exclusive;  all  of  them  are  worthwhile,  but 
the  system  should  delineate  paramount  and 
secondary  objectives  and  be  accompanied  by 
some  device  for  measuring  success  ir 
achieving  each  of  them. 

Collateral  effects,  also,  should  be  weighed 
— for  example,  the  influence  of  the  payroll 
taxes,  imposed  by  the  Social  Security  Act, 
upon  capital  investment  and  consequently 
upon  unemployment  itself.  Further,  the  re- 
lation of  the  system  to  other  programs  with 
kindred  purposes  should  be  explored.  For 
example,  to  other  stabilizing  programs, 
such  as  tax  incentives  or  the  guaranteed 
purchase  of  excess  products;  and  to  other 
purchasing  power  programs,  such  as  public 
works. 

This  adds  up  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
can  have  an  organic  social  security  policy 
only  as  part  of  an  American  Economic 
Policy. 

The  Art  of  Finding  Unity 

The  foregoing  is  not  critical  of  those  who 
have  been  responsible  for  establishing  or 
administering  separate  programs  of  this 
sort.  In  the  absence  of  an  all-inclusive 
American  Economic  Policy,  it  is  hard  to 
arrive  at  a  satisfying  tax  policy,  or  social 
security  policy,  or  public  works  policy,  or 
labor  policy,  or  banking  policy,  or  foreign 
economic  policy.  One  test  of  subsidiary  ob- 
jectives is  to  fit  them  into  the  over-all 
objective.  We  cannot  excel  in  parts  until  we 
know  what  the  whole  job  is — and  how  we 
are  getting  along  with  it. 

(Continued  on  page  106) 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


What  Shall  We  Do  About  Germany? 

The  answer  can  be  found  in  the  universal  ruins  of  universal 
war. — Not  in  misleading  lessons  of  history,  but  in  the  vast 
revolution  in  human  affairs  that  has  been  wrought  by  science. 


FlRST   A    WORD   ABOUT   BRIDGES.   EVERY   BRIDGE 

in  France — and  I  suppose  elsewhere  in 
continental  Europe — which  crossed  a  stream 
of  any  size,  had  a  hidden  chamber  built 
into  the  arch,  the  location  of  which  was 
known  to  the  engineers  of  Bridges  and 
Highways  (Fonts  et  Chaussees).  This 
chamber  was  so  placed  that  if  and  when  an 
invading  enemy  came  down  the  road,  a 
single  charge  of  explosives  could  blow  up 
the  span. 

Although  nothing  was  said  about  it  prior 
to  the  Nazi  blitz  those  who  lived  in  any 
countryside  were  always  aware  of  this  pro- 
vision for  their  defense,  a  provision  that  is 
altogether  real  where  every  stream  may  be 
a  battlefront,  and  doubly  real  when  neigh- 
boring countries  are  powerful  and  aggres- 
sive. 

Can  anyone  imagine  such  a  bridge  built 
over  the  Wabash?  Yet,  if  our  frontiers  were 
like  those  of  the  European  states  and  our 
history  had  been  as  full  of  recurring  wars 
with  our  neighbors  as  the  long  history  of 
the  European  peoples,  we  should  want  the 
same  kind  of  protection  which  they  have 
built  into  not  only  their  bridges,  but  the 
structure  of  their  political  and  social  life. 

Now  as  a  result  of  the  greatest  of  all 
invasions  in  the  most  terrible  of  all  wars, 
the  European  peoples  want  something  bet- 
ter than  a  bridge  that  can  be  blown  up 
when  the  enemy  approaches.  They  want 
something  better  than  a  Maginot  Line  of 
defense,  or  even  a  Siegfried  Line  on  the 
frontier.  They  have  learned  by  tragic  ex- 
perience that  there  are  no  such  Lines  in 
the  sky  and  that  all  war  from  now  on  is 
Total  War,  which  means  infinite  disaster 
to  everyone. 

The  bridges  of  the  future  must,  therefore, 
be  unlike  any  of  those  in  the  past;  because 
the  future  to  which  they  lead  has  no  parallel 
in  history.  > 

A  Twice  Told  Tale 

The  Second  World  War  has  shown  still 
more  clearly  than  the  First  that  we  are 
turning  a  great  divide  in  human  history. 

The  countries  of  modern  Europe,  like  the 
city  states  of  ancient  Greece,  have  produced 
a  marvelous  culture  in  the  midst  of  a  con- 
stant threat  of  destruction  by  war.  Like 
the  ancient  Greeks  they  learned  how  to 
turn  war  to  their  advantage  as  nation  after 
nation  rose  for  a  time  to  supremacy  and. 
by  the  might  of  its  arms,  imposed  its  will 
upon  others.  This  story  of  war  has  been  the 
constantly  recurring  theme  in  the  history 
of  the  European  states,  as  it  was  for  Sparta 
and  even  Athens.  And  the  end  may  be  the 
same.  For  it  is  clear  to  all  thoughtful  Euro- 
peans that  the  culture  which  they  have  built 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE 

• — Second  in  a  series  of  articles  by  the 
historian  of  World  War  I,  chairman  of 
the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organiza- 
tion of  Peace. 


up  in  the  long  course  of  centuries  cannot 
survive  another  World  War,  now  that 
modern  science  has  developed  its  potentiali- 
ties for  destruction. 

To  put  the  case  in  the  briefest  terms: 
there  must  either  be  a  new  European  civil- 
ization, free  from  war  and  the  threat  of  it, 
or  there  will  be  no  European  civilization  at 
all.  It  is  no  flight  of  the  fancy,  but  sober 
truth,  that  unless  the  menace  of  war  can  be 
overcome,  the  Dark  Ages  will  close  again 
on  the  most  promising  chapter  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  West. 

Unfortunately,  that  history  throws  no 
clear  light  upon  the  solution  of  this  greatest 
of  all  problems.  Or,  rather,  the  light  it 
throws  is  utterly  misleading,  for  the  climax 
of  militarism  was  apparently  the  climax  of 
culture.  The  only  interval  of  unity  which 
the  West  enjoyed  was  under  the  Roman 
Empire.  Peace  was  secured  by  ruthless  con- 
quest, but  was  finally  lost  to  the  very  sol- 
diery which  won  it.  Although  within  this 
mighty  fabric  of  the  ancient  world,  G"eek 
philosophy  and  Christian  doctrine  fovnd 
their  place  in  the  body  of  the  Roman  Law, 
Roman  citizenship  became  less  a  privilege 
than  a  burden  as  bureaucrats  took  over  the 
management  of  the  State,  at  the  behest  of 
the  Imperator. 

With  Freedom  gone,  the  vitality  of  an- 
tique civilization  perished.  Finally  only  a 
hollow  shell  was  left  and  the  barbarians 
roamed  through  the  ancient  seats  of  culture 
almost  unopposed. 

Throughout  succeeding  centuries,  how- 
ever, the  might  of  Imperial  Rome  and  the 
splendor  of  its  achievements  fastened  them- 
selves upon  the  imagination  of  the  Western 
world.  Popes  and  emperors  drew  upon  the 
prestige  of  Augustus  and  Hadrian.  Poets 
like  Dante  and  historians  like  Gibbon  and 
Mommsen  looked  back  to  the  era  of  the 
Caesars  with  a  nostalgic  sense  of  its  great- 
ness. 

It  was  not  until  our  own  day  that  this 
greatest  of  all  the  romances  of  history  was 
analyzed  with  the  cold  measurement  of  ob- 
jective science.  Even  Mommsen  failed  to 
appreciate  the  fact  that  the  ultimate  disaster 
was  inherent  in  the  structure  of  the  Roman 
State  from  the  start  because  of  the  war 
system  upon  which  it  was  so  largely  based. 
The  predatory  economics  of  conquest  could 


not,  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  provide 
a  lasting  basis  for  wealth  or  for  healthy 
citizenship. 

These  facts  of  history  are  only  now 
emerging  in  the  new  status  of  the  social 
and  political  sciences  and  no  one  has  yet 
re-written  the  history  of  the  West  to  show 
the  effect  of  war  upon  the  processes  of 
civilization. 

It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  the  war 
system,  as  the  readiest  and  most  powerful 
solvent  of  all  political  and  social  problems, 
should  maintain  itself  and  continue  to  oper- 
ate in  the  national  state,  especially  since  it 
was  by  war  that  the  nations  of  Europe 
overthrew  the  anarchy  of  feudalism.  The 
fact  that  law  and  order  grew  under  the 
supreme  war  lord,  who  was  the  king,  gave 
an  added  legitimacy  to  sovereignty  itself, 
which  maintained  the  right  to  go  to  war 
whenever  a  nation's  interests  seemed  to 
call  for  it. 

Roots  of  Nazi  Policy 

My  little  excursion  into  Europe's  past  leads 
directly  into  the  supreme  problem  of  today 
— that  of  the  elimination  of  war  as  an  in- 
strument of  policy,  because  the  supreme  use 
of  that  instrument  by  Prussian  militarism 
was  definitely  modeled  upon  the  experience 
of  Rome.  It  was  not  by  chance  that,  in  the 
days  of  the  Prussian  liberation  after  Napo- 
leon, a  galaxy  of  German  historians  rebuilt 
Roman  history  and  they  continued  to  do  so 
through  the  nineteenth  century,  a  move- 
ment which  culminated  in  Mommsen's 
masterly  survey  of  Roman  history  and 
government.  This  not  only  strengthened 
the  trend  towards  militarism  but  also  put 
the  accent  upon  loyalty  to  the  State  as  the 
supreme  civic  virtue.  There  was  no  room 
for  democracy  in  such  a  history  or  Weltan- 
schauung, but  a  justification  for  Bismarck 
and  von  Moltke. 

The  roots  of  Nazi  polity  are  therefore 
deeper  than  even  the  history  of  Prussia  it- 
self. They  go  back  through  history  to  the 
beginning  of  time,  for  the  war  system  goes 
back  that  far.  Therefore,  it  is  not  only  the 
history  of  Nazism  and  of  Prussia  which 
must  be  re-learned,  but  the  history  of  civil- 
ization itself,  with  a  proper  appraisal  of  the 
evils  which  war  has  caused  alongside  its 
use  as  a  defense  against  aggression  and  the 
forces  of  anarchy. 

Such  a  re-appraisal  of  the  past  would 
have  only  an  academic  interest,  if  it  were 
not  for  the  fact  that  in  our  own  day  science 
has  changed  the  nature  of  war  itself.  All 
war  will  be  Total  War  from  now  on,  and 
Total  War  cannot  be  waged  without  mili- 
tarizing the  entire  society  not  only  of  the 
belligerents,  but  of  the  onlooking  and  ap 


MARCH     1945 


99 


prehensive  neutrals,  so  that  it  becomes  a 
contagion  of  disaster  and  not  an  instrument 
under  command.  This  means  that — to  re- 
vive a  great  phrase  which  President  Roose- 
velt first  used  on  October  5,  1937 — we  must 
insure  ourselves  against  war  by  quarantin- 
ing the  nations  which  resort  to  it. 

What  We  Must  Think  Through 

This  brings  us  at  once  from  the  past  of 
Germany  to  its  future.  What  should  we  do 
about  it?  We  cannot  leave  this  question  to 
be  settled  by  the  great  Triumvirate  whose 
shadow  now  falls  across  the  German  Reich, 
although  their  decisions  .  will  settle  many 
aspects  of  it.  In  its  long  reach,  it  is  our 
problem  to  be  thought  through  by  each  of 
us,  not  only  because  of  its  absorbing  inter- 
est, but  because  German  propaganda  will 
be  challenging  our  strength  of  purpose  for 
years  to  come.  They  will  fall  back  upon 
history.  What  have  we  to  fall  back  upon? 

There  can  be  no  doubt  about  the  answer. 
It  is  to  be  found  not  in  the  blundering  and 
tragic  centuries,  but  in  the  present  and  the 
future,  in  the  universal  ruins  of  a  universal 
war  and  in  the  fact  that  science,  which  has 
so  greatly  changed  the  nature  of  warfare,  is 
a  process  which  has  only  just  begun  and 
is  going  on  forever,  increasing  its  capacity 
by  geometric  progression.  Every  invention 
disturbs  the  existing  equilibrium  and  thus 
calls  for  new  inventions,  which  the  intelli- 
gence of  men  will  continually  supply.  It  is 
in  the  light  of  this  incredibly  vast  revolu- 
tion in  human  affairs  that  the  old  argu- 
ments in  support  of  war  become  not  only 
invalid  but  well-nigh  criminal,  because  if 
followed  through,  mankind  will  have  no 
future  at  all. 

Now  how  can  we  educate  Germany, 
which  has  become  the  fanatic  exponent  of 
the  outworn  past,  into  the  new  era  which 
science  has  imposed  upon  us? 

The  first  step  is  one  on  which  all  agree. 
We  must  destroy  the  mock  Caesarism  that 
has  attempted  to  bestride  the  world.  This 
means  not  only  getting  rid  of  Hitler  and 
the  minions  of  his  court,  but  the  legions 
which  have  responded  to  his  command  and 
the  munition  industries  which  have  made 
the  Nazi  conquests  possible. 

The  only  way  to  do  this  is  to  apply  force 
to  the  uttermost.  It  is  primarily  a  military 
problem  and  was  treated  as  such  at  Yalta. 

The  Crimea  Agreement  reaffirmed  the 
three  powers'  "inflexible  purpose  to  destroy 
German  militarism  and  Nazism  and  to 
insure  that  Germany  would  never  again 
be  able  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world. 
...  It  is  not  our  purpose  to  destroy  the 
people  of  Germany.  .  .  ." 

The  destruction  of  German  militarism 
does  not  deny  the  German  people  a  place 
in  the  sun.  They  are  only  to  be  denied 
other  peoples'  places  in  the  sun.  It 
would,  in  my  opinion,  be  a  grave  blunder 
if  the  peace  settlement  were  to  result  in 
placing  great  sections  of  the  German  popu- 
lation under  foreign  rule;  and  it  would  be 
only  a  degree  less  dangerous  for  it  to 
result  in  the  parceling  up  of  Germany  into 
separate  German  states.  German  economic 
life  could  not  be  prosperous  if  these  political 
units  were  barred  from  tree  economic  inter- 
course with  each  other;  and  if  they  were 


free  to  deal  with  each  other  as  they  are 
today,  the  different  sections  of  Germany 
would  then  find  an  easy  pathway  to  a  re- 
covery of  their  unity  by  a  process  which 
would  find  no  little  outside  support. 

But  if  the  parcelization  of  Germany  must 
be  avoided,  how  can  we  make  sure  that 
nation  will  not  turn  all  its  energy  to  secur- 
ing revenge  in  a  Third  World  War?  This 
is  a  question  to  which  no  one  can  have  the 
final  answer.  But  at  least  the  program  in- 
volves one  major  policy  affecting  us. 

Our  Object  Lesson 

International  trade  must  become  as  free 
as  possible  so  that  Germany  cannot  renew 
its  economic  imperialism  over  those  nations 
which  are  least  able  to  defend  themselves 
economically.  Here  we  come  at  once  upon 
a  definite  shaping  of  American  policy.  For 
a  few  years  after  this  war — and  for  a  few 
years  only — we  shall  be  immensely  power- 
ful in  the  economic  sphere.  If  we  use  that 
power  farsightedly  it  can  be  a  major 
weapon  against  the  revival  of  German  mili- 
tarism, or  for  that  matter  against  any  other 
attack  on  the  liberties  of  free  nations. 

We  should  build  upon  Cordell  Hull's  bi- 
lateral agreements  for  the  reduction  of  trade 
barriers  so  as  to  transform  them  into  a 
multi-lateral  plan.  We  should  do  this  any- 
way without  regard  to  what  takes  place  in 
Germany,  for  the  sake  of  our  own  indus- 
tries and  the  vast,  inescapable  problem  of 
postwar  employment.  It  is,  of  course,  pos- 
sible that  we  may  not  be  wise  enough  to  do 
the  right  thing  because  vested  interests  may 
block  our  path  and  distort  our  vision.  But 
it  is  only  in  a  world  of  economic  prosperity 
that  we  can  hope  to  build  the  structure  of 
an  enduring  peace. 

I  have  not  said  anything  about  the  re- 
education of  the  German  mind  through 
schools  and  colleges.  There  are  those  among 
us  who  seem  to  think  that  it  will  be  our 
duty  to  engage  in  an  evangelistic  crusade 
over  a  beaten  people.  Surely  we  know 
enough  about  human  nature  to  realize  how 
utterly  mistaken  it  would  be  for  prophets 
of  freedom  to  preach  their  gospel  to  the 
closed  ears  of  a  generation  bitterly  resentful 
of  defeat. 

Our  way  to  reach  that  generation  is  a 
much  more  practical  one.  Utter  defeat  must 
be  registered  in  provisions  for  war  pre- 
vention, so  that  the  means  for  resort  to  war 
will  no  longer  be  at  hand.  Then  the  bene- 
fits of  peace  must  be  made  apparent  bv 
sound  economic  and  social  measures.  Words 
will  not  suffice,  nor  idle  promises.  We  shall 
have  to  show  that  this  program  is  not 
make-believe,  but  that  nations  reared  under 
freedom  are  more  powerful  in  war  and 
happier  in  peace  than  those  whose  minds 
are  trained  to  slavery.  The  object  lesson 
is  the  one  lesson  which  will  be  effective. 

At  the  Crimea  conference  important  de- 
cisions were  taken  as  to  the  treatment  of 
Germany.  While  rejoicing  that  the  three 
powers  are  in  agreement  on  such  treatment, 
we  must  not  forget  that  the  small  states, 
many  of  which  are  Germany's  immediate 
neighbors,  have  all  equally  vital  interest 
in  such  a  settlement  and  less  of  a  chance  to 
enforce  their  will.  They,  too,  should  be 
consulted,  both  as  to  the  treatment  of 


Germany  and  in  the  planning  of  their  own 
future.  And  this  step  should  be  taken  at 
the  earliest  possible  date. 

It  is  true  that  a  state  of  emergency  will 
exist  for  some  time  to  come  which  will  call 
for  local  action  in  redress  of  grievances  and 
limited  areas  of  international  action.  But 
these  plans  must  be  made  and  carried  out 
with  due  regard  to  the  ultimate  realiza- 
tion of  that  world  organization  to  maintain 
peace  and  security  which  was  agreed  upon 
by  the  four  Great  Powers  of  the  United 
Nations  at  Moscow  and  given  further  form 
and  reality  at  Dumbarton  Oaks. 

The  Big  Three — and  France 

It  is  doubly  important  that  this  planning 
for  the  future  should  now  be  shared  by 
nations  other  than  the  three  Great  Powers 
which  have  led  hitherto. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten,  although  it  is 
easy  for  us  to  do  so,  that  none  of  these 
three  belongs  to  Continental  Europe  in  the 
strict  sense  of  that  term. 

Britain  has  until  now  been  cut  off  from 
Europe  by  more  than  the  Channel;  its  tra- 
ditional policy  of  the  balance  of  power  rest 
upon  a  conception  of  Britain  watching  the 
drama  of  continental  politics,  deeply  inter- 
ested but  still  a  spectator. 

Russia  has  only  recently  come  within  the 
circle  of  continental  politics;  and,  since  it 
undertook  its  great  experiment  of  com- 
munism, it  has  held  off  and  been  held  off 
almost  as  though  it  did  not  belong  in  the 
state  system  of  today. 

As  for  the  United  States,  we  are  suffici- 
ently foreign  to  the  whole  European  scene 
to  be  regarded  only  as  crusaders  in  times  of 
crisis  and  not  permanent  members  of  the 
community. 

The  first  step  in  the  rectification  of  this 
situation  is  the  recognition  of  the  role  of 
France,  both  on  its  own  behalf  and  on  be- 
half of  other  continental  countries  which 
still  look  to  it  as  the  outstanding  exponent 
of  freedom  and  democracy.  The  Third 
Republic  may  have  been  weak  and  its  pol- 
itics corrupt,  but  it  at  least  was  a  champion 
of  the  forces  against  the  Nazis.  Belgium, 
The  Netherlands,  Norway  and  other  coun- 
tries have  each  earned  the  right  to  stand 
alongside  the  Great  Powers  in  the  United 
Nations.  They  will  add  strength  to  the 
organization  and  save  it  from  bearing  even 
a  semblance  of  a  Holy  Alliance. 

The  sooner  this  organization  takes  shape, 
the  clearer  will  be  our  policies  with  refer- 
ence to  Germany.  Already  the  need  for 
clarification  is  evident  in  the  immediate 
matter  of  the  punishment  of  war  criminals. 
We  cannot  expect  all  the  countries  to  see 
alike  in  questions  like  this,  nor  will  they 
agree  as  to  the  degree  to  which  they  \\;" 
want  to  have  Germany  undo  some  of  the 
damage  it  has  done.  But  the  way  to  avoid 
misunderstanding  is  to  prevent  it  from  the 
beginning.  That  means  organizing  now. 

A  start  has  already  been  made.  An 
agreement  has  been  reached  for  periodic 
meetings  of  the  foreign  ministers  of  the 
Great  Powers  to  deal  with  current  prob- 
lems. And  the  calling  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco conference  would  indicate  that  the 
United  Nations  Organization  may  be  set 
up  very  quickly. 


100 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Statesmen  Discover  Medical  Care 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


ON    THE    EIGHTEENTH    OF    JANUARY    THE    ES- 

tate  of  the  late  Edsel  Ford — four  acres 
sweeping  down  to  the  Detroit  River  two 
and  a  half  miles  from  the  center  of  the 
city — was  overrun  by  auto  workers.  They 
were  not  trespassers.  They  owned  it.  Their 
union  had  bought  it  for  a  health  center. 

In  the  mansion  where  the  grandchildren 
of  Henry  Ford  once  played,  X-ray  appara- 
tus, laboratory  benches,  examining  tables 
and  medical  record  files  stood  ready  for 
work.  At  the  dedication  of  this  Health 
Institute  the  chief  speaker  was  the  Sur- 
geon-General of  the  United  States  Public 
Health  Service.  The  family  of  Henry 
Ford  has  not  "moved  from  shirtsleeves  to 
shirtsleeves  in  three  generations,"  but  in 
much  less  than  that  time  its  employes  have 
taken  long  steps  from  hired  help  towards 
self-determination.  The  Health  Institute 
is  part  of  that  self-expression,  based  upon 
the  understanding  that  the  people's  health 
may  be  achieved  by  the  people  themselves 
by  organized  as  well  as  individual  action. 

This  diagnostic  clinic  has  been  recognized 
as  a  community  service.  The  Detroit  War 
Chest  has  given  $40,000  for  its  educational 
and  psychiatric  work  which  will  reach 
beyond  the  automobile  workers  them- 
selves. The  federal  government  has  recog- 
nized its  significance  through  the  Public 
Health  Service,  three  members  of  whose 
staff  are  on  the  Institute's  medical  council. 

Dr.  Thomas  Parran  took  the  occasion 
of  the  dedication  to  offer  the  most  com- 
prehensive national  health  program  which 
the  U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  has  yet 
presented.  He  stated  objectives,  not  a 
scheme  of  legislation  or  administration,  but 
even  the  brief  quotation  [see  box  on  page 
102]  makes  clear  that  in  scope  and  aims 
his  program  goes  beyond  the  Wagner- 
Murray-Dingell  bill  of  1943  and  may  cor- 
respond more  closely  to  what  rumor  sug- 
gests the  1945  bill  will  contain. 

At  the  time  of  the  National  Health  Con- 
ference in  1938,  the  program  of  the  U.  S. 
Public  Health  Service  covered  hardly  half 
this  ground.  During  the  same  period,  the 
American  Public  Health  Association  has 
made  similar  progress. 

Signs  of  the  Times 

Paralleling  these  advances  of  the  profes- 
sionals are  recent  significant  utterances  of 
public  officials  and  of  candidates  for  elec- 
tive office.  President  Roosevelt,  in  his  list 
of  "basic  freedoms"  put  before  the  nation 
a  year  ago,  included  "adequate  medical  care 
.  .  .  and  the  right  to  achieve  and  enjoy 
good  health."  Early  in  the  1944  campaign, 
Wendell  Willkie  declared:  "Complete  medi- 
cal care  should  be  available  to  all.  ...  In 
any  program  .  .  .  the  value  of  the  prac- 
ticing physician's  relationship  to  his  patient 
must  be  recognized.  Adequate  provision 
must  be  made  for  building  hospital  facili- 
ties .  .  .  [and]  for  research  and  medical 


HEALTH— TODAY  &.  TOMORROW 

•^-Second  in  the  series  by  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  Research  in  Medical 
Economics,  and  associate  editor  of  Sur- 
vey Graphic. 


education."  Thomas  E.  Dewey  was  even 
more  specific  in  advocating  public  action 
to  extend  medical  care  and  to  forestall 
"socialized  medicine." 

Henry  A.  Wallace  picked  up  the  Presi- 
dent's "Economic  Bill  of  Rights"  and  blue- 
printed each  of  its  eight  planks  in  his 
statement  to  the  Senate  Commerce  Com- 
mittee. He  said  of  medical  care: 

"Your  federal  and  state  governments  have 
just  as  much  responsibility  for  the  health 
of  their  people  as  they  have  for  providing 
them  with  education  and  police  and  fire 
protection.  .  .  .  We  must  see  that  medical 
attention  is  available  to  all  the  people.  But 
this  health  program  must  be  achieved  in 
the  American  way.  Every  person  should 
have  the  right  to  go  to  the  doctor  and 
hospital  of  their  own  choosing.  The  federal 
and  state  governments  should  work  hand 
in  hand  in  making  health  insurance  an 
integral  part  of  our  social  security  program 
just  as  old  age  and  unemployment  benefits 
are  today.  We  need  more  hospitals  and 
doctors.  We  should  make  sure  that  such 
facilities  are  available. . . .  We  must  not  be 
content  to  provide  medical  attention  for 
people  after  they  become  sick.  .  .  .  The 
government  should  appropriate  needed 
funds  to  finance  .  .  .  medical  research  in 
private  and  public  institutions." 

The  recent  "Interim  Report"  of  Senator 
Claude  Pepper's  Subcommittee  on  Wartime 
Health  and  Education  presented  many  of 
the  nation's  unmet  medical  needs  forcibly: 
"The  quality  of  American  medicine  at  its 
best  is  very  high.  Unfortunately,  American 
medicine  at  its  best  reaches  only  a  rela- 
tively small  part  of  the  population."  The 
committee's  program  is  very  similar  to  Dr. 
Parran's,  except  that  national  health  in- 
surance is  balanced  against  voluntary  plans, 
the  committee  not  passing  judgment. 

Conservative's  Progress 

"The  Supreme  Court  follows  the  election 
returns,"  said  Mr.  Dooley  long  ago.  These 
pronouncements  of  men  who  must  watch 
the  trends  of  popular  sentiment  confirm 
the  opinion  polls  to  the  effect  that  a  great 
many  Americans  now  want  ways  of  getting 
good  medical  care  more  readily  and  of  pay- 
ing for  it  more  easily.  It  seems  likely, 
however,  that  a  great  many  Americans 
have  not  yet  decided  just  what  these  new 
ways  of  getting  and  paying  for  medical 
care  should  be. 

How  rapidly  will  public  opinion  crystal- 
lize on  this  point?  The  answer  depends 


on  the  amount  of  attention  that  is  focused 
on  the  subject  during  the  next  year  or  two, 
amid  the  urgent  issues  of  the  war,  the 
peace,  and  postwar  employment. 

In  California,  a  generation  of  experience 
with  voluntary  health  insurance  has 
brought  the  issue  to  a  more  advanced 
front.  Before  the  legislature  had  adjourned 
for  its  regular  February  recess,  three  im- 
portant medical  bills  had  been  introduced: 
Governor  Warren's  bill  for  compulsory 
health  insurance;  organized  labor's  bill 
for  compulsory  health  insurance;  and  the 
California  Medical  Association's  bill  for 
state-aided  voluntary  health  insurance. 

The  medical  conservatives  have  moved 
forward  too.  Not  long  ago,  Time  remarked 
[Dec.  11,  '44,  p.  70]  that  the  AMA's  pro- 
gram of  voluntary  group  health  insurance, 
"according  to  some  critical  observers 
brought  the  organization  up  to  twenty 
years  behind  the  times."  Datelines  are 
invidious.  It  was  truly  an  important  event 
in  the  history  of  medical  care  in  this 
country  when  about  five  years  ago  some 
state  medical  societies  began  to  sponsor  even 
limited  health  insurance  plans.  During  the 
last  two  years  when  statesmen  have  been 
discovering  medical  care  as  a  public  issue, 
even  the  munificently  financed  National 
Physicians  Committee  which  spearheaded 
the  drive  to  kill  the  1943  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  has  found  it  necessary  to  say 
more  than  just  "No."  Nowadays  it  says, 
"No,  but—." 

Commercial  Cash  Indemnity  Plans 

Look  at  the  other  box  on  page  102, 
quoted  from  a  letter  sent  last  December 
to  most  doctors  in  the  United  States.  The 
National  Physicians  Committee  describes  it- 
self calmly  as  "a  non-political,  non-profit 
organization  for  maintaining  ethical  and 
scientific  standards  and  extending  medical 
service  to  all  the  people."  It  has  the  of- 
ficial endorsement  of  the  AMA. 

Observe  how  the  committee  shouts  a 
forcible  "No"  to  compulsory  health  insur- 
ance; says  "Yes"  quietly  to  five  kinds  of 
voluntary  health  insurance;  and  plugs 
mightily  for  the  last-named  kind  in  which 
insurance  companies  just  pay  cash  benefits 
for  hospitalization  and  surgery.  The  com- 
mittee is  now  trying  to  enlist  all  general 
practitioners  to  help  persuade  employers  to 
give  insurance  companies  a  good  slice  of  a 
billion-dollar  business  and  thus  assure  part 
of  surgical  and  hospital  fees  while  happily 
leaving  surgeons  still  free  to  charge  pa- 
tients what  the  traffic  will  bear. 

Appreciate,  if  you  please,  where  this 
commercial  cash  indemnity  program  takes 
us.  Insurance  companies  offer  these  poli- 
cies only  to  employed  groups.  Usually 
there  must  be  at  least  fifty  in  a  group. 
Employes  in  small  units,  the  self-employed, 
and  the  farmers  are  out.  A  goal  of  "fifty 
million  workers"  is  therefore  bunk.  De- 


MARCH     1945 


101 


pendents  of  employes  are  not  covered. 
Twenty-five  percent  of  the  premium  dol- 
lar goes  for  administrative  costs. 

These  policies  provide  neither  patient  nor 
doctor  with  incentive  for  the  early,  prompt 
treatment  of  sickness,  nor  for  other  forms 
of  prevention.  "With  the  growth  in  the 
powers  of  medicine  to  prevent  and  control 
disease,"  says  the  Health  Program  Con- 
ference Report  [see  "Health  for  the  Na- 
tion, Survey  Graphic,  December  1944], 
"a  program  dealing  mainly  with  serious 
or  'catastrophic'  illness  is  insufficient  medi- 
cally and  uneconomical  financially." 

Fee-for-Service  Payment 

From  the  standpoint  of  their  designers, 
however,  the  commercial  cash  indemnity 
plans  have  the  great  advantage  of  mov- 
ing the  least  possible  distance  away  from 
the  traditional  mode  of  individual  private 
practice.  The  health  insurance  plans  now 
sponsored  by  medical  societies  go  a  little 
further,  since  some  of  them  assure  service 
instead  of  providing  just  cash  indemnity, 
and  they  are  open  to  families  as  well  as 
to  employes.  The  service,  however,  is  only 
for  surgical  and  obstetrical  cases  in  hos- 
pitals, and  the  doctors  must  be  paid  fees 
according  to  an  established  table.  Senator 
Pepper's  subcommittee  is  quotable  here: 

"Evidence  .  .  .  leads  the  subcommittee  to 
conclude  that  the  'pay-as-you-go'  or  fee- 
for-service  system,  which  is  now  the  pre- 
dominant method  of  payment  for  medical 
services,  is  not  well  suited  to  the  needs 
of  most  people  or  to  the  widest  possible 
distribution  of  high  quality  medical  care. 
It  tends  to  keep  people  away  from  the  doc- 
tor until  illness  has  reached  a  stage  where 
treatment  is  likely  to  be  prolonged  and 
medical  bills  large.  It  deters  patients  from 
seeking  services  which  are  sometimes  es- 
sential, such  as  specialist  care,  laboratory 
and  X-ray  examinations,  and  hospitaliza- 
tion.  Individuals  with  low  incomes,  whose 
need  is  greatest,  are  most  likely  to  postpone 


National  Health  Program  of 
General  of  the  U.  S. 

"Steps  which  should  be  taken  toward  a 
comprehensive  national  health  program: 

1.  We    should    find   the    means    to    finance 
the   costs   of   medical   care   for   every   indi- 
vidual— through     tax-supported     programs, 
health  insurance,  or  a  combination  of  both. 

2.  Tax    funds    should    be    made    available 
through  grants-in-aid  to  the  states  for  the 
construction  of  hospitals  and  health  centers. 

3.  To   insure   adequate   numbers   of  health 
and    medical    personnel,    tax    funds    should 
be    made    available    for    the    expansion    of 
professional  education. 

4.  We  should  provide  for  the  application 
of   all   the   knowledge   we  have  to   prevent 
disease — through    full    time    public    health 
departments    in  every  part   of  the   country 
and  the  addition  of  such  services  as  indus- 
trial   hygiene,    public   health    nursing,   chil- 


Dr.  Thomas  Parran,  Surgeon- 
Public  Health  Service 

dren's  dentistry,  mental  hygiene,  and  nutri- 
tion. 

5.  The  nation  should  continue  to  support 
and    encourage    both    public    and    private 
research    in    the    medical    sciences    through 
grants-in-aid    to    qualified    institutions. 

6.  We  should  meet  the  present  deficiencies 
in    the    nation's    sanitary    facilities    through 
the   construction  of  public  water  supplies, 
sewerage  systems,  and  the  like. 

We  cannot  attain  these  goals  by  talking 
about  them.  Their  attainment  must  be 
planned  for  and  organized.  .  .  .  Any  nat- 
ional health  plan  in  a  democracy  must 
consider  all  needs;  draw  upon  all  resources; 
weigh  limitations;  accept  risks.  The  vast 
accomplishments  of  this  nation  in  war  have 
taught  us  that  we  possess  the  physical  re- 
sources, the  brains,  and  the  manpower, 
to  attain  the  purposes  of  peace  .  .  .  through 
the  democratic  process." 


or  forego  diagnosis  and  treatment.' 

These  disadvantages  are  increased  when 
fee-for-service  payment  is  carried  over  into 
an  insurance  plan.  When  the  doctor  is 
paid  a  fee  for  each,  service — whether  two 
or  three  dollars  for  an  office  visit  or  sev- 
eral hundred  dollars  for  a  major  operation 
—and  when  the  fee  doesn't  come  directly 
from  the  patient  but  from  an  insurance 
fund,  then  all  economic  barriers  are  re- 
moved to  over-use  or  misuse  of  services  by 
patients  or  doctors.  Careful  record-keeping 
is  necessary  and,  if  abuse  is  to  be  prevented, 
there  must  be  an  amount  of  professional 
and  financial  supervision  which  is  costly 
and  which  is  resented  by  the  doctors — 
so  much  so  in  fact  that  plans  controlled 
by  medical  societies  will  not  maintain  it. 
Furthermore,  the  fee  schedules  have  usu- 
ally been  such  that — modest  calculations 
show — if  the  doctors  were  kept  busy  full 


National  Health  Program  of  the  "National  Physicians 
Committee  for  the  Extension  of  Medical  Service" 


"If  state  medicine  is  to  be  avoided;  if 
the  'political  control'  of  the  distribution  of 
medical  care  is  to  be  prevented;  if  the 
independence  of  the  medical  profession  is 
to  be  preserved,  the  needs  of  the  people 
must  be  met.  .  .  . 

"The  task  is  of  such  size  that  meeting 
the  need  will  tax  to  maximum  capacity  all 
agencies  and  institutions  now  providing  or 
that  can  be  created  to  provide  measures 
of  relief.  These  include: 

a.  Physician-sponsored  prepayment  med- 
ical care  programs; 

b.  Blue  Cross  Hospitalization  Plans; 

c.  Independent    physician    groups    furn- 
ishing medical  service; 

d.  Industrial    or   business   concerns   pro- 
viding medical  care  for  workers; 

e.  Employer-employe    Group    Insurance 
Programs. 

It  is  estimated  that  to  meet  the  actual  needs 
total  premium  payments  in  excess  of  one 
billion  dollars  annually  will  be  entailed.  .  .  . 


"The  report,  'Opportunity  for  Private 
Enterprise'  [a  48-page  brochure  on  'Em- 
ployer-Employe Group  Insurance  Pro- 
grams'), was  not  designed  for  physician 
consumption.  It  is  hoped— expected — -that 
you  will  read  it;  that  you  will  hand  it  to 
— discuss  it  with — an  employer  who  to- 
morrow will  be  confronted  with  the 
necessity  of  finding  a  solution  to  the  prob- 
lem of  the  demand  on  the  part  of  workers 
for  a  greater  degree  of  security. 

"Intelligent  use  of  the  report  by  50,000 
physicians  will  go  far  toward  stimulating 
business  institutions  to  provide  adequate 
protection  for  fifty  million  workers.  .  .  . 
Your  cooperation  is  needed  and  is  solicited 
to  aid  in  this  gigantic  task.  .  .  . 

"For  the  twelve  months  ending  October 
31,  1944:  Income  (all  sources) — #263,- 
644.40.  Expenditures  (current)  —  #223,- 
176.48.  Estimated  essential  minimum  ex- 
penditures for  continuing  the  work  and 
intensifying  efforts  during  the  next  twelve 
months  will  necessitate  revenues  of 
#530,000." 


time  treating  patients  at  these  rates,  their 
incomes  would  be  multiplied  two-  to  four- 
fold. 

The  People's  Choice 

In  California,  this  method  of  payment 
is  now  a  legislative  issue.  Governor  War- 
ren came  out  for  compulsory  health  in- 
surance in  the  face  of  the  State  Medical 
Society's  flat  condemnation,  but  he  threw 
a  sop  to  the  society  by  commending  the 
fee-for-service  method  of  payment  and  his 
bill  requires  it.  Perhaps  he  does  not  ap- 
preciate the  implications  of  his  position  on 
this  point.  Informed  persons  within  the 
state,  including  medical  leaders  in  the  Cal- 
ifornia Physicians  Service,  know  that  the 
abuses  and  the  high  cost  of  fee-for-service 
payment  would  very  likely  make  any  state- 
wide plan  unworkable. 

The  other  bill,  backed  by  the  AFL  and 
the  CIO,  prescribes  the  capitation  method 
of  payment  for  general  practitioners.  Under 
capitation,  the  general  practitioner  would 
be  paid  an  agreed  amount  per  month  or 
year  for  each  person  who  chooses  him  as 
regular  physician.  Specialists  would  be  paid 
on  a  fee  basis.  California  may  thresh  out 
its  answers  soon,  in  public  and  private  hear- 
ings. Capitation  payment  is  only  one  par- 
tial answer — group  practice  with  salaried 
physicians  is  another. 

These  events  go  to  show  that  when  states- 
men take  up  health  insurance  they  ought 
to  know  something  of  the  inside  as  well  as 
of  the  outside  of  the  issue  they  are  grasping. 

And  here  the  professionals  must  come  in 
again,  but  which  professionals?  "Profes- 
sional" here  covers  both  laymen  and  phys- 
icians; and  among  physicians  it  includes 
men  and  agencies  within  and  without  "or- 
ganized medicine."  Scan  again  the  two 
boxes,  and  ask: 

In  which  box  had  the  American  public 
better  be? 

And  toward  which  program  should  the 
medical  profession  itself  head,  consistent 
with  the  ideals  which  it  cherishes  and 
which  the  American  people  respect? 


102 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


Education  in  a  Complex  World 


HARRY  HANSEN 


THE    DEBATE    OVER    EDUCATION    HAS    BROUGHT 

forth  intense  partisan  argument,  especially 
on  the  side  of  the  academicians,  but  we 
have  yet  to  find  a  defender  of  the  pro- 
gressive methods  who  does  not  wish  to 
work  with  some  of  the  tools  the  academi- 
cians use. 

On  the  side  of  the  more  reasonable  com- 
mentators is  Jacques  Barzun,  associate  pro- 
fessor of  history  at  Columbia  University. 
His  interests  also  embrace  social  phe- 
nomena and  his  spirited  essays  and  articles 
permit  the  public  a  glimpse  of  what  agitates 
the  schoolmen.  This  is  especially  true  of  his 
new  book,  "Teacher  in  America"  (Little, 
Brown;  $3),  a  collection  of  papers  on  the 
aims,  ambitions  and  anxieties  of  American 
teachers.  It  demonstrates  how  well  equipped 
Mr.  Barzun  is  to  bridge  the  gap  between 
the  public  and  the  teacher  and  thus  carry 
the  arguments  over  methods  direct  from  the 
board  room  to  the  rest  of  us. 

Scientific  Knowledge  Not  Enough 

The  bitter  debate  over  education  has  been 
intensified  by  the  world  war.  Teachers  con- 
sider themselves  responsible  for  the  training 
of  youth,  and  in  wondering  why  a  reason- 
able world  had  to  resort  to  killing  they 
have  blamed  themselves;  a  large  group  has 
declared  that  the  teaching  of  moral  respon- 
sibility has  lapsed.  It  is  reasonable  to  as- 
sume that  human  beings  were  just  as  mean 
and  intractable,  in  war  and  in  peace,  when 
the  schools  taught  little  or  no  science.  But 
the  attitude  of  teachers  toward  their  own 
responsibility  is  not  to  be  criticized  on  that 
account. 

Even  Mr.  Barzun  feels  that  scientific 
knowledge  is  not  enough,  that  "the  creation 
of  a  large,  powerful,  and  complacent  class 
of  college-trained  uneducated  men  at  the 
very  heart  of  our  industrial  and  political 
system"  is  dangerous.  He  thinks  that  "one 
of  the  conditions  that  made  possible  the 
present  folly  in  Germany  was  the  split 
among  three  groups:  the  technicians,  the 
citizens,  and  the  irresponsible  rabble."  And 
by  describing  the  professional  army  caste  as 
unthinking  technicians,  so  deeply  concerned 
with  their  own  work  that  they  will  obey 
any  group  that  hires  them,  he  shows  how 
the  rabble  and  the  technicians  can  over- 
whelm the  citizens.  The  need,  then,  is  in- 
formed citizens. 

But  in  a  democracy  the  technicians  and 
the  citizens  overlap  and  the  only  remedy 
is  to  make  the  men  of  science  as  morally 
responsible  for  what  they  do  as  anvone 
else.  Mr.  Barzun  sees  the  problem  clearly — 
greater  attention  to  the  humanities,  in  spite 
of  our  specialized  technical  training,  and 
some  form  of  schooling  that  will  develop 
not  merely  competent  workers  and  ever"- 

(All  boo\s 


lives  but  leaders  of  men — those  who  look 
beyond  the  aims  of  their  own  profession  to 
the  objectives  of  mankind. 

The  Place  of  the  Humanities 

Discussion  of  these  problems  can  go  on 
for  weeks,  even  if  only  in  general  terms, 
and  when  we  come  to  specific  courses  we 
are  in  danger  of  being  bogged  down  com- 
pletely. Mr.  Barzun  gives  us  an  outline  of 
the  teacher's  dilemma — how  can  the  hu- 
manities be  introduced  in  scientific  curricula 
and  to  what  good  purpose?  He  puts  the 
object  of  college  teaching  into  a  paragraph: 

"What  are  the  broad  divisions  of  thought 
and  action  in  the  world?  There  are  three 
and  only  three:  we  live  in  a  world  saturated 
with  science,  in  a  world  beset  by  political 
and  economic  problems,  in  a  world  that 
mirrors  its  life  in  literature,  philosophy,  re- 
ligion, and  the  fine  arts.  In  all  reason,  a 
college  can  but  follow  this  threefold  pattern. 
To  this  extent  the  problem  of  'What  shall 
we  teach?'  is  non-existent.  This  is  what  we 
must  teach." 

Mr.  Barzun's  discussion  of  the  place  of 
the  "great  books"  in  education  is  welcome, 
for  he  is  himself  a  bookman  of  fine  dis- 
crimination and  judgment,  familiar  with 
the  old  and  the  new.  The  great  books  have 
become  footballs  in  the  academic  debate; 
they  have  been  overemphasized  as  guides  to 
life  and  learning,  and  social  scientists  have 
become  bewildered  by  the  contention  that 
they  hold  all  we  need  to  know. 

Great  books  in  education  stem  from  the 
original  course  called  General  Honors  Read- 
ings begun  by  John  Erskine  at  Columbia  in 
1919  with  a  list  of  fifty-three  great  classics. 
It  drew  on  the  help  of  eight  instructors, 
among  whom  were  Mark  Van  Doren  and 
Mortimer  Adler,  today  among  the  chief 
spokesmen  for  the  great  books  curriculum. 
The  Erskine  course  is  now  called  Colloqui- 
um on  Great  Books  and  is  still  taught  most 
successfully,  with  engineers  and  mathemati- 
cians eager  to  join  in  the  discussions;  and, 
as  Mr.  Barzun  expresses  it  in  his  lighter 
vein:  "Future  doctors  seem  to  favor  it 
especially,  thinking  perhaps  that  bedside 
books  go  with  the  bedside  manner." 

The  use  of  the  books  at  Chicago  and  St. 
John's  is  a  variation,  "an  overreach,  an  ex- 
cessive stretching  of  Erskine's  excellent 
scheme,"  Mr.  Barzun  says.  He  adds:  "It  is 
a  return  to  the  practice  used  when  the 
ancient  classics  served  to  introduce  men  to 
their  own  culture.  This  is  no  longer  possible 
because  modern  culture  has  become  special- 
ized and  each  specialty,  even  when  broadly 
conceived,  requires  the  direct  study  of  its 
current  output."  To  put  it  concretely,  St. 
John's  offers  six  historians — Herodotus, 
Thucydides,  Plutarch,  Tacitus,  Vico,  and 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be 
103 


Gibbon.  Mr.  Barzun  knows  their  value  but 
can  hardly  agree  that  they  will  give  the 
student  "a  coherent  idea  of  modern  his- 
tory." 

When  Mr.  Barzun  turns  from  teachers 
to  the  public  he  is  puzzled.  He  sees  a 
nation  stuffing  itself  with  facts  and,  while 
our  zeal  for  acquiring  and  storing  facts 
seems  to  him  praiseworthy,  he  fears  that  it 
is  not  used  intelligently.  The  public  envies 
men  who  can  cite  a  lot  of  facts,  but  suspects 
men  who  deal  in  ideas.  He  makes  a  point 
when  he  says  that  even  our  best-selling  non- 
fiction  books  are  sometimes  little  more  than 
compilations  of  newspaper  clippings  sea- 
soned with  backstairs  gossip— and  of  that 
it  is  easy  to  find  evidence. 

Our  Passion  for  Facts 

He  says:  "Summaries  there  may  be,  but 
no  principles.  For  publishing  experience 
does  show  that  faced  with  an  idea,  no  mat- 
ter how  simply  expressed  or  illustrated,  the 
layman  is  shocked  into  resistance.  .  .  . 
Whereas  the  brain  trust  was  a  joke  before 
anyone  knew  the  men  who  belonged  to  it, 
the  country  has  again  and  again  given  itself 
over  to  factual  pedantry  with  great  enthusi- 
asm and  no  sense  of  ridicule." 

This  leads  Mr.  Barzun  to  deal  ironically 
with  "fact-finding."  He  criticizes  "hundreds 
of  study  groups  and  fact-finding  commit 
sions,  public  or  private  |that]  give  their 
members  in  this  way  the  pleasant  illusion 
of  being  practical  scholars  and  social  scien- 
tists." Possibly  many  of  these  labors  do  little 
more  than  place  "another  layer  of  paper 
wadding  between  us  and  the  horrors  of 
life."  They  are  fair  game  for  the  teacher's 
comment,  yet  their  mutiplication  is  evidence 
of  a  serious  mood  and  an  earnest  intention. 

No  doubt  there  is  dead  timber  in  many 
a  commission,  but  the  number  of  partici- 
pants who  do  this  hard  work  to  amuse 
themselves  must  be  few.  Perhaps  they  are 
pseudo-scientific;  not  all  of  their  members 
are  trained  investigators.  But  as  the  public 
is  drawn  in,  interest  in  something  more 
than  mere  facts  spreads  incontestably. 

My  father's  generation  often  spoke  of  the 
well-informed  man,  meaning  a  man  fam- 
iliar with  matters  outside  his  professional 
or  business  interests.  This  term  has  fallen 
into  disuse  in  company  with  that  of  the 
self-made  man.  There  are  no  longer  anv 
self-made  men  because  no  one  is  supposed 
to  make  his  way  without  the  benefit  of 
schooling.  The  well-informed  man  died  of 
competition;  when  all  men  know  every- 
thing no  man  is  wiser  than  another. 

Thousands  now  know  facts  and  thous- 
ands of  others  are  deluged  by  them  when- 
ever they  turn  a  dial.  It  is  true  that  some 
of  these  relate  to  war  activities,  to  the  ton- 
postpaid) 


nage  of  ships  sunk,  shells  fired  and  iu 
names  of  localities  that  none  but  a  cross- 
word puzzle  addict  would  ever  dig  out  of 
the  gazetteer  but  for  the  march  of  armies. 

A  great  many  citizens  are  so  filled  with 
facts  that  they  are  like  those  Oliver  Wen- 
dell Holmes,  the  Autocrat,  was  talking 
about  when  Mr.  Barzun  overheard  him: 
"The  men  of  facts  wait  their  turn  in  grim 
silence,  with  that  slight  tension  about  the 
nostrils  which  the  consciousness  of  carrying 
a  settler  in  the  form  of  a  fact  or  a  revolver 
gives  the  individual  thus  armed."  That 
must  have  been  written  nearly  a  century 
ago,  when  the  habit  of  absorbing  facts  was 
by  no  means  as  widely  spread  as  now.  But 
even  then  some  Americans — New  Eng- 
landers  no  doubt — enjoyed  bragging  about 
ship  tonnage,  distances  between  cities,  and 
population  growth. 

Shall  we  despise  this  interest  in  informa- 
tion? It  offers  more  promise  of  a  response 
than  the  empty  mind.  It  is  true  that  the 
masses  do  not  embrace  books  of  ideas  with 
the  fervor  with  which  they  welcome  new 
movies,  yet  publishers  have  been  known  to 
make  a  fair  profit  out  of  such  books.  If 
ideas  are  unwelcome,  then  why  do  so  many 
Americans  cling  to  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  this  republic,  many  of  them  diffi- 
cult to  apply  in  modern  life;  why  are  so 
many  familiar  with  the  theories  of  Karl 
Marx? 

Mr.  Barzun,  however,  is  not  against  in- 
formation or  its  accumulation;  he  is  inter- 
ested in  its  proper  use  and  in  that,  he 
thinks,  we  fail.  We  do  not  think  deeply 
about  the  things  we  know  as  facts.  We  do 
not  go  behind  the  stereotypes  we  accept. 

I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  as  much 
"mental  cowardice"  as  Mr.  Barzun  suspects. 
Thinking  does  require  an  effort,  and  most 
of  mankind  would  rather  act  than  think — 
the  war,  after  all,  is  an  attempt  to  settle  by 
action  what  could  not  be  settled  by  think- 
ing. But  the  proportion  of  people  stirred 
into  thinking  by  the  world's  ills  must  have 
increased  tremendously  in  the  dark  days 
since  1939.  We  cannot  expect  the  whole 
public  to  become  expert  in  this  any  more 
than  Mr.  Barzun  can  expect  all  students  to 
graduate  with  the  highest  honors.  Let  us 
agree  with  him  that  our  need  is  leadership, 
and  there  we  come  back  to  the  problem 
that  he  also  recognizes  in  the  schools. 

OMNIPOTENT   GOVERNMENT,   by  Lud- 
wig  von  Mises.  Yale  University  Press.  #3.75. 

"ECONOMIC  FREEDOM  AIMS  AT  THE  ESTAB- 
lishment  and  preservation  of  the  system  of 
market  economy  based  on  private  owner- 
ship of  the  means  of  production  and  free 
enterprise.  It  aims  at  free  competition  and 
at  the  sovereignty  of  the  consumer.  .  .  . 
True  liberals  are  opposed  to  all  endeavors 
to  institute  government  control  for  the 
operation  of  an  unhampered  market  econ- 
omy." 

Thus  Professor  von  Mises  in  his  preface. 

"All  the  oratory  of  the  advocates  of  gov- 
ernment omnipotence  cannot  annul  the 
fact  that  there  is  but  one  system  that  makes 
for  durable  peace:  a  free  market  economy. 
Government  control  leads  to  economic  na- 
tionalism and  thus  results  in  conflict." 


Thus  Professor  von  Mises  in  his  con- 
clusion. 

In  all  the  pages  between,  the  changes 
are  rung  on  this  theme  and  on  its  ramifi- 
cations in  respect  to  ideas  of  nationalism, 
the  rise  of  Nazism,  the  role  of  Russia,  and 
the  future  of  planning  in  Western  civiliza- 
tion. One  gathers  that  the  world  is  going 
inexorably  to  the  dogs. 

The  influences  which  are  rampant  are 
all  in  the  wrong  direction — namely  toward 
a  more  conscious  social  control  of  economic 
forces.  Something  called  a  "perfect  capital- 
ism," albeit  "hitherto  never  and  nowhere 
completely  tried  or  achieved,"  is  the  only 
assurance  of  durable  peace. 

The  publisher  says  on  the  jacket  of  the 
book:  "It  is  probably  the  most  momentous 
and  challenging  criticism  that  has  been 
made  of  the  current  social  and  economic 
doctrines  that  threaten  democracy  every- 
where." Such  a  judgment  seems  to  me 
somewhat  too  fulsome,  to  put  it  mildly. 

Essentially  the  book  is  the  product  of  a 
mind  that  turns  with  nostalgia  to  the  for- 
mulas of  the  past,  that  puts  a  low  value 
on  the  capacities  of  the  human  self,  that 
sees  the  complexities  of  the  future  with 
foreboding  and  with  panic  at  the  challenge 
presented  to  men's  constructive  imagination 
by  the.  creative  tasks  ahead. 

It  is  the  book  of  a  mind  that  says:  Be- 
cause these  problems  have  not  been  solved 
by  any  methods  thus  far  brought  forward, 
it  is  better  to  approach  their  solutions  in 
terms  of  old  approaches  than  even  to  admit 
the  possibility  that  men  may  be  able  to 
create  better  for  themselves.  It  is  in  this 
sense  that  the  study  is  at  bottom  the 
product  of  a  mind  tainted  with  futilitar- 
ianism  under  the  guise  of  being  economic- 
ally realistic. 

Editor  of  economic  booths      ORDWAY  TEAD 
Harper  &•  Brothers 


PROBLEMS  OF  PEACE 

NEW  PERSPECTIVES  ON  PEACE,  edited 
by  George  B.  deHuszar.  University  of 
Chicago  Press.  #2.50. 

THE  SINEWS  OF  PEACE,  by  Herbert  Feis. 
Harper.  #2.50. 

THESE  TWO  SMALL  BUT  IMPORTANT  BOOKS, 
which  complement  one  another,  reach  be- 
yond the  traditional  and  narrow  conception 
of  the  problem  of  peace.  Together  they 
show  how  many-sided  must  be  the  ap- 
proach to  the  solution  of  this,  the  world's 
most  urgent  and  most  difficult  task. 

"New  Perspectives  on  Peace"  is  made  up 
of  eleven  chapters — each  chapter  on  a 
specific  problem — by  distinguished  authori- 
ties in  various  fields,  with  an  introductory 
summary  by  the  editor  entitled  "The  Prob- 
lems in  Perspective."  The  writers  are 
members  of  the  faculty  of  the  University 
of  Chicago  where  their  analyses  were 
originally  delivered  as  lectures.  The  geo- 
graphical problem  is  discussed  by  Professor 
Colby,  the  historical  by  Professor  Craven, 
the  ethnological  by  Professor  Redfield,  the 
economic  by  Professor  Viner,  the  socio- 
logical by  Professor  Ogburn,  the  legal  by 
Professor  Wright,  the  educational  by  Pro- 
fessor Havighurst,  the  psychological  by 


Professor  Slight,  the  philosophic  by  Pro- 
fessor McKeon,  and  the  religious  by  Pro- 
fessor Adams. 

The  general  tone  of  the  book,  searchingly 
unconventional,  is  illustrated  by  the  follow- 
ing sentences  from  the  editor's  introduction: 
"The  sterility  of  thinking  about  peace  is 
deplorable.  One  of  the  reasons  why  ade- 
quate methods  have  not  been  devised  is 
that  many  of  the  people  who  concern  them- 
selves with  peace  lack  the  necessary  back- 
ground for  realistic  thinking  on  the  subject. 
.  .  .  Even  the  most  effective  peace  organiza- 
tions do  not  have  a  membership  sufficiently 
varied  in  training  to  cover  the  problem  of 
peace  completely.  ...  In  the  peace  move- 
ment as  a  whole,  there  appear  very  few 
persons  with  a  background  in  sociology, 
psychology  or  anthropology.  .  .  .  The  sec- 
ond reason  for  the  sterility  of  thinking 
about  peace  is  that  it  reflects  the  rudimen- 
tary stage  of  the  study  of  international 
relations  .  .  .  which  today  resembles  politi- 
cal science  half  a  century  ago.  ...  It  is 
mostly  juristic  and  historical.  ...  In  order 
to  put  international  relations  on  a  scientific 
basis  it  is  necessary  to  liberate  it  from 
juristic  influence.  .  .  .  We  need  a  systematic 
approach  considering  the  problem  of  peace 
in  its  entirety  and  integrating  the  various 
aspects  of  the  problem." 

The  book  is  a  helpful  introduction  to 
those  who  are  willing  to  go  beyond  their 
habitual  thinking  about  peace  and  war. 

MR.   FEIS,   WHO    ALWAYS    WRITES    WITH    CLAR- 

ity  and  grace,  has  given  in  "The  Sinews 
of  Peace"  a  layman's  guide  through  the 
maze  of  issues  which  are  pressing  for  de- 
cisions in  the  field  of  international  economic 
affairs.  He  enables  readers  to  understand 
better  those  involved  transactions  in  which 
our  citizens  and  government  carry  on  with 
other  peoples  and  governments — financial, 
investment,  trade,  and  the  exchange  of 
foodstuffs  and  other  raw  materials.  His 
brief  chapters  make  clearer  than  I  have  se 
stated  elsewhere  the  Bretton  Woods  plar 
for  an  International  Monetary  Fund  and 
the  proposal  for  an  International  Inves 
ment  Bank. 

Mr.  Feis  does  not  write  of  our  economl 
relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world  as 
propagandist  for  any  particular  view.  Oi 
of  a  lifetime  of  study  and  experience — unt 
a  few  months  ago  he  had  been  for  severa 
years  adviser  on  economic  affairs  in  th 
State  Department — he  analyzes  and  ba 
ances  the  pros  and  cons  on  controversia 
questions.  His  own  conclusions,  though 
clearly  put,  are  never  dogmatic;  rather  the 
are  invitations  to  the  reader  to  make  up 
his  own  mind. 

It  would  be  helpful  if  our  public  men 
and  all  of  us  interested  in  international 
affairs  pondered  on  Mr.  Feis's  basic  con- 
clusion: 

"The  war  has  demonstrated  the  great 
strength,  vitality,  capability,  and  powers  of 
organization  of  the  American  people.  Great- 
ness in  the  annals  of  history  and  the  ranks 
of  our  fellow  nations  has  come  upon  us. 
We  cannot  repudiate  it.  Proudly  or  reluc- 
tantly it  will  be  our  responsibility  hereafter 
to  lead,  to  aid  and  strengthen  the  good 
and  industrious,  admonish  the  trouble- 


104 


I  some,  cause  the  quarrelsome  to  desist,  and 
I  build  firm  friendships  with  all  who  share 
I  our  spirit  and  our  hopes  for  a  better  world. 
1  Our  economic  strength  must  be  at  the 
I  service  of  this  leadership." 
I  New  Yori(  JAMES  G.  MCDONALD 

|  SEA  LANGUAGE  COMES  ASHORE,  by 
Joanna  Carver  Colcord.  Cornell  Maritime 
Press.  #2.25. 

I      IF    YOU    HAVE    THE    LEAST    INTEREST    IN    HOW 

I  your  everyday  language  got  the  way  it  is, 
|i  you'll  have  a  wonderful  time  with  Miss 
r  Colcord's  collection  of  sea-born  words  and 

phrases,  the  salty  origin  of  which  has  been 
I  all  but  lost  in  years  of  land  usage.  And 
r  you'll  make  some  surprising  discoveries. 

You'll  learn,  for  example,  that  when  you 
I  speak  of  "the  bitter  end,"  meaning  the  last 
f]  extremity,  you  are  using  a  phrase  that 

".  .  .  relates  to  the  end  of  the  ship's  cable 

I  attached  to  the  windlass-bits.      When  the 

<   anchor  had  been  let  out  to  the  bitter  end 

I  there    was   nothing   more   to   be   done;    if 

worse  came  the  cable  would  part  and  the 

8  ship  drive  ashore." 

Miss   Colcord's   list   begins   with   "A    1," 
a    common    shore    expression    that    comes 
I   from  the  rating  formerly  given  to  British 
I  naval  vessels  and  to  merchant  vessels  for 
I   insurance    purposes.    It    ends    with    "Yeo- 
heave-ho,  the  standard  literary  spelling  of 
those    'unnameable    and    unearthly    howls' 
which  sailors  emit  when  singing  out  on  a 
i   rope."   In   between   are   those   "borrowings 
I    from   sea   language"   which   have   currency 
I    upon  the  land,  sometimes  with  sense  differ- 
ing completely  from  their  original  meaning. 
I   But  this  is   not  a  dictionary  of  sea  terms. 
i    It  is  exactly  what  its  title  indicates,  a  reach- 
ing   back    to   the   ancestry   of   words   and 
i    phrases  that  enrich  our  language. 

Miss  Colcord,  the  daughter  of  five  gen- 
I  erations  of  Maine  seafarers,  was  a  "natural" 
i  for  such  a  book  as  this,  for  to  her  congenital 
I  interest  in  salt  spray  is  added  a  gift  for 
I  the  use  of  words  to  express  clear  thought. 
1  She  is  quick  to  deny  any  claim  to  being 
I  a  philologist,  but  she  knows  words  and  the 
I  color  and  flavor  that  time  and  usage  have 
I  given  them. 

The  preparation  of  "Sea  Language  .  .  ." 

was  a  sort  of  busman's  holiday  from  Miss 

I  Colcord's  professional  writings  which  are  a 

must  in  every  social  work  library.  She  did 

it,  she  says,  as  a  labor  of  love,  "strictly  for 

9  fun."      It   is  fun   too  for   anyone   with   a 
jj  feeling   for  the  color  and   romance  of  the 

English  language. 
1    Osterville,  Mass.  GERTRUDE  SPRINGER 


BEVERIDGE   PROPOSES 

(Continued  jrom  page  94) 


war,    Britain    will    have   no   choice   but    to 
adopt  some  restrictive  policies  of  its  own. 

Sir  William  expresses  a  strong  preference 
for  a  wide  system  of  multilateral  trading 
based  on  low  tariffs,  reasonable  balance  be- 
tween imports  and  exports,  along  with  do- 
mestic programs  for  stimulating  full  em- 
ployment. But  if  such  a  system  of  world 
trade  is  not  immediately  practical,  he  sug- 
gests that  Britain  enter  into  a  regional 


THE     MILE     Lyond    BJln 

AFTER  our  soldiers  have  covered  that  long  mile  to  Berlin,  and 
then  to  Tokyo,  we — all  of  us — shall  need  to  press  forward  on 
that  important  mile  beyond — that  mile  toward  full  employment,  re- 
construction, and  a  higher  standard  of  living  for  all  the  people. 
Here  are  some  guideposts  for  that  forward  mile. 

Social  Work  Year  Book-1945 

Edited  by  Russell  H.  Kurtz.  Reports  the  current  status  of  organized  ac- 
tivities in  social  work  and  related  fields.  "Of  great  value  not  only  to  those 
specially  interested  in  its  field  but  also  to  those  engaged  in  many  other  pro- 
fessions and  occupations." — New  York  Times.  $3.25 

Relief  and   Rehabilitation   Abroad 

A  Series  of  Eight  Pamphlets 

Edited  by  Donald  S.  Howard.  "Brings  together  a  fund  of  factual,  detailed 
information  about  the  problems  of  relief  administration.  It  will  be  sorely 
needed  in  the  years  just  ahead."  — Public  Welfare. 

20c  each.  Set  of  eight,  $1.50 

Technology  and  Livelihood 

By  Mary  L.  Fledderus  and  Mary  van  Kleeck.  "This  excellent  book  brings 
together  in  one  volume  some  of  the  most  pertinent  facts  about  our  industrial 
economy." — Political  Science  Quarterly.  $1.25 


Your  Community 


By  Joanna  C.  Colcord.  "A  guide  for  community  study,  a  sound  compre- 
hensive framework  on  which  to  erect  essential  social  data,  and  an  invaluable 
reference  for  day-to-day  problems." — Survey.  $1.00 

Institutions  Serving  Children 

By  Howard  W.  Hopkirk.    "An  extremely  practical  book  written  out  of 
twenty  years'  experience  as  a  leader  in  the  field  of  child  welfare.    Education, 
health,  recreation,  work,  religion,  and  social  service  are  all  discussed." 
—Public  Welfare.  $2.00 

From  your  bookseller,  or  from 

RUSSELL  SAGE  FOUNDATION 

130  East  22nd  Street      •      New  York  10      •      N.  Y. 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

105 


system  of  trade  relations  with  such  coun- 
tries as  are  willing  to  encourage  trade  on 
this  basis. 

A  third,  but  much  less  satisfactory,  pos- 
sibility would  be  a  system  of  bilateral  agree- 
ments with  the  countries  that  wanted  to 
trade  with  Britain.  This  plan  to  his  mind 
would  result  in  much  less  trade  and  would 
necessarily  hold  British  living  standards  to 
a  relatively  low  level. 

Beveridge's  feeling  of  concern  as  to  the 
United  States  is,  of  course,  well  grounded. 
His  program  for  full  employment  stands 
in  direct  contradiction  to  the  postwar  pro- 
gram outlined  for  this  country  by  the  Sen- 
ate postwar  committee  and  the  similar  pro- 
posals advanced  by  numerous  business 
groups  in  this  country.  Instead  of  expand- 
ing "outlay,"  these  proposals  invariably  call 
for  a  sharp  cut  in  government  spending,  a 
balanced  budget,  debt  reduction,  and  a  re- 
duction in  the  taxes  on  the  well-to-do,  so 
as  to  encourage  private  enterprise.  Sir  Wil- 
liam shows  that  these  orthodox  measures 
have  never  provided  even  an  approximation 
of  full  employment  in  peacetime,  and  if 
persisted  in  can  only  lead  to  profound  so- 
cial and  economic  dislocation  involving,  in 
all  likelihood,  a  loss  of  essential  democratic 
liberties. 

"Better  than  the  Dictators  ..." 

On  the  other  hand,  Sir  William's  own 
full  employment  "policy"  is  based  on  un- 
assailable economic  principles.  The  theor- 
etical groundwork  for  these  principles  was 
laid  in  1936  by  J.  M.  Keynes  in  "The  Gen- 
eral Theory  of  Employment,  Interest  and 
Money."  This  analysis  is  now  accepted  by 
practically  all  competent  economists.  Bev- 
eridge's own  contribution  is,  however,  fully 
as  important  as  that  of  Keynes;  for  he  has 
shown  in  detail  how  the  Keynes  principles 
may  be  applied  to  solve  our  most  perplex- 
ing and  costly  economic  problem.  It  is  a 
program  which,  though  details  will  differ, 
could  be  adapted  to  the  United  States  with- 
out fundamental  changes.  In  fact,  Bever- 
idge's constant  use  of  American  illustrations 
indicates  that  he  was  constantly  thinking  of 
their  possible  application  in  this  country. 

In  several  ways,  however,  it  would  be 
more  difficult  to  carry  out  a  full  employ- 
ment program  in  this  country  than  in  Eng- 
land. Beveridge  implies  as  much  when 
he  says  that  Britain  has  a  chance  of  show- 
ing, sooner  and  more  easily  than  any  other 
large  nation,  that  democracy  can  order  peace 
as  well  as  war  better  than  the  dictators  do. 
But  although  the  difficulties  are  greater 
here,  the  stakes  are  immeasurably  higher. 
Indeed,  as  Sir  William  sees  it,  the  good  of 
the  whole  world,  no  less  than  our  own  well 
being  and  that  of  Britain,  depends  very 
largely  on  the  policies  adopted  by  the 
United  States. 

"Depression,"  he  declares,  "is  contagious 
in  proportion  to  the  size  and  strength  of 
the  national  economic  system  from  which 
it  comes.  Today  the  strongest  and  most 
productive  national  economy  in  the  world 
— :that  of  the  United  States — is  also  the  least 
stable.  The  adoption  of  a  policy  of  full 
employment  by  the  United  States  would 
be  the  most  important  economic  advance 
that  could  happen  in  the  whole  world  and 


to  the  benefit  of  the  whole  world.  In  solv- 
ing, as  they  only  and  only  in  their  own 
way  can  solve,  the  'baffling  problems'  of 
their  home  economy,  more  than  by  the  most 
generous  outpouring  of  gifts  and  loans,  the 
American  people  can  confer  immeasurable 
benefits  on  all  mankind." 

The  President's  recent  budget  message 
indicated  that  the  Administration,  at  least, 
is  alive  to  our  own  situation.  But  con- 
structive action  will  depend  on  informed 
support  from  every  forward-looking  citi- 
zen in  the  country.  A  wide  reading  of 
this  remarkable  book  should  help  im- 
mensely in  girding  American  public  opin- 
ion to  act — and  that  soon — on  the  great 
choices  he  sets  before  us.  For  on  those 
choices  hangs  much  of  our  own  future, 
and  the  fortunes  of  everyday  people  every- 
where. 


ALADDIN'S  LAMP 

(Continued  from  page  92) 


do  is  to  distinguish  10,000.  The  guess- 
work in  matching  colors  is  swept  away.  If 
you  want  to  catch  a  thief  in  the  act  of 
cracking  a  safe  the  photoelectric  cell  will 
do  it.  In  fact,  it  will  detect  anything  that 
involves  the  reflection  or  the  interception 
of  a  beam  of  light. 

It  is  not  too  romantic  to  imagine  the 
photoelectric  cell  imparting  a  new  safety 
to  automobile  driving.  The  cell  has  only 
to  follow  a  white  line  on  the  road.  Take 
your  hands  off  the  wheel  and  if  the  car 
swerves  ever  so  little  from  the  line  the  cell 
will  start  a  correcting  motor  and  bring 
you  back.  Other  cells  along  the  road  will 
report  the  speed  of  passing  cars  to  the 
police  or  to  the  drivers  themselves. 

Electrons  Displace  Men 

How  many  man-hours  have  been  saved 
in  war  production  by  the  2,000  different 
types  of  electron  tubes  so  far  devised? 
There  are  no  statistics.  It  has  been  estimat- 
ed that  before  the  war,  when  the  tubes 
were  few,  the  saving  amounted  to  at  least 
1,750,000  man-hours  annually — a  mere 
guess.  Since  then,  electron  tubes  have 
multiplied,  and  hundreds  of  factories  have 
installed  whole  batteries  of  them.  This 
matter  of  man-hours  saved  is  of  consider- 
-able  importance  because  of  the  Administra- 
tion's announced  intention  of  making  the 
most  of  our  huge  industrial  capacity  after 
the  war  and  of  thus  solving  a  problem 
of  unemployment  which  must  be  faced. 
Jobs  for  sixty  million  men  and  women — 
"57,000,000  is  Henry  Wallace's  rockbottom 
figure — must  be  found.  Yet  here  is  this 
Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp,  this  electron 
tube  which  does  the  work  of  analytical 
chemists  and  bookkeepers,  which  does 
away  with  hands,  eyes  and  ears,  which,  in 
a  factory,  watches  over  anything  that 
moves.  It  is  true  that  the  electron  tubes 
must  be  made  by  men  and  women  and 
made  by  the  million,  true  that  we  shall 
need  more  radio  and  television  sets  than  we 
did,  true  that  there  will  be  a  demand  for 
new  skills.  But  it  is  also  true  that  in  some 
industries  there  will  be  a  displacement  of 
workers  because  of  the  electron  tube's  ex- 


traordinary virtuosity  and  versatility. 

Probably  the  history  of  every  revolution- 
ary invention  will  be  repeated.  What  that 
history  is  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of  the 
automobile.  The  carriage  maker  had  to  be- 
come an  automobile  body  maker.  Wayside 
filling  stations  and  tourist  camps  sprang  up. 
Windshield  wipers  and  headlights  had  to 
be  designed  and  produced.  Around  the 
automobile  industry  cluster  a  hundred 
satellite  vocations.  All  this  is  the  conse 
quence  of  what  Ravenshear,  an  English 
economist  of  the  last  century,  called  "origi- 
native invention."  But  originative  invention 
is  inevitably  followed  by  intensive  inven- 
tion, meaning  the  kind  of  invention  that 
reduces  man-hours.  Thus  the  telephone  long 
gave  employment  to  thousands  of  switch- 
board girls.  When  the  dial  system  of  call- 
ing a  telephone  number  was  introduced  (an 
intensive  invention),  the  girls  disappeared 
The  electron  tube  is  such  an  intensive  in- 
vention. To  produce  it,  thousands  of  ne 
jobs  will  be  created.  But  introduce  it  in 
the  factory  and  there  will  be  less  need  of 
much  highly  paid  skilled  labor.  No  one  can 
predict  the  outcome,  but  it  is  certain  that 
the  effect  cannot  be  ignored  in  solving  the 
problem  of  keeping  60,000,000  employed. 

Engineers  are  aware  of  the  issue.  They 
are  actually  alarmed  at  the  electron  tube's 
potentialities.  When  they  are  asked  to  de- 
sign a  new  tube  to  perform  a  seemingly 
impossible  task,  they  shake  their  heads,  say 
"It  can't  be  done"  and  then  proceed  to  do 
it.  Electronics  has  become  a  synonym  of 
industrial  magic.  The  steam-engine,  auto- 
matic machinery,  trench-diggers,  ore-un- 
loaders,  machines  that  cut,  wrap,  fold, 
brought  about  technological  changes  with 
which  we  have  not  yet  learned  to  cope. 
And  now  comes  the  electron  tube  which 
totally  eclipses  any  invention  that  leaped 
from  the  brain  of  the  inventor.  It  seems  as 
if  Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp  can  be  almost 
too  wonderful. 


PATCHWORK  TO  PURPOSE 

(Continued  from  page  98) 


This  lack  of  a  unifying  thesis  in  economic 
matters  explains  much  bickering  on  "the 
home  front."  It  sheds  light  on  seemingly 
contradictory  public  action,  on  over-lapping 
in  governmental  agencies;  and  on  the 
blurred  line  between  what  we  need  for  a 
period  of  crisis  and  what  we  need  for  "all 
time."  Moreover,  current  discussion  as  to 
"streamlining"  Congress  overlooks  too  often 
that  "reorganization"  can  be  approached 
fruitfully  only  through  prior  clarification. 
An  articulation  of  policies  and  goals  would 
open  the  way  for  improved  functioning  by 
the  Congress  as  a  policy-making  body  and 
for  the  most  satisfactory  division  of  labor 
with  the  Chief  Executive. 

Thus  the  Full  Employment  Bill,  as  now 
drawn,  provides  for  the  initial  development 
of  the   National   Production   and   Employ- 
ment Budget  by  the  President  and  its  sub- 
mission to  a  Congressional  Joint  Committee 
for  subsequent  review  and  action.  In  view  I 
of   the   scope   of  the   undertaking   and   the  I 
prime  desirability  of  evoking  maximum  ac- 


106 


cord  in  testing  it  out,  thought  might  be 
given  to  placing  the  initial  development  of 
the  budget  in  the  hands  of  an  American 
Economic  Committee,  constituted  by  law 
and  containing  representation  from  both 
Cabinet  and  Congress,  with  a  permanent 
staff  supplemented  by  a  rotating  staff  drawn 
from  the  departments  concerned. 

Such  a  plan  would  offer  interesting  pos- 
sibilities for  adjusting  the  principle  of  sep- 
arating legislative,  judicial,  and  executive 
powers,  as  written  into  the  Constitution, 
to  the  increasing  interplay  and  overlapping 
of  congressional  and  Presidential  functions 
in  matters  of  high  policy.  Partial  support 
for  this  idea  can  be  found  in  a  recent  rec- 
ommendation by  the  "Committee  on  Con- 
gress" of  the  American  Political  Science 
Association  that  the  Congress  establish  a 
permanent  and  formal  liaison  with  the 
White  House. 

If  an  American  Economic  Committee  of 
this  type  were  established,  it  might  well  in- 
clude, also,  members  appointed  by  the 
President  to  represent  industry,  agriculture, 
labor,  and  consumers.  The  preparation  of 
a  National  Production  and  Employment 
Budget  necessarily  involves  what  free  enter- 
prise is  going  to  do  no  less  than  what  the 
government  is  going  to  do.  Its  very  essence 
is  an  appraisal  of  inter-action  between  the 
two.  Its  very  spirit  is  accord.  It  needs  to  be 
initiated  in  an  atmosphere  of  maximum 
cooperation  and  "give  and  take."  For  this 
reason,  to  bring  non-governmental  repre- 
sentatives more  explicitly  into  such  a  flex- 
ible process  seems  more  important  than  to 
preserve  rigid  concepts  as  to  the  govern- 
mental structure. 

It  can  be  argued  that  part  of  the  rea- 
son why  pressure  groups  have  been  so  un- 
conscionably at  one  another's  throats,  why 
their  specialized  objectives  often  seem  so 
far  abstracted  from  the  common  good,  is 
that  they  so  seldom  sense  that  good  as  a 
common  goal,  or  have  had  any  chance  to 
participate  in  a  general  drive  to  attain  it. 

The  Challenge  of  60  Million  Jobs 

More  unity  arising  from  more  common 
knowledge  is  the  essence  of  the  Full  Em- 
ployment Bill.  The  measure  is  founded  up- 
on the  proposition  that  nothing  is  worse 
than  to  contribute  to  the  confusion  of  the 
people  at  large — or  to  make  more  difficult 
their  lines  of  communication  when  major 
decisions  in  national  policy  are  under  way. 

A  National  Production  and  Employment 
Budget  would  set  objectives  each  year  based 
on  realities,  in  terms  understandable  to 
everybody,  and  related  to  our  common 
undertakings  as  a  nation.  If  it  did  no  more 
than  that,  it  would  bring  into  our  public 
affairs  a  clarity,  a  wholesomeness  and  a  dig- 
nity that  would  strengthen  immeasurably 
our  free  institutions  in  the  years  ahead. 

But  the  Full  Employment  Bill  is  founded, 
also,  on  another  proposition — that  our 
American  way  of  life  and  livelihood,  with 
all  its  admitted  imperfections,  is  a  good  one. 
We  are  committed  to  it  by  our  history  and 
our  ideas — and  committed  by  the  same 
token  to  remedy  our  imperfections  as  we 
go  along.  Such  a  course  is  consistent  with 
our  essential  practicality  and  inventiveness 
as  a  people,  with  our  emphasis  on  individ- 


SELLS  95  STORIES  AND  NOVELETTES 

"The  introduction  you  gave  me  to  your  editor  friend,  resulting  in 
my  present  assignment  to  do  a  complete  novel  for  him  monthly, 
is  doubly  appreciated  especially  since  I  finished  my  N.I.A.  training 
sometime  ago  and,  consequently,  have  no  call  on  your  service. 
Here  is  concrete  evidence  that  interest  in  your  students  continues 
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107 


SEA  LANGUAGE  COMES  ASHORE 

By  Joanna  Carver  Colcord 
Contributing  editor  to  Survey  Graphic 


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ual     enterprise     and     our     adventuresome 
democracy. 

The  human  materials  with  which  we 
have  to  deal  are  mostly  men  of  good  will, 
who  know  the  dangers  we  all  face  unless 
we  devise  more  rational  ways  to  get  rid  of 
mass  unemployment,  and  who  know 
equally  well  the  benefits  we  can  all  look 
for  if  we  do.  The  task  before  us  is  to 
gather  up  tools  in  our  American  kit  which 
have  stood  us  in  good  stead  in  other  great 
tasks  and  emergencies,  check  them  against 
accomplishment,  and  improve  and  align 
them  systematically  for  use  in  meeting  the 
great  test  of  the  postwar  era. 


"WITHOUT  A  COUNTRY" 

(Continued  from  page  88) 


an  American.  This  committee  was  formed 
at  the  conference  on  political  refugees  held 
at  Evian  (France)  in  July  of  1938.  It  now 
has  a  membership  of  thirty-six  governments 
— Britain,  Soviet  Russia,  and  the  U.S.A. 
among  them.  It  includes  both  countries  of 
immigration  and  of  emigration.  It  has 
recognized  its  function  to  care  for  the 
needs  of  refugees  and  to  do  what  it  can  to 
better  their  legal  status  in  transit.  Its  officers 
have  wide  experience  in  this  phase  of  its 
duties;  but  it  will  require  greatly  expanded 
resources  and  staff,  and  enhanced  powers, 
if  it  is  to  shoulder  such  a  long-run  task. 

Meanwhile,  the  United  Nations  Relief 
and  Rehabilitation  Administration  has  a 
great  part  to  play  in  giving  relief  to  refu- 
gees in  the  countries  in  which  it  operates. 
The  agreement  creating  UNRRA  calls  for 
fair  treatment  without  regard  to  race,  re- 
ligion, or  political  belief  of  those  it  finds 
there.  The  limitation  of  its  franchise  is  that 
UNRRA  can  do  only  special  work  in  enemy 
countries  and  that  it  cannot  help  enemy  citi- 
zens other  than  those  who  have  been  per- 
secuted for  race  or  religion,  or  because  of 
their  activities  on  behalf  of  the  United 
Nations.  In  Poland,  for  example,  UNRRA 
is  permitted  to  succor  persons  from  enemy 
or  ex-enemy  countries  and  to  repatriate 
those  who  wish  to  return  home.  In  Ger- 
many and  Italy,  it  is  authorized  to  care  for 
and  repatriate  United  Nations  nationals, 
stateless  persons  and  those  enemy  nationals 
who  qualify  as  above.  Western  European 
countries  are  reported  to  intend  to  carry  on 
their  own  relief  activities  without  the  aid 
of  UNRRA,  and  in  them  the  IGC  will  be 
the  appropriate  authority  to  urge  the  cause 
of  the  refugees. 

This  looks  like  a  promising  structure  of 
governmental  relief,  but  the  international 
agencies  concerned  have  declared  that  they 
by  no  means  supplant  the  need  for  volun- 
tary effort.  The  sums  UNRRA  has  been 


(In 


granted  will  be  far  short  of  the  need  for 
relief,  and  there  are  many  special  services 
which  the  flexible  private  agencies  can  per- 
form more  deftly  and  quickly  than  public 
international  authorities.  Especially  is  this 
true  in  the  care  of  refugees,  a  field  in  which 
private  agencies  have  specialized.  Their  ex- 
perienced counsel  and  help  is  counted  on 
and  they  are  now  cooperating  actively  with 
both  IGC  and  UNRRA. 
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108 


Driven  and  pushed  about  Europe  as  they 
have  been,  many  refugees  have  been  sep- 
arated from  their  families.  This  is  true  of 
other  "displaced  persons"  and  often  their 
whereabouts  are  unknown  to  their  relatives 
and  friends  throughout  the  world.  Plans  are 
on  foot  to  install  machinery  to  help  them 
make  fresh  contacts.  Among  the  partici- 
pating agencies  are  UNRRA,  the  Inter- 
Governmental  Committee,  the  International 
Red  Cross  and  here,  in  the  United  States, 
a  group  of  organizations  actively  concerned 
with  the  problems  of  refugees. 

There  is  a  special  committee  on  refugees, 
also,  set  up  by  the  American  Council  of 
Voluntary  Agencies  for  Foreign  Relief. 
Some  fifty  in  number,  the  council  was  or- 
ganized two  years  ago  to  coordinate  their 
own  activities  and  cooperate  with  public 
international  bodies. 

Here,  in  America,  the  President  had  set 
up  two  such  bodies.  An  Advisory  Commit- 
tee on  Political  Refugees,  James  G.  McDon- 
ald, chairman,  has  been  helpful  in  assisting 
fugitives  in  getting  out  of  Europe.,  The 
War  Refugee  Board  is  made  up  of  four 
members  of  the  Cabinet  (State,  War, 
Treasury,  and  the  Attorney  General).  Un- 
der John  W.  Pehle  as  executive  director, 
great  energy  and  devotion  were  thrown  into 
tasks  of  rescue  and  relief  among  refugees 
in  Hitler-held  territory. 

Why  Not  Naturalization? 

In  each  country  in  which  they  are  found, 
there  is  an  effective  alternative  to  passin 
along  unsettled  refugees  and  stateless  per- 
sons. That  is  to  accept  them  as  citizens  and 
give  them  permanent  status.  Their  num- 
bers in  a  given  country  may  not  be  great 
and  to  accord  them  this  privilege  would  at 
once  add  to  the  forces  for  domestic  revival 
and  lessen  the  difficulties  in  solving  a  wide- 
spread and  prickly  problem. 

The  refugee  entering  Palestine,  is  in- 
corporated into  Palestinian  society. 

Here,  in  the  United  States,  the  refugee 
who  has  come  with  quota  visa  for  per- 
manent residence  is  better  off  than  he 
would  be  in  most  other  countries.  Under 
our  law,  he  has  the  right  to  live  here, 
travel,  and  to  work  at  most  occupation 
(certain  professions  excepted).  He  can  b 
deported  only  for  causes  set  forth  in  th 
statute.  After  the  prescribed  period,  in  most 
cases  five  years,  he  can  become  a  citizen  if 
the  authorities  are  convinced  that  he  is 
loyal  to  the  Constitution  and  of  good  re- 
pute. 

Refugees  who  enter  the  USA  on  tem- 
porary visas  do  not  have  such  security. 
They  are  entitled  to  remain  only  during 
the  time  fixed  in  their  visas  plus  any  ex- 
tension granted  by  the  authorities.  The 
privilege  of  working  is  not  automatic  but  is 
granted  by  a  general  or  special  order.  And 
the  temporary  visitor  may  not  become  a 
citizen. 

Naturalization  is  not  a  right  in  other 
countries  but  is  a  matter  of  favor  and,  in 
fact,  is  not  frequently  accorded.  Save  for 
the  few  who  do  become  naturalized,  refu- 
gees resident  in  European  countries  have 
no  rights  to  remain  or  to  work  except  under 
special  legislation  or  regulation.  Many  refu- 
gees from  Russia  and  Turkey  in  Worl  * 


:r 

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> 

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By  Lowell  S.  Selling,  M.D.,  and 
Mary  Anna  S.  Ferraro,  M.S. 

Here  is  much-needed 
light  on  why  human  be- 
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and  what  can  be  done  to 
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the  sick,  food  fads,  men- 
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War  I  have  lived  for  twenty  years  and  more 
in  western  Europe  but  are  still  stateless. 
Many  have  children,  citizens  by  virtue  of 
birth  in  the  new  country,  who  are  soldiers 
in  its  army.  Others,  without  so  strong  a 
claim  for  friendly  acceptance,  have  never- 
theless taken  part  for  many  years  in  the 
social  and  economic  life  about  them.  It 
would  seem  reasonable  for  their  countries 
of  residence  to  grant  them  the  opportunity 
for  citizenship  now  and  thus,  in  this  time 
of  revived  hopes  and  plans,  establish  them 
in  a  legally  permanent  home. 

Refugees  from  Germany  before  and  dur- 
ing World  War  II  are  new  claimants  on  the 
consideration  of  countries  with  whom  they 
have  thrown  in  their  lot.  They  were  the 
first  victims  of  the  Hitler  machine  which 
has  pressed  so  hard  on  the  life  of  all  the 
peoples  of  Europe.  They  have  been  through 
the  war  and  have  contributed  to  the  war 
effort  and  should  have  the  same  privilege  of 
citizenship  granted  them. 

Such  a  creative  solution  when  the  war 
ends  would  be  a  boon  for  refugees  living 
in  western  Europe,  in  the  United  States, 
or  other  overseas  countries. 

Many  German  and  Austrian  refugees, 
who  had  come  to  France  and  other  parts 
of  the  continent  before  the  war,  were  up- 
rooted a  second  time  by  the  Nazi  blitz,  and 
they  were  shipped  to  Germany  for  forced 
labor  or  to  Polish  concentration  camps.  It 
may  be  hoped  that  western  European  gov- 
ernments will  permit  those  who  have  sur- 
vived to  return  to  their  adopted  homes  in 
which  many  of  them  lived  and  worked  for 
years.  Their  desirability  could  readily  be 
gauged  by  testimony  from  the  community 
which  had  harbored  them. 

Postwar  Migration 

World  conditions  will,  of  course,  affect 
the  possibilities  for  settlement  of  refugees 
in  new  countries  where  they  can  hope  to 
make  a  fresh  start  in  life.  They  will  be  part 
— and  not  the  largest  part — of  the  people 
who  will  be  seeking  such  opportunities 
away  from  their  homelands.  If  employ- 
ment is  good  in  their  countries  of  destina- 
tion, if  there  is  a  demand  for  workers  in 
industry  or  on  the  land,  the  tendency  to 
restrict  immigration,  so  strong  in  the  pre- 
war years,  may  lessen.  The  problem  then 
will  become  not  one  of  refusing  entry  but 
of  choosing  which  immigrants  a  country 
wants.  The  principle  of  selective  immigra- 
tion can  be  applied. 

In  this  field  the  Intergovernmental  Com- 
mittee is  charged  to  facilitate  the  migra- 
tion of  refugees,  to  find  opportunities  for 
them,  and  to  establish  them  in  a  country 
where  they  can  make  permanent  homes. 
This,  again,  is  a  task  requiring  forceful 
energy  and  great  tact,  for  success  depends 
on  the  good  will  and  active  support  of 
governments  concerned. 

In  Europe,  there  will  be  a  great  demand 
for  workers  to  rebuild  homes  and  industries 
and  to  take  part  in  agricultural  production. 
Aside  from  demanding  German  work  bat- 
talions, the  Soviets  want  to  get  all  citizens 
home,  including  potential  ones  from  the 
lands  united  to  the  Union  since  World  War 
TI  began.  France  will  probably  want  to 


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109 


bring  in  laborers  to  help  rebuild  the  country 
and  may  need  them  to  expand  its  industries. 

Furthermore,  the  loss  of  population  in 
battle  and  bombardment,  by  illness  and  pri- 
vation, has  been  heavy  in  all  the  countries 
of  the  continent.  There  is  less  likelihood 
of  emigration  from  them  by  those  who  can- 
not find  work  at  home  than  by  those  who 
want  to  go  abroad  to  mend  their  fortunes 
or  to  find  better  opportunities  or  a  freer 
life. 

If  the  much  discussed  industrial  develop- 
ment materializes  in  the  Western  Hem- 
isphere and  the  British  Dominions,  there 
will  be  a  wide  call  for  hands,  especially  for 
skilled  workers  and  good  industrial  man- 
agers. If  among  the  refugees  there  prove 
to  be  peasants  or  workmen  from  parts  of 
the  Soviet  Union,  or  their  kind  from  the 
Baltic  countries,  or  Poles  or  Yugoslavs  of 
the  same  type,  they  will  doubtless  be  drawn 
into  this  migration. 

But '  the  chances  will  be  different  for 
tradespeople  and  intellectuals.  For  a  decade 
past,  meager  foreign  opportunities  have 
been  open  to  such.  The  case  of  older  people 
is  similar.  They  will  not  be  welcomed  by 
countries  in  the  market  for  immigrants  who 
can  work  in  industry  or  on  farms.  There 
are  many  groups  with  these  handicaps 
among  the  refugees.  Some  of  them  have 
relatives  or  friends  in  foreign  countries 
who  will  be  glad  to  care  for  them;  others 
can  be  provided  for  by  private  organizations 
so  that  they  will  not  become  a  burden  on 
the  public  welfare  funds. 

Doors    should    be    kept    open    for    such 


fugitives  from  war  and  fascism.  Countries 
which  have  not  been  invaded  by  land  or  sea 
or  air,  can  and  should  share  in  helping  to 
make  their  postwar  settlement  easier,  the 
fate  of  sufferers  from  the  devastation  over 
Europe  less  hard. 

Perhaps  the  worst  hit  of  all  Europeans, 
especially  in  the  East,  are  the  Jewish  refu- 
gees. Palestine  should  be  enabled  to  offer 
opportunity  for  them — for  those  broken  by 
suffering  and  illness  and  for  the  old,  as  well 
as  for  the  workers  with  hand  and  brain 
who  can  give  so  much  to  the  development 
of  the  expanding  economic  and  cultural 
life  of  the  Jewish  "Homeland." 

Palestine  can  play  a  new  role  if  it  is 
permitted  to  help  give  an  adequate  answer 
to  the  problem  of  the  Jewish  refugee.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  with  improved  economic 
and  political  conditions  in  eastern  Europe 
there  will  be  fewer  refugees  from  there. 
But  if  this  betterment  does  not  materialize, 
Palestine  will  be  important  not  only  as  a 
haven  for  individuals  seeking  refuge  but 
as  a  help  in  restoring  order  and  peace  to 
Europe. 

The  Internally  Displaced 

Wartime  displacement  is  not  limited  to 
those  who  cross  national  boundaries.  There 
has  been  a  great  churning  inside  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe — among  people  dislodged 
from  old  localities.  Their  numbers,  too,  have 
been  estimated  at  ten  million;  but  they  do 
not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  article.  They 
are  of  international  concern,  nevertheless, 
because  they  constitute  a  great  humanitari- 


an problem  and  because  the  nations  united 
in  fighting  the  Axis  decided  and  declared 
in  the  UNRRA  Agreement  that  they  would 
aid  one  another  in  repairing  the  wounds  of 
war. 

Those  who  are  thus  internally  displaced 
remain  under  the  control  and  protection  of 
their  own  national  government.  It  has  the 
responsibility  for  relieving  their  needs  and 
returning  them  to  their  homes  or  resettling 
them  elsewhere  within  its  borders.  But  it 
is  open  to  any  government  to  request  help 
from  UNRRA  in  meeting  these  responsi- 
bilities and  the  Director  General  may  ap- 
portion part  of  his  supplies  to  that  end. 

The  Nazi  invasion  of  Russia  and  transfer 
of  industry  to  the  East  by  the  USSR 
shifted  vast  populations  across  two  conti- 
nents. On  a  lesser  scale  but  for  similar 
reasons,  millions  of  people  have  been  going 
from  place  to  place  within  the  boundaries 
of  their  own  countries. 

This  is  notably  true  in  China.  It  is  said 
that  30,000,000  Chinese  have  fled  to  the 
West  from  the  thickly  settled  eastern  prov- 
inces. Many  will  settle  there  for  keeps, 
American  fashion.  Nonetheless,  the  cost  of 
providing  for  the  return  of  others,  for  food 
during  the  process,  for  restoring  farms  and 
rebuilding  wrecked  communities  will 
mount  into  enormous  figures.  UNRRA  can 
do  no  more  than  help  from  its  limited  funds 
and  give  the  Chinese  authorities  the  counsel 
of  its  personnel  to  be  considered  in  the 
light  of  Chinese  conditions.  • 

A  specific  refugee  problem  is  presented, 
however,  by  some  20,000  fugitives  from 


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Germany  and  eastern  Europe,  mostly  Jew- 
ish, who  were  caught  in  China  by  the  war. 
They  had  expected  to  go  on  to  other  coun- 
tries; very  few  of  them  can  establish  them- 
selves in  China;  and  they  will  seek  settle- 
ment elsewhere. 

Collective  Concern 

No  canvass  of  the  refugee  situation  can 
give  an  adequate  picture  of  the  human 
wretchedness  and  despair  which  forms  its 
background.  Among  the  multitudes  who 
have  suffered  in  this  war,  the  refugee 
stands  out  because,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
has  no  national  home  to  which  he  can 
go,  no  government  whose  duty  it  is  to 
concern  itself  with  his  fate.  What  be- 
comes of  him,  then,  is  a  matter  for  all 
the  nations  and,  as  the  adage  has  it, 
what  is  the  concern  of  all  always  runs 
the  risk  of  being  the  concern  of  none. 

Plans  with  joint  government  backing 
have  been  prepared.  Earnest  and  vigor- 
ous efforts  have  been  put  forth  by  those 
charged  with  carrying  them  out.  But  up 
to  now,  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  United  Nations  have  felt 
strongly  enough  their  duty  to  throw  pro- 
tection over  the  stateless  and  the  refugee, 
or  that  they  as  yet  recognize  that  this 
is  a  genuinely  international  question  which 
requires  each  government  to  do  its  part 
at  home  to  bring  about  the  realization  of 
plans  made  in  common. 

A  silver  lining  to  this  situation  has 
been  the  spirit  and  efficiency  of  volun- 
tary organizations  which  have  given  free- 
ly of  effort  and  money  to  succor  the  refu- 
gees. From  the  end  of  the  last  war  to 
the  present,  they  have  gathered  funds,  or- 
ganized relief,  urged  public  action. 

Such  work  has  been  most  effective  when 
those  who  espouse  it  have  united  in 
agencies  with  experienced  personnel  and 
definite  programs.  Among  them  can  be 
cited  the  American  Friends  Service  Com- 
mittee, the  American  Jewish  Joint  Dis- 
tribution Committee,  the  American  Red 
Cross,  committees  of  the  Christian  churches, 
Hadassah,  the  Hebrew  Immigrant  Aid  So- 
ciety, the  International  Migration  Service, 
the  Zionist  Organization  of  America,  and 
war  relief  bodies.  Their  funds  have  often 
been  inadequate  for  the  job  to  be  done,  but 
many  of  them  have  had  the  permanence 
which  permits  better  use  of  resources 
through  long  term  planning.  They  have 
shown  prowess  in  breaking  fresh  ground 
and  they  have  demonstrated  standards  in 
their  treatment  of  the  refugees  that  prove 
the  value  of  strong  private  agencies  as 
implements  of  our  international  society. 

Nothing  will  so  enhance  the  success  of 
their  activity  as  an  aroused  public  concern 
for  these  victims  of  war  and  fascism  who 
have  become  men,  women,  and  children 
without  a  country. 

On  the  other  hand,  without  government 
aid  and  government  action,  both  in  Europe 
and  overseas,  the  situation  cannot  be  met. 
And  again  that  outcome  hangs  on  an  ar- 
ticulate popular  demand.  American  and 
British  leadership — by  citizens  and  gov- 
ernments alike — can  set  the  pace  in  this 
new  epoch  of  transcendent  need. 


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case    work    involved.      Salary    to    start    $3,500    or 
more,  if  qualified.     8110   Survey. 

MATURE  WOMAN,  skilled  in  case  work  treat- 
ment, background  supervision  and  executive  work 
(psychiatric),  seeks  right  job  —  probably  new  ven- 
ture —  with  strong  board.  Perhaps  specialized 
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tiful, will  look  to  pleasing  climate.  East  of 
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WOMAN,  PH.D.  Political  Science  and  Economics, 
experienced  research  worker  is  interested  in  po- 
sition in  college  or  private  social  agency.  8109 
Survey. 

CASEWORKERS,  Family  Agency  under  Protestant 
auspices.      Middle    West.      Small    specialized    case 
load.      Salary  range  $1700  to  $2400.      State  quali- 
fications.     8108    Survey. 

CAMP  SEASON,  Jewish  Woman,  12  years.  House- 
keeper, Dietitian,  Assistant  Superintendent  Chil- 
dren's Institutions,  desires  camp  privileges  for 
daughter  10,  son  8,  for  services  plus  reasonable 
monetary  remuneration.  8107  Survey. 

CATHOLIC     CHARITIES    an    integrated     Family 
and    Child    Care    Case    Work    Agency    in    need    of 
a    trainee    and    experienced    case    worker.      Good 
salary.     Challenging   opportunity.     Apply    Catholic 
Charities,     418     North     25th     Street,     Omaha     2, 
Nebraska. 

EXPERIENCED  MEDICAL  SOCIAL  WORKER 

wishes  position  Jewish  Institution.  8111  Survey. 

WANTED:  Position  in  welfare  institution  ot 
agency  by  experienced  woman  executive  with 
Master's  Degree  in  Personnel  and  Social  Sciences. 
Seventeen  years  experience  with  group  work 
agency  in  large  city.  8103  Survey. 

COUPLE,      Dutchess      County      Boarding      School, 
woman    supervise    cottage    30    boys,    no    cooking, 
cleaning,    washing;    man    help    with    cottage    and 
supervise  athletics.     Good  salary,   furnished  apart- 
ment,   meals,    garage.     4    weeks'    vacation.     8106 
Survey. 

DIRECTOR  Children's  Institution,  Male,  unmar- 
ried, experienced.  B.A.  Degree.  Post  graduate 
work.  Boys'  institution  or  co-educational.  Free 
to  go  anywhere.  8105  Survey. 

TWO  CASE  WORKERS  for  child  and  family  work 
in  rapidly  expanding  Lutheran  agency  in  Eastern 
city.     Requirements  :  Master's  Degree  or  one  year 
training    plus    experience.       Salary    range:    $1800- 
$2400.     8083   Survey. 

MAN,  35,  master's  degree,  13  years'  experience  in 
case  work  and  administration  seeks  executive  po- 
sition —  juvenile  court,  institution  or  social  agency. 

Approximate  salary  $4000.  8101  Survey. 

PAROLE  OFFICER—  Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dents.     Vacancies   principally   in   New    York   City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  7*/$%  war  emergency 
compensation.      Give    age,    education,    experience. 
David    Dressier,    Executive    Director,    Box    1679, 
Albany,    New    York. 

WORKERS  WANTED 

WANTED:  To  work  in  the  Pennsylvania  Dutch 
Country,  Trained  Child  Placements  Workers. 
Agency  small  but  developing.  Five  professional 
staff  positions  now.  Area  interesting  with  its 
steel  mills,  cement  works,  slate  industry,  farm 
country,  Bethlehem  Bach  Choir.  Beauty  of  Dela- 
ware and  Lehigh  rivers  and  valleys  nearby.  New 
Hope,  Poconos  New  York,  Philadelphia  close  at 
hand.  Apply  Northampton  County  Children's  Aid 
Society,  324  Drake  Building,  Easton,  Pennsylvania. 
Phone  Easton  4263.  Incorporated  with  Children's 
Aid  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

WE     SERVE     as     a     confidential     clearing     house 
through     which     social     workert,     executives     and 
agencies  everywhere  can  get  in   direct  touch   with 
one    another    quickly    and     at     surprisingly     small 
cost.     A   $3.00   registration    fee   to   both   employers 
and    applicants    is    our    only    charge.       No    com- 
missions !     Just  tell  us  what  kind  of  situation  you 
are    qualified    for,    location    you    would    consider,  • 
etc.,    or   give   us   complete   details   about    the   posi- 
tion you  have  open.     After  careful  crossmatching, 
employers  descriptions  are  mailed  to  all  potential 
candidates.       Those    interested    then    apply    direct 
to  employers  on  special  forms   we  furnish.      Don't 
run   the   risk   of  overlooking   the   very   position   or 
applicant   you   might   be  most   interested   in  !   Take 
advantage  of  the   increased  selection  our  low   fees 
and  streamlined  service  creates.     Central   Registry 
Service,    109   South   Stanwood,   Columbus   9,    Ohio. 

WANTED:  MEN  CAMP  LEADERS—  TEACH- 
ERS, as  Counselors  in  a  co-educational  so-called 
"progressive"  camp.  Single  or  married,  with  or 
without  children,  if  one  and  all  are  capable  of, 
and  interested  in,  sharing  the  responsibilities  for 
the  continued  development  of  a  sound  guidance 
program  in  a  truly  cooperative,  democratic  camp 
community,  for  the  summer  of  1945.  8056  Survey. 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 


112 


PENNSYLVANIA    SCHOOL    OF    SOCIAL    WORK 

(Affiliated  with  the  University  of  Pennsylvania) 

Professional  Education  For 

Social  Administration 
Social  Case  Work 
Social  Group  Work 
Social  Research 

Fall  Semester,  1945-46,  opens  October  2,  1945. 
Applications    received    after    February    1,    1945. 


Summer  Institute,  June  11 — June  23. 
Announcement  available  February  15. 


Address,  Secretary  for  Admissions 
2410  Pine  Street 
Philadelphia  3,  Penna. 


SIMMONS   COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Beacon  Hill,  Boston 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  READERS 

are  invited  to  make  use  of  our  Book  Order  Department  to 
order  books  of  any  and  all  publishers.  They  will  be  sent 
postage  free  anywhere  in  the  United  States.  Send  list  to 

Book  Order  Department 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,   INC. 

112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


THE  NEW  YORK  SCHOOL 
OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Columbia  University 

SUMMER  INSTITUTES  1945 

Twelve  institutes,  open  to  practicing  social  workers 
will  be  offered  in  three,  two-week  periods: 

July  9-20,  July  23-August  3,  August  6-17. 

These  institutes  deal  with  very  current  problems  in 
all  fields  of  social  work,  for  example  the  experi- 
ence of  the  New  York  City  Veterans'  Service  Cen- 
ter, and  problems  which  face  communities  with  the 
return  of  their  veterans.  Two  institutes  empha- 
size psychiatric  work  with  children  and  problems 
in  the  child  welfare  field. 

For  details  and  for  a  list  of  all  the  institutes  write 
the  registrar  of  the  School. 

122  East  22nd  Street 
New  York  10     N.  Y. 


SMITH   COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Opent  June,  1943 

The  Accelerated  Course  provides  two  years  of 
academic  credits,  covering  two  quarters  of  theory, 
three  quarters  of  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
meet  the  complex  problems  of  postwar  rehabilitation. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 
Content!  for  December  1944 

Medical     Social     Work     in    the     Vocational     Rehabilitation 
Program  Eleanor  Cockerill 

A    Task    for    Social    Work    in    Connection    with    Psychiatric 
Rehabilitation  Helen  W'ttmer  and  Phebe  Rich 

Abstracts  of  Theses:  Smith  College  School  for  Social  Work, 
1944 

For  further  information  write  to 
THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


Coming  in  the  Months  Ahead 


Special  numbers  .aa  the  \       ;me 

service  of  Survey  Gra^  In  May  comes 
the  10th  of  our  CALLIM5  AMERICA 
series — which,  since  Munich,  have  reached 
a  combined  distribution  of  half  a  million : 

THE  BRITISH  AND  OURSELVES 
— An  adventure  in  common  understand- 
ing in  what  may  be  our  last  great  chance 
to  shape  the  future  of  the  world. 


Written  by  Americans  for  Americans, 
this  May  special  will  deal  with  a  new 
England  tempered  by  war  years — with 
the  British  system  from  London  to  Mont- 
real, Sydney  to  Cape  Town.  It  will  trace 
wartime  team  plays  from  joint  boards  to 
the  fighting  fronts — coming  to  grips  with 
issues  and  things  in  common.  Here  are 
ten  of  the  contributors: 
John  G.  Winant,  U.  S.  Ambassador  to  London 
Herbert  Agar,  founder,  Freedom  House,  editor, 

Louisville  Courier-Journal 
Joseph  Barnei,  foreign  editor,  N.  Y.   Herald 

Tribune 

I      7/1  H.  Bennett,  chief,  U.  S.  Soil  Conserva- 
';on    Service,   back    from    mission   to    South 
Africa 
Henry  Steele  Commager,  Columbia;   lecturer, 

University  of  Cambridge 
David    Cushman    Coyle,   engineer,    author   of 

"America," 

Vera  Mickeies  Dean,   research  director,   For- 
eign Policy  Association. 
Lewis  S.  Gannett,  N.  Y.  Herald  Tribune;  back 

from  Western  front. 

John  MacCormac,  author  of  "America:  Can- 
ada's Problem" 

William   L.   Batt,   Combined   Production    and 
Resources  Board 


SURVEY 


GRAPHIC 


ELVES 


Home  last  fall   from  overseas  service 
(OWI-London),   this  project  was  out- 
lined by  Victor  Weybright  who,  as  our 
managing  editor,  had  handled  earlier  spe- 
cials. He  nas  since  gathered  a  symposium 
by  representative  Britishers.     Nine — 
Sir  William  Beveridge,  Liberal  M.P. 
Sir  Kenneth  Clark,  director,  National  Gallery 
W.  Manning  Dacey,  editor,  The  Banker 
Captain  Quentin  Hogg,  Tory  Reform  Group 
Harold    J.    Laski,    chairman,    Labour    Pari-J 

Conference  £*  S 

Dowager    Lady    Reading,     chmn.,     Womtr-  S' 

Voluntary  Service  '  ^  o 

James  J.  Mallon,  warden  of  Toynbee  Ha  £  X 
Lord     Vansittart,     formerly    British     Fore?*  2, 

Office  .>£• 

Prof.  George  Trevelyan,  historian 


ONE  MONTH  AFTER  ANOTHER 

THE  FUTURE  IS  ALREADY  HERE 
— a  series  of  mind-stretching  articles  on 
scientific  discovery  speeded  up  by  the  war 
— examining  how  synthetics,  television, 
penicillin,  helicopters  will  bring  swift 
changes  in  our  ways  of  life.  Transpor- 
tation in  the  Air  Age  by  William  F. 
Ogburn  (February),  will  be  followed  by 
Electronics:  the  Mind  of  the  Machine  by 
Waldemar  Kaempffert; —  Drugs  and 
Plasma:  the  new  Life  Savers  by  lago 
Galdston  of  the  New  York  Academy  of 
Medicine; — Public  Health:  new  Levels 
of  Prevention  and  Care  by  C.  E.  A. 
Winslow,  Yale  Medical  School ;  —  and 
Television :  and  the  new  Communciations 
by  Robert  W.  King,  Bell  Laboratories. 

BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE— be- 
ginning now,  our  readers  will  see  the 
tough  process  of  liquidating  the  war  and 
fabricating  security  through  the  eyes  of 
James  T.  Shotwell,  historian  of  World 
War  I;  chairman,  Commission  to  Study 
the  Organization  of  Peace. 

HEALTH  OF  TOMORROW— begin- 
ning now,  also,  Survey  Graphic  readers 
are  alive  to  extension  of  medical  care  as  a 
prime  focus  of  wartime  and  postwar  con- 
cern— through  the  eyes  of  Michael  M. 

n  of  Committee  on   Re- 

cal  Economics. 


URVEV 

GRAPHIC 


RIVERS  AND  POSTWAR  RE- 
VIVAL— Watersheds  are  coigns  of  van- 
*f"°.  through  "multiple  purpose  develop- 
ment." Earlier  instalment  !  >rris  L. 
Cooke,  consultant)  dealc  with  TVA 
and  Muscle  Shoals  in  wartime;  with  the 
campaign  of  newspaper  editors  up  and 
down  "The  Big  Muddy";  the  dramatic 
story  of  the  Niger  in  French  West  Africa. 
Later  articles  range  from  California's 
Central  Valley  to  the  "Blue"  Danube. 

LETTERS  AND  LIFE— Hurry  Han- 
sen,  long  distinguished  in  the  goodly  com- 
pany of  the  master  reviewers,  writes  of 
their  social  implications. 

CURRENT  ARTICLES 

"Peace  and  Bread" — John  Dewey,  American 
philosopher,  underwrites  Jane  Addams'  in- 
sight that  democracy  rather  than  coercion 
should  be  the  basis  of  any  international  or- 
ganization that  will  last. 

Fugitives  from  Fascism  by  Joseph  P.  Cham- 
berlain. An  international  authority  deals  not 
with  displaced  Europeans,  but  with  genuine 
refugees,  their  challenge  to  all  of  us. 

Rehabilitation  of  Psychiatric  War  Casualties 
— portrayed  by  Dr.  Thomas  A.  Rennie,  at- 
tending psychiatrist,  New  York  Hospital. 

Mississippi's  "Ordinary  American"  by  Kath- 
ryn  Close,  associate  editor.  A  portrait  of  Earl 
Finch,  living  symbol  of  Uncle  Sam  to  Jap- 
anese-Americans. 

From  Patch  Work  to  Purpose  by  Leon  H. 
Keyserling,  counsel  for  the  Federal  Housing 
Agency.  The  significance  of  the  "Full  Em- 
ployment Bill  of  1945"  proposing  a  national 
production  and  employment  budget. 

"Full  Employment  in  a  Free  Society" — Max- 
well S.  Stewart,  editor,  Public  Affairs  Pamph- 
lets, will  bring  home  the  meaning  to  us  of 
Sir  William  Beveridge's  new  thesis  that  citi- 
zens can  outdo  dictators. 

Posttaar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment  by 
Mabel  Newcomer.  A  Vassar  economist  as- 
sesses fiscal  proposals  now  to  the  fore. 

On  the  Calendar  of  Our  Conscience  by  Justine 
and  Shad  Polier.  Promise  and  pitfalls  we  face 
in  legislation  to  outlaw  discrimination  by  both 
employers  and  unions. 

Northern  City—vnth  a  Southern  Exposure. 
One  community's  adventure — by  Roger  Wil- 
liam Riis,  roving  editor,  Reader's  Digest. 

Roads  to  Alcoholism  by  Dr.  Abraham  Myer- 
son.  A  Harvard  psychiatrist  portrays  wh»t 
social  pressures  cause  excessive  drinking. 

Joe  Doakes,  Patriot,  by  Miriam  Allen  deFord. 
What  men  behind  the  bars  at  San  Quentin 
are  putting  into  the  war. 


jqpRIL 


SURVEV 


3O  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


GRAPHIC 


7   1945 

LOGICAL 


China's  Pursuit  of  Light 


By  Li  Hwa 


Harry  Honsen— Books  on  Eastern  Asia— Bruno  Lasker 
From  Yalta  to  San  Francisco'— James  T.  Shotwell 

Public  Health  in  the  Postwar  World— C.-E.  A.  Winslow 

Coercion  vs.  Democracy 
The  Realism  of  Jane  Addams  interpreted  by  John  Dewey 


"TELEVISION" 


'We 


re  helped  television  get  born  and  we've 
helped  it  grow. 

"We  made  television  sending  and  receiv- 
ing apparatus  back  in  1927  and  worked  it 
by  wire  between  Washington  and  New  York 
City  and  by  radio  between  Whippany,  New 
Jersey,  and  New  York. 

"We  can  transmit  television  over  wire 
lines  and  by  radio.  We  produced  the  coaxial 
cable,  which  is  particularly  adapted  to  tele- 
vision. We  have  some  coaxial  installed  now 


and  are  installing  more.   We  are  also  setting 
up  a  micro-wave  radio-relay  circuit. 

"Whatever  television  needs  from  us  for 
transmission,  we'll  be  prepared.  It  might  be 
a  network  of  cables  or  radio  beams  or  both. 

"We  explore  the  field  in  order  to  do  our 
part  —  which  is  the  transmission  of  television 
from  place  to  place,  just  as  we  furnish  trans- 
mission for  the  radio  networks  now. 

"We're  going  to  keep  on  studying  all 
methods— and  use  the  best." 


BELL    TELEPHONE    SYSTEM 


Listen  to  "THE  TELEPHONE  HOUR" 
every  Monday   evening  over  NBC 


Among  Ourselves 

WHEN  ON  MARCH  12,  Gov.  THOMAS  E.  DEWEY 
signed  the  Ives-Quinn  bill  at  Albany,  New 
York  became  the  first  state  to  define  the  right 
to  employment  free  trom  racial  or  religious 
discrimination  as  a  "civil  right."  The  new  legis- 
lation has  been  widely  commended  as  a  sig- 
nificant victory  in  the  fight  for  democracy 
at  home.  Anti-discrimination  legislation  is  now 
pending  in  seven  other  states — Ohio,  Cali- 
fornia, Illinois,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey, 
Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut.  New  York's 
action  is  also  reported  to  have  strengthened 
the  hands  of  congressional  supporters  of  fed- 
eral legislation  to  set  up  a  permanent  Fair 
Employment  Practice  Commission. 

Meanwhile  at  Albany  a  companion  bill, 
needed  for  successful  enforcement  of  the  Ives- 
Quinn  measure,  has  been  adopted  and  signed. 
This  proposal,  which  was  included  in  the 
recommendations  of  the  Temporary  Commis- 
sion Against  Discrimination,  gives  the  state 
attorney  general  power  to  assist  and,  if  neces- 
sary, to  supersede  local  prosecutors  in  enforc- 
ing all  state  laws  against  racial  or  religious 
discrimination.  (See  "On  the  Calendar  of  Our 
Consciences"  by  Justine  and  Shad  Polier,  Feb- 
ruary Survey  Graphic.) 

"As:A  ON  THE  MOVE,"  BY  BRUNO  LASKER,  ONE 
time  managing  editor  of  Survey  Graphic,  is 
the  March  selection  of  the  Scientific  Book 
Club.  Mr.  Lasker  is  now  research  secretary  of 
the  American  Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pa- 
cific Relations.  "Asia  on  the  Move"  is  reviewed 
on  page  135  of  this  issue. 

Election  Returns 

JUST    TOO    LATE    TO    BE    REPORTED    LAST    MONTH 

came  the  results  of  the  nationwide  election  to 
select  a  collective  bargaining  agent  for  Western 
Union  employes  under  the  National  Labor 
Relations  Act.  Some  of  the  issues  at  stake  were 
defined  and  discussed  in  Survey  Graphic  for 
January  ("Labor  Problem  With  a  Future"  by 
Diana  Lewars).  In  the  voting,  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  won  over  the  CIO 
in  virtually  every  area  except  New  York  City. 
The  three  AFL  unions,  the  Commercial  Tele- 
graphers' Union,  International  Brotherhood  of 
Electrical  Workers,  and  the  Federal  Labor 
Union,  had  previously  made  a  jurisdictional 
agreement,  and  were  designated  as  the  collec- 
tive bargaining  agents  on  that  basis.  The  elec- 
tion was  the  outgrowth  of  the  merger  of 
Western  Union  and  Postal  Telegraph,  ordered 
by  the  Federal  Communications  Commission. 
Some  60,000  workers  were  involved. 


In  March  Survey  Midmonthly 
Babies  on  the  Market     by  Maud  Morloc\ 
Figures,  Fantasies,  and  Facts 

by  Elbert  L.  Hooker 

Training  for  Practice   by  John  A.  Reimers 
Birth  of  a  Council  by  Nell  Whaley 

A  Welfare  Staff  Plays  'Truth" 

by  G.  J.  Klupar 
Instead  of  Jail  by   William   J.  Ellis 

Coming  in  April 
What  Is  UNRRA  Doing? 

by  Fred  K.  Hoehler 


Vol.  XXXIV 


CONTENTS 


No.  4 


Survey  Graphic  for  April   1945 

Cover:  Pursuit  of  Light  by  Li  Htva.  From  "China  in  Elac\  and  White" 

John  Dewey:  Photographic  Study  by  Joseph   Breitenbach 116 

Peace  and  Bread:  An  appreciation  of  Jane  Addams  insight JOHN  DEWEY  117 

Public  Health  in  the  Postwar  World  C.-E.  A.  WINSLOW  1 19 

From  Yalta  to  the  Golden  Gate   JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  123 

Farmers  Must  Go  Fishing   MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  125 

They  Can  Be  Made  Over  ELSIE  McCoRMicK  127 

China  in   Wartime:   Woodcuts    130 

Letters  and  Life:  Special  Section  featuring  bool(s  on  Eastern  Asia 131 

The  West  and  the  Far  East   HARRY  HANSEN  131 

China  from  the  Bottom  Up    BRUNO  LASKER  132 

Reviews  by:  JOE  j.  MICKLE  •  KINGSLEY  DAVIS  •  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.  • 

M.    L.    WILSON    *    WILLIAM    A.    NEILSON    *    HAROLD   W.   DODDS    •    1ST   LT.    RICHARD 
PATRICK    KELLOGG 

Copyright,  194S,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  Ji.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  tecrttary,  ANN  REED  BRENNIR. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH 
P.  CHAMBERLAIN,  EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN,  EARL  G.  HARRISON,  SIDNEY  HILLMAN,  FRED  K.  HOEHLER, 
BLANCHE  ITTLESON,  ALVIN  JOHNSON,  WILLIAM  W.  LANCASTER,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH,  WILLIAM  M. 
LEISERSON,  THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIER,  WILLIAM  ROSENWALD,  BEARDSLEY  RUML, 
EDWARD  L.  RYERSON,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL  SHUMWAY,  HAROLD  H.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY 
TEAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AMIDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL.  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN. 
KATHRYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HAXKY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOEB  KEL- 
LOGG, LOULA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEON  WHIPPLE.  Contributing  editon:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KORTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MARY  Ross, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINCER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDON;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

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BY  V-MAIL  FROM  SHAEF  COME  HEARTWARMING 
words  written  to  our  Book  Review  editor  by 
Major  Irving  Dilliard,  in  his  civilian  days  an 
editorial  writer  for  the  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch, 
and  an  occasional  contributor  of  articles 
and  book  reviews  to  Survey  Graphic:  "My 
thanks  for  the  two  books  for  review.  They 
have  just  come  and  you  haven't  any  idea  how 
good  it  is  to  open  a  package  of  American 
books  over  here  in  snowbound  France  and 
to  speculate  a  bit  on  them  and  to  turn  through 
the  pages.  .  .  .  Rufus  Terral  recently  sent  me 
a  copy  of  Survey  Graphic  with  his  Missouri 
Valley  article.  ["Big  Magic  for  the  Big  Muddy" 
in  the  September  number.]  It  was  a  good  job 
and  so  was  the  whole  issue.  How  do  you 
maintain  such  a  high  level  over  the  years?" 

Human  Test  Tubes 

How  WAR'S  NECESSITIES  SPEED  SCIENTIFIC  RE- 
search  in  the  control  of  epidemics  and  the 
furtherance  of  public  health  is  told  on  page 
119  by  Dr.  C.-E.  A.  Winslow  of  the  Yale 
Medical  School.  It  is  a  swiftly  moving  story, 
the  chapters  of  which  often  are  front  page 


news.  Thus  as  Dr.  Winslow's  article  went  to 
the  printer,  The  New  Yor%  Times  carried  a 
stirring  account  of  how  nearly  800  prisoners 
in  three  of  the  country's  leading  penal  insti- 
tutions have  since  March  1944  been  volunteer- 
ing as  "living  test  tubes." 

With  the  certainty  of  disease  and  discom- 
fort, the  risk  of  permanent  impairment,  and 
even  death,  the  prisoners  have  permitted  them- 
selves to  be  infected,  then  given  experimental 
doses  of  little  understood  drugs.  The  drugs 
are  being  developed  by  American  chemists, 
enlisted  in  the  fight  against  the  worldwide 
scourge  of  malaria.  As  Dr.  Winslow  points 
out,  quinine  and  atabrine  are  effective  in 
suppressing  the  symptoms  of  the  disease;  the 
quest  is  for  a  drug  capable  of  actually  curing 
or  preventing  malaria.  The  nature  of  the 
new  drug  or  drugs  is  still  a  closely  guarded 
secret  of  the  division  of  medical  sciences  of 
the  National  Research  Council.  But  as  the 
Times  writer  points  out,  "the  stage  of  large 
scale  human  testing  is  regarded  in  itself  as 
indicating  diat  the  long  sought  goal  is  close 
to  realization." 


JOHN  DEWEY 

Photographic  Study  by  Joseph  Breitenbach 


S  U  RVEV 


PHIC 


Peace  and  Bread 

The  realism  of     JANE  ADDAMS     interpreted  by 
JOHN  DEWEY 

American  philosopher  and  long  time  friend  and  associate  at  Hull  House, 
a  great  contemporary  of  its  founder  hails  a  re-edition  of  her  book  of 
a  quarter  century  ago.*  Writing  on  international  organization  for  the 
first  time  in  World  War  II,  he  subscribes  to  her  living  conception  of 

Democracy  vs.  Coercion 


THE  REPUBLICATION  OF  "Peace  and  Bread" 
is  peculiarly  timely.  Jane  Addams'  book  is 
a  record,  searching  and  vivid,  of  human 
aspects  of  the  First  World  War.  It  gives 
a  picture  of  the  development  of  American 
sentiment  from  1914  to  1922,  the  year  of 
its  first  publication.  It  is  a  forceful  re- 
minder of  things  that  would  be  unfor- 
gettable, did  we  not  live  on  the  surface 
of  the  current  of  the  day's  events. 

Her  book  takes  us  through  the  earliest 
period  when  that  war  seemed  remote  and 
unreal,  and  the  American  public  reacted 
with  incredulity  and  exasperation;  through 
the  phase  of  gradual  hardening  into  sullen 
acceptance  of  war  as  a  fact;  to  the  time 
when,  after  a  delay  of  two  and  a  half 
years,  we  responded  to  the  declaration  of 
war  with  enthusiastic  participation  in 
which  the  earlier  all  but  universal  pacifism 
was  treated  as  cowardly  retreat  or  as 
actively  treasonable;  and  then  through  the 
postwar  years  of  disillusionment  and  reac- 
tion. 

These  facts  the  older  ones  among  us  have 
largely  forgotten  and  the  younger  ones 
never  knew.  The  picture  the  book  gives 
would  be  of  great  present  value  if  it  merely 
communicated  the  warning  and  gave  the 
instruction  provided  by  traits  common  to 
the  First  World  War  and  to  the  present 
war  which  now  afflicts  the  world  on  an 
even  greater  scale. 

But  the  warning  and  the  instruction  are 
increased  rather  than  diminished,  when  we 
include  in  the  reckoning  certain  matters 
which  make  the  American  attitude  and 
response  during  the  present  war  very  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  thirty  years  ago,  and 
.  that  of  the  eight  or  ten  years  immediately 
following.  A  brief  statement  of  some  of 
these  differences  will,  I  think,  disclose  the 
nature  of  the  increased  timeliness. 


Conditions  at  home  as  well  as  abroad 
produced  a  reaction  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
European  war  in  1939  very  different  from 
that  which  greeted  the  events  of  1914.  Even 
only  eight  years  after  that  date  Miss 
Addams  could  write, 

"It  is  impossible  now  to  reproduce  that 
basic  sense  of  desolation,  of  suicide,  of 
anachronism,  which  the  first  news  of  war 
brought  to  thousands  of  men  and  women 
who  had  come  to  consider  war  as  a  throw- 
back in  the  scientific  sense." 

And  she  could  also  write,  "It  is  very 
difficult  after  five  years  of  war  to  recall 
the  attitude  of  most  normal  people  during 
those  first  years" — years  when  the  reaction 
against  war  "was  almost  instantaneous 
throughout  the  country." 

Characteristics  of  the  Change 

What  was  difficult  then  is  practically 
impossible  now.  Instead,  we  have  an  ac- 
centuation of  that  later  development  when, 
as  Miss  Addams  wrote  in  1922,  "We  have 
perforce  become  accustomed  to  a  world  of 
widespread  war  with  its  inevitable  conse- 
quences of  divisions  and  animosities." 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  change  that, 
while  some  thirty  years  ago  the  idea  of  a 
war  to  end  wars  could  be  taken  seriously, 
we  now  indulge  only  in  the  modest  hope 
of  being  able  to  establish  a  peace  that 
will  last  a  generation  or  two.  Even  more 
significant  is  the  change  in  the  attitude  of 


*From  an  anniversary  edit  inn  of  "Peace  and 
Bread  in  Time  of  War"  by  Jane  Addams;  with  a 
new  introductory  essay  by  John  Dewey  on  "Demo- 
cratic Versus  Coercive  International  Organization: 
the  Realism  of  Jane  Addams." 

The  anniversary  is  tlie  thirtieth  of  the  Women's 
International  League  for  Peace  and  Freedom,  which 
MUs  Addams  helped  to  found  in  April  1915,  and 
did  so  much  to  make  significant  in  the  succeeding 
twenty  years  as  international  president. 

To  be  published  this  month  by  King's  Crown  Press 
— a  division  of  Columbia  University  Press.  Price  $2. 


those  who  have  opposed  our  taking  part  in 
the  two  wars. 

In  the  case  of  the  first  war,  it  was  the 
sense  of  the  stupidity  and  immorality  of 
war  as  war  that  animated  the  opposition. 

In  the  case  of  the  present  war,  vocal 
opposition  came  most  conspicuously  from 
the  nationalistic  isolationism  that  wanted 
to  keep  us  out  of  the  devastation  of  war, 
while  those  who  favored  participation  for 
the  most  part  took  the  ground  of  moral 
obligation. 

There  is,  I  believe,  nothing  paradoxical 
in  saying  that  such  differences  as  these, 
great  as  they  are,  increase,  instead  of  lessen, 
the  warning  and  instruction,  the  timeliness, 
of  the  book  Miss  Addams  wrote  almost  a 
quarter  of  a  century  ago. 

The  warning  is  against  adoption  and  use 
of  methods  which  are  so  traditional  that  we 
are  only  too  likely  to  adopt  them — methods 
which  are  called  "Terms  of  Peace,"  but 
which  in  fact  are  but  terms  of  a  precarious 
interim  between  wars. 

The  instruction  concerns  the  need  for 
adoption  of  methods  which  break  with 
political  tradition,  which  courageously  ad- 
venture in  lines  that  are  new  in  diplomacy 
and  in  the  political  relations  of  govern- 
ments, and  which  are  consonant  with  the 
vast  social  changes  going  on  everywhere 
else. 

The  term  "pacifist"  has  unfortunately 
assumed  a  more  restricted  meaning  during 
recent  years.  It  used  to  apply  to  all  per- 
sons who  hoped  and  worked  for  a  world 
free  from  the  curse  of  war.  It  has  now 
come  to  stand  almost  exclusively  for  those 
who  are  opposed  to  war  under  any  and  all 
conditions. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  significance  of 
the  phrase  "Peace  Movement"  has  deep- 
ened. It  used  to  stand  for  something 


117 


which  upon  the  whole  was  negative,  for  an 
attitude  that  made  it  easy  to  identify  paci- 
fism with  passivism.  A  large  measure  of 
credit  for  producing  this  latter  change  must 
go  to  Jane  Addams. 

Dynamics  of  Peace 

In  her  book  "The  Newer  Ideals  of 
Peace,"  published  some  years  before  the  out- 
break of  World  War  I,  she  set  forth  aims 
and  methods  that  are  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  "Peace  and  Bread"  that  the 
two  books  form  a  whole.  The  aims  and 
methods  set  forth  in  both  are  of  a  kind 
that  more  than  justify  her  in  referring  to 
them  as  "vital  and  dynamic." 

Their  nature  may  be  gathered  from  the 
vigor  with  which  she  repudiated  accusa- 
tions that  were  freely  and  ungenerously 
brought  against  her  and  her  fellow-workers. 
Speaking  of  the  state  of  affairs  before  the 
First  World  War,  she  wrote, 

"The  world  was  bent  on  change,  for  it 
knew  that  the  real  denial  and  surrender  of 
life  is  not  physical  death  but  acquiescence 
in  hampered  conditions  and  unsolved  prob- 
lems. .  .  . 

"We  pacifists,  so  far  from  passively 
wishing  nothing  to  be  done,  contended  on 
the  contrary  that  this  world  crisis  should 
be  utilized  for  the  creation  of  an  inter- 
national government  able  to  make  the  neces- 
sary political  and  economic  changes  which 
were  due;  ...  it  was  unspeakably  stupid 
that  the  nations  should  fail  to  create  an 
international  government  through  which 
each  one,  without  danger  to  itself,  might 
recognize  and  even  encourage  the  impulses 
toward  growth  in  other  nations." 

And  again  she  wrote, 

"We  were  constantly  accused  of  wishing 
to  isolate  the  United  States  and  to  keep  our 
country  out  of  world  politics.  We  were 
of  course  urging  a  policy  exactly  the  reverse, 
that  this  country  should  lead  the  nations 
of  the  world  into  a  wider  life  of  coordi- 
nated political  activity." 

Miss  Addams  repeatedly  called  attention 
to  the  fact  that  all  social  movements  outside 
of  traditional  diplomacy  and  "international 
law"  had  been  drawing  the  peoples  of 
different  countries  together  in  ever  closer 
bonds,  while  war,  under  modern  condi- 
tions, was  affecting  civilian  populations  as 
it  had  never  done  before. 

Both  of  these  factors  have  immensely  in- 
creased since  she  wrote.  The  futility  of 
dependence  upon  old  methods,  which  is 
referred  to  in  the  passage  just  quoted,  has 
correspondingly  increased.  Many  persons, 
among  whom  the  present  writer  enrolls 
himself,  who  are  not  pacifists  in  the  abso- 
lute sense  in  which  Miss  Addams  was  one, 
believe  that  she  has  clearly  indicated  the 
directions  which  all  peace  efforts  must  take 
if  they  are  not  to  be  doomed  in  advance 
to  futility. 

Miss  Addams  remarks  in  "Peace  and 
Bread"  that  "Social  advance  depends  as 
much  upon  the  process  through  which  it 
is  secured  as  upon  the  result  itself."  When 
one  considers  the  intimately  human  quality 
of  her  writings,  it  sounds  pedantic  to  say 
that  this  sentence  conveys  a  philosophy,  one 
which  underlies  what  she  has  to  say  about 
war  and  the  conditions  of  enduring  peace. 


But  the  human  quality  of  her  position  and 
proposals  in  this  case  is  a  philosophy  that 
gives  the  key  to  understanding  her. 

Peace — A  Democratic  Process 

Her  dynamic  and  vital  contribution  to 
the  Peace  Movement  is  her  insistence  upon 
the  necessity  of  international  organization. 
Today  the  idea  has  become  commonplace. 
The  Wilsonian  League  of  Nations  at  least 
accomplished  that  much.  We  are  assured 
from  all  quarters  that  the  Second  World 
War  is  being  fought  in  order  to  achieve 
an  organization  of  nations  that  will  main- 
tain peace.  But  when  we  ask  about  the 
process  that  is  depended  upon,  we  find  the 
word  "organization"  covers  very  different 
things. 

The  process  that  looms  largest  in  current 
discussions  is  "political"  action,  by  which 
we  usually  mean  governmental  and  legal 
action,  together  with  coercive  economic 
measures.  Miss  Addams  does  employ  the 
word  "political."  But  the  context  invariably 
shows  that  she  uses  it  in  a  wide  human 
sense.  And  while  this  usage  of  hers  confers 
upon  the  word  a  moral,  and  in  so  far  an 
idealistic,  significance,  her  attitude  is  in  fact 
much  more  realistic  than  is  the  attitude  that 
puts  its  trust  in  "organization"  of  the  tra- 
ditional political  type. 

For  one  can  say,  with  as  much  justice 
as  is  consonant  with  brevity,  that  to  trust 
to  traditional  political  "organization"  to 
create  peaceful  relations  between  nations 
involves  reliance  upon  just  that  exaggerated 
nationalistic  and  power  politics  that  has 
brought  the  world  to  its  present  pass. 

In  contrast,  the  process  of  organization 
upon  which  Miss  Addams  would  have  us 
depend  is  one  which  cuts  across  national- 
istic lines.  Moreover,  instead  of  setting  up 
a  super-state,  it  also  cuts  under  those  lines. 
Its  nature  is  indicated  in  a  passage  which 
follows  the  one  already  quoted,  in  which 
she  expressed  the  desire  that  the  United 
States  take  the  lead  in  guiding  the  world 
"into  a  wider  life  of  coordinated  political 
activity." 

What  fits  the  United  States,  Miss 
Addams  holds,  for  assuming  this  leadership 
is  precisely  the  fact  that  democratic  develop- 
ment in  this  country  has  in  fact  increasingly 
cut  under  and  cut  across  barriers  of  race 
and  class.  In  nothing  is  Miss  Addams' 
book  more  timely  than  in  its  sense  of  the 
positive  values  contributed  by  our  immi- 
grant populations.  The  pattern  of  Amer- 
ican life,  composed  of  multiple  and  diversi- 
fied peoples,  hostile  in  the  countries  from 
which  they  came  but  living  in  reasonable 
amity  here,  can  and  should  be  used  to  pro- 
vide the  pattern  of  international  organiza- 
tion. 

One  of  the  ironies  of  the  present  situation 
is  that  a  war  caused  in  large  measure  by 
deliberate  Nazi  provocation  of  racial  and 
class  animosity  has  had  the  effect  in  this 
country  of  stimulating  the  growth  of  racial 
fear  and  dislike,  instead  of  leading  to  intel- 
ligent repudiation  of  Nazi  doctrines  of  hate. 

The  heart  of  the  democratic  movement, 
as  Miss  Addams  saw  and  felt  it,  is  "to 
replace  coercion  by  the  full  consent  of  the 
governed,  to  educate  and  strengthen  the 
free  will  of  the  people  through  the  use  of 


democratic  institutions"  in  which  "the  cos- 
mopolitan inhabitants  of  this  great  nation 
might  at  last  become  united  in  a  vast 
common  endeavor  for  social  ends."  Since 
the  United  States  had  demonstrated  on  a 
fairly  large  scale  the  practicability  of  this 
method,  Miss  Addams  put  her  faith  in 
extension  of  the  democratic  process  to  the 
still  wider  world  of  peoples. 

Old  Welding  and  New 

Its  exact  opposite  she  found  in  the  use  of 
"opposition  to  a  common  enemy,  which  is 
an  old  method  of  welding  peoples  to- 
gether," a  method  "better  fitted  to  military 
than  to  social  use,  adapted  to  a  government 
resulting  from  coercion  rather  than  one 
founded  by  free  men." 

There  are  today  many  persons,  not  paci- 
fists in  the  present  technical  sense,  who  will 
believe  that  Miss  Addams'  book  is  timely 
because  it  points  directly  to  the  source  of 
the  failure  of  the  hopes  so  ardently  enter- 
tained a  generation  ago.  Men  then  thought 
they  could  attain  peace  through  an  inter- 
national organization  of  the  traditional 
political  kind,  which  relies  more  upon  coer- 
cive force  than  upon  constructive  meeting 
of  human  needs. 

When  I  try  to  formulate  what  Miss 
Addams  wrote  informally  yet  clearly,  I 
come  out  with  a  sense  of  the  difference 
between  two  methods  and  attitudes: 

On  one  hand,  we  can  trust  to  an  inter- 
national political  organization  of  an  over- 
all type  to  create  the  organs  it  requires. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  can  rely  upon 
organs  that  have  been  formed  to  take  care 
of  human  needs  (including  the  need  for 
change)  to  develop  in  the  course  of  their 
own  use  an  organization  which  can  be 
depended  upon,  because  it  has  become  in- 
grained in  practice. 

If  history  has  proved  anything,  it  is,  I 
believe,  that  only  the  latter  kind  of  organ- 
ization is  so  "vital  and  dynamic"  as  to 
endure,  while  the  former  kind  is  likely 
to  yield  a  mechanical  structure  of  forces 
so  uncertainly  "balanced"  as  to  be  sure  to 
collapse  when  old  stresses  and  strains  recur 
in  new  shapes. 

It  has  become  customary  to  give  the 
name  "realistic"  to  the  kind  of  organiza- 
tion that  is  based  upon  opposition  to  an 
enemy  and  that  relies  upon  armed  force  to 
maintain  itself.  In  contrast,  the  road  indi- 
cated by  Miss  Addams  is,  I  submit,  infi- 
nitely more  "realistic." 

There  are  chapters  in  "Peace  and  Bread," 
notably  the  fourth  and  the  tenth,  which 
supply  material  that  makes  concrete  and 
definite  the  difference  between  processes  or 
organizations  of  the  traditional  political- 
legal  type,  with  their  emphasis  upon  force 
— already  war  in  posse — and  the  human 
and  socially  humane  processes  to  which 
Miss  Addams  appealed  for  help. 

Her  Faith— and  Its  Pole 

The  formation  of  UNRRA,  even  while 
this  war  is  being  waged,  is,  as  far  as  it 
goes,  a  recognition  of  the  "Food  Chal- 
lenge" for  world  organization.  The  energy 
with  which  we  use  and  extend  this  kind 
of  process  as  the  working  model  for  other 
(Continued  on  page  138) 


118 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Signal   Corp* 
In  Pacific  jungles  today,  in  the  American  homeland  tomorrow,  we  have  a  decisive  new  weapon,  DDT,  for  the  fight  against  malaria 

Public  Health  in  the  Postwar  World 

With  sanitary  isolationism  ended  forever  by  the  airplane — science  and  technol- 
ogy now  put  within  man's  reach  new  levels  of  cooperation  and  global  health. 


WORLD  WAR  II  HAS  CONFRONTED,  us  WITH 
public  health  problems  of  major  impor- 
tance— problems  which  as  a  nation  we  have 
never  been  forced  to  meet  before. 

In  1898  we  had  only  to  deal  with  the 
menace  of  flies  and  the  improper  disposal 
of  excreta  in  Florida  and  Cuba  and  we  did 
not  pass  even  this  simple  test  satisfactorily, 
since  one  out  of  five  of  our  soldiers  con- 
tracted typhoid  fever. 

In  1918,  the  world  pandemic  of  influ- 
enza struck  military  and  civilian  popula- 
tions alike;  and  public  health  science  had 
no  effective  answer  to  that  problem. 

In  the  present  conflict  we  face  infinitely 
greater  difficulties  in  protecting  the  health 
of  our  armies.  We  have  been  operating  in 
Central  Africa  and  the  South  Pacific — the 
most  fever-ridden  jungles  of  the  earth.  We 
have  had  to  face  malaria  at  its  worst,  amebic 
and  bacillary  dysentery,  dengue  fever  and 
scrub  typhus,  the  newly  highlighted  infec- 
tious jaundice,  and  many  another  disease 
which  most  American  scientists  have 
known  only  from  their  textbooks. 


C.-E.  A.  WINSLOW 

From  this  ordeal,  the  army  and  the  navy 
have  emerged  with  a  success  which  forms  a 
truly  glorious  chapter  in  the  history  of 
public  health.  The  deathrate  from  disease 
in  our  army  had  reached  an  all-time  low 
of  3.1  per  1,000  in  1939  and  fell  still  fur- 
ther in  the  next  three  years. 


— By  the  Anna  M.  R.  Lauder  Professor 
of  Public  Health  in  the  Yale  Medical 
School,  and  director  of  the  John  B. 
Pierce  Laboratory  of  Hygiene.  An  out- 
standing American  authority  in  the  pub- 
lic health  field,  Dr.  Winslow  has  dealt 
with  international  health  problems  as 
general  medical  director  of  the  League 
of  Red  Cross  Societies,  expert  assessor 
of  the  Health  Committee  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  member  of  the  board  of 
scientific  directors  of  the  International 
Health  Division  of  the  Rockefeller 
Foundation. 

This  article  is  the  third  in  our  series, 
"The  Future  is  Already  Here." 


In  spite  of — and  because  of — this  bril- 
liant record  of  military  medicine,  the  ex- 
perience of  the  armed  forces  has  real  signifi- 
cance from  the  standpoint  of  the  health  of 
our  civilian  population  in  the  postwar 
period.  In  many  of  the  Pacific  Islands,  our 
troops  have  been  effectively  protected 
against  the  development  of  malaria  only 
by  continuous  treatment  with  quinine  or 
atabrine.  Many  of  them  will,  however,  have 
received  infection  and — when  the  suppres- 
sive  drug  treatment  ceases — they  will  come 
down  with  the  disease.  Statistics  already 
show  a  five-fold  increase  in  malaria  re- 
ported from  our  northern  states  during  the 
winter  months.  It  is  probable  that  tens, 
perhaps  hundreds,  of  thousands  of  such 
relapses  will  occur  when  all  our  troops 
return.  They  will  serve  as  sources  of  epi- 
demics wherever  our  own  malaria-bearing 
mosquitoes  are  not  effectively  controlled. 

Conquest  of  Insect  Enemies 

At  this  point,  however,  some  of  the  most 
dramatic  new  advances  of  public  health 


APRIL     1945 


119 


Corps 


Dusting  clothing  with  DDT  in  Naples  last  year.  Deadly  typhus  was  "licked  in  a  week" 


I".    S.    Public    Health    Service 
PHS  doctors  examine  incoming  air  travelers  at  Miami  for  symptoms  of  tropical  disease 


science  have  come  to  our  aid.  The  Pre- 
ventive Medicine  Service  of  the  Office  of 
the  Surgeon-General  of  the  Army  (under 
the  direction  of  Brigadier-General  J.  S. 
Simmons)  was,  even  before  Pearl  Harbor, 
making  an  intensive  study  of  materials 
which  would  destroy  insect  pests  and  of 
others  which  would  serve  as  repellents  to 
keep  such  pests  away  from  the  soldier. 
Early  in  1933,  when  the  situation  was  ren- 
dered critical  by  the  cutting  off  of  sources 
of  insecticidal  substances  from  the  Dutch 
East  Indies  and  the  failure  of  crops  yielding 
similar  substances  in  East  Africa,  a  mate- 
rial now  known  as  "DDT"  was  sent  to  the 
government  laboratories  for  test.  This  mir- 
acle substance,  it  was  found,  kills  flies, 
mosquitoes,  lice,  fleas,  bedbugs.  It  can  be 
used  in  the  form  of  a  powder  dusted  into 
the  clothing  for  the  destruction  of  lice; 


or  the  clothing  itself  may  be  impregnated 
with  the  substance.  It  can  be  dusted  onto 
water  from  an  airplane  to  kill  larval 
mosquitoes;  or  sprayed  in  liquid  solution 
into  the  air  to  destroy  adult  mosquitoes.  It 
can  be  painted  on  to  the  wall  of  a  house 
or  stable  and  will  kill  any  insect  which 
lights  upon  it.  It  may  persist  on  clothing 
or  on  a  wall  in  toxic  strength  for  months. 

In  the  past,  deadly  epidemics  of  typhus 
fever  have  always  followed  in  the  wake  of 
armies.  Typhus  decimated  the  troops  of 
Napoleon  in  the  retreat  from  Moscow. 
Typhus  caused  millions  of  deaths  in  the 
Soviet  Union  after  1918.  But  when  it  broke 
out  in  Naples  a  year  ago,  DDT  licked  it  in 
a  week.  General  Simmons  has  said  that 
this  substance  "is  the  war's  greatest  con- 
tribution to  the  future  health  of  the  world." 

Long   before   the   beginning  of   recorded 


history,  there  began  a  world  war  between 
the  human  race  and  its  insect  enemies.  In 
this  age-long  conflict  it  appears  science  has 
at  last  given  our  side  a  weapon  which 
ensures  decisive  victory. 

It  will  be  our  responsibility  after  the 
war  to  see  that  these  new  discoveries  are 
applied  for  the  protection  of  the  civilian 
population.  Particularly  in  the  case  of  ma- 
laria, will  this  be  essential.  It  is  out  of  the 
question  to  quarantine  all  the  malaria  car- 
riers returning  from  the  Far  East.  Our  only 
effective  safeguard  is  to  render  our  home- 
land non-infectible.  There  are  serious  foci 
of  malarial  mosquitoes  in  68  counties  of 
the  United  States;  and  the  U.  S.  Public 
Health  Service  has  outlined  a  program 
costing  $15,000,000  a  year  for  at  least  five 
years  and  $1,000,000  a  year  thereafter  for 
their  control.  It  will  be  well  worth  the 
cost. 

New  Weapons  in  an  Old  Fight 

In  the  first  World  War,  the  most  serious 
causes  of  disability  in  the  armed  forces 
were  the  venereal  diseases.  After  the  close 
of  hostilities,  syphilis  and  gonorrhea  as- 
sumed almost  epidemic  proportions  in 
civilian  populations  all  over  the  world. 
During  recent  months  the  incidence  rate 
of  these  diseases  has  risen,  both  in  the 
services  and  at  home.  The  condition  is, 
however,  by  no  means  so  serious  as  one 
might  assume  from  reports  of  a  25  percent 
or  50  percent  increase,  here  or  there,  since 
these  percentage  increases  are  estimated  on 
initially  low  rates.  The  combined  incidence 
rate  of  the  venereal  diseases  in  the  army 
in  1942  (under  40  per  1,000  per  year)  was 
less  than  half  the  lowest  annual  rate  for 
our  army  in  World  War  I. 

Furthermore,  we  have,  in  this  case  also, 
new  and  effective  weapons  in  the  war 
against  disease.  Dr.  George  Baehr  of  New 
York  has  said:  "The  recent  introduction 
of  rapid  treatment  methods  for  early 
syphilis  has  made  it  possible  for  the  first 
time  to  eliminate  the  disease.  The  five-day 
drip  technique  for  massive  arsenotherapy, 
and  subsequent  modifications,  with  and 
without  the  artificial  induction  of  fever, 
can  cure  80  to  90  percent  of  patients  with 
early  syphilis.  .  .  .  The  results  of  penicillin 
treatment  are  at  least  as  good  as  massive 
arsenotherapy,  and  there  are  no  toxic  effects 
whatever.  Eighty  to  90  percent  of  all  pa- 
tients with  early  syphilis  can  be  rendered 
non-infectious  and  perhaps  cured  within  a 
week." 

These  are  new  procedures  and  there  will 
certainly  be  limitations  to  their  usefulness; 
but  they  promise  to  reduce  the  treatment 
period  for  syphilis  to  days  or  weeks  instead 
of  months  or  years.  As  to  gonorrhea,  heat 
treatment  and  the  use  of  sulfa  drugs  and 
penicillin  have  now  given  us  prompt  and 
effective  methods  of  treatment  for  a  disease 
which  presented  an  almost  hopeless  prob- 
lem in  the  past. 

New  drugs,  however  powerful,  will  not, 
unfortunately,  apply  themselves.  If  we  are 
to  avoid  epidemics  of  syphilis  and  gon- 
orrhea after  the  war,  we  must  more  full) 
activate  our  local  community  machinery 
for  the  control  of  commercialized  vice  on 
the  one  hand  and  our  public  health  ma- 


120 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


chinery  for  the  eradication  of  syphilis  and 
gonorrhea  on  the  other.  The  crowding  of 
lonely  male  and  female  workers  into  mush- 
room munition  towns  and  the  return  of 
soldiers  and  sailors  starved  for  sex  satis- 
faction cannot  fail  to  create  grave  problems. 

We  shall  need  far  more  extensive  and 
adequate  free  treatment  facilities  than  we 
now  possess;  and  we  shall  need  vigorous 
and  continued  epidemiological  work  for 
the  discovery  of  sources  of  infection  and 
the  prompt  treatment  of  carriers.  Even 
with  the  older  methods  of  control,  syphilis 
in  1940  was  as  rare  a  disease  in  Stockholm 
as  typhoid  fever  was  in  New  York. 

What  Sweden  did,  we — with  our  new 
weapons — can  accomplish. 

Tuberculosis — Unfinished  Business 

A  century  ago,  our  large  cities  had  tuber- 
culosis deathrates  of  400  per  100,000  popu- 
lation. Today,  many  of  them  have  rates  of 
40.  In  smaller  communities,  rates  below  20 
are  reported.  Yet  tuberculosis  still  ranks 
as  our  seventh  or  eighth  cause  of  death. 

The  major  problem  which  confronts  us, 
in  this  case,  is  early  diagnosis;  but  this  term 
no  longer  means  the  diagnosis  of  clinical 
disease  by  fever  and  a  cough  and  loss  of 
weight.  It  means  diagnosis  before  clinical 
disease  occurs  at  all — diagnosis  through  the 
magic  of  the  X-ray.  In  many  individuals, 
tuberculosis  can  be  arrested  even  after  clin- 
ical symptoms  have  appeared.  In  other 
instances,  it  is  by  that  time  too  late.  The 
keystone  of  our  program  must  be  the  dis- 
covery of  early  lesions  in  the  lung  at  a 
time  when  the  keenest  diagnostician  with 
his  stethoscope  can  observe  no  clinical  ab- 
normality. 

Again,  the  army  and  navy  have  given 
us  a  lead  in  this  respect.  For  the  first  time 
in  history,  we  have  a  record  of  X-ray  find- 
ings for  every  young  man  of  military  age 
as  a  result  of  the  selective  service  pro- 
cedures. In  some — but  by  no  means  all — 
communities,  civilian  health  authorities 
have  seen  to  it  that  infected  persons  in 
this  group  were  brought  under  care  in  a 
stage  ideally  suited  for  treatment.  In  cer- 
tain states,  comprehensive  programs  for 
the  X-raying  of  employes  in  industrial 


Lunch  in  a  plant  cafeteria.  Nutrition 

establishments  have  been  organized.  A  few 
smaller  communities  have  undertaken  a 
similar  survey  of  their  entire  populations. 
Grants  which  have  been  made  available 
from  a  $10,000,000  federal  fund  through 
the  U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  should 
greatly  facilitate  expansion  along  such  lines. 

Pneumonia  and  the  Common  Cold 

Aside  from  syphilis  and  tuberculosis,  the 
only  germ  diseases  left  which  are  of  really 
major  importance  are  the  acute  infections 
of  the  upper  respiratory  tract.  Pneumonia 
and  influenza  still  stand  among  the  leading 
causes  of  death  in  normal  years;  and  the 
common  cold  and  related  infections  of 
nose  and  throat  far  exceed  all  other  mala- 
dies as  causes  of  disability.  There  is  always 
the  possibility  that  influenza  may  again 
assume  pandemic  proportions  as  it  did  in 
1918. 

There  are  three  lines  of  approach  in  the 
contrpl  of  these  upper  respiratory  infections 
— treatment,  immunization,  and  preven- 
tion. 


•^••i^H^BBHHHBHBBiHBB^^^HBHB^H 
Lawrence    D.    Thornton 
is  a  major  factor  in  optimum  health 


U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  posters 


In  the  field  of  treatment,  the  sulfa  drugs 
and  penicillin  and  similar  substances  are 
of  incalculable  value  in  many  forms  of 
pneumonia.  Whether  they  would  operate 
in  the  face  of  a  catastrophic  world  epi- 
demic, like  that  of  1918,  no  one  can  say; 
but  marked  reduction  of  fatalities  might 
be  expected. 

From  the  standpoint  of  specific  immun- 
ity, science  has  so  far  given  us  less  clear 
assurance;  but  the  fact  that  the  army  pur- 
chased last  summer  millions  of  hen's  eggs 
for  the  preparation  of  vaccines  for.  experi- 
mental use  against  influenza  indicates  the 
promise  which  this  procedure  presents. 

For  the  basic  prevention  of  infection, 
recent  discoveries  have  opened  up  new 
vistas  of  progress.  Evidence  accumulated 
during  the  past  ten  years  has  made  it  clear 
that  diseases  of  the  upper  respiratory  tract 
(particularly  those  caused  by  the  class  of 
minute  parasites  known  as  viruses)  are 
spread,  not  merely  by  direct  contact  with 
an  infected  person  or  with  objects  handled 
by  such  a  person,  but  largely — perhaps 
chiefly — by  fine  droplets  of  mouth  spray 
transmitted  through  the  atmosphere.  Some 
authorities  believe  that  our  preoccupation 
with  contact  transmission  and  neglect  of 
air  transmission  is  precisely  the  reason  why 
we  have  succeeded  in  the  control  of  in- 
testinal diseases  and  failed  in  the  control 
of  respiratory  diseases. 

Studies  in  army  and  navy  barracks  have 
shown  that  the  treatment  of  floors  and 
bedding  with  oils  which  catch  and  hold 
suspended  atmospheric  particles  may  re- 
duce respiratory  infections.  A  more  far- 
reaching  attack  on  the  spread  of  germs 
through  the  atmosphere  may  be  made  by 
spraying  a  very  fine  mist  of  certain  dis- 
infectants (serosols)  into  the  air;  or  by 
disinfecting  the  air  in  the  upper  part  of  a 
room  by  the  application  of  ultra-violet  light. 
These  last  two  methods  have  been  tested 
with  promising  results  in  army  and  navy 
barracks,  as  well  as  in  schools. 

The    new   technique   of    disinfection    of 


APRIL     1945 


121 


air  has  already  established  itself  in  the 
operating  room  and  in  the  contagious  dis- 
ease ward  of  the  hospital.  Whether  it  will 
become  standard  practice  for  the  classroom 
and  the  auditorium,  it  is  too  early  to  say. 
In  New  York  and  other  states,  careful 
comparative  studies  are  being  carried  out 
in  schools,  with  adequate  untreated  con- 
trols— which  should  help  us  to  decide  just 
how  much  may  be  gained  by  such  proced- 
ures. 

Optimum  Health  vs.  Staying  Alive 

The  mortality  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  was  decreased  between  1900 
and  1940  from  nearly  18  per  thousand  to 
less  than  11  per  thousand.  The  reduction 
of  almost  40  percent  in  the  total  burden  of 
sickness  and  death  is  a  social  phenomenon 
of  unprecedented  magnitude.  It  has  altered 
the  enure  fabric  of  society  by  increasing 
the  average  age  of  the  population  and  has 
brought  the  problems  of  old  age  into  the 
forefront  of  our  planning.  It  compels  the 
health  officer  to  recognize  that  the  prime 
causes  of  mortality  today  are  diseases  of  the 
heart  and  arteries,  and  cancer — not  infant 
diarrhea  nor  diphtheria  nor  tuberculosis. 

The  problem  of  cancer  is  a  major  chal- 
lenge in  this  field;  and  it  is  gratifying  to 
note  that  serious  efforts  are  now  being 
made  to  raise  funds  for  an  intensified  cam- 
paign against  this  disease.  Recent  studies 
of  the  chemical  factors  related  to  abnormal 
cell  growth  may  at  any  moment  open  the 
door  to  effective  control. 

In  dealing  with  the  diseases  of  later  life, 
we  cannot  expect  to  reduce  the  total  death- 
rate  per  1,000  of  the  whole  population  far 
below  its  present  level.  What  we  can  do 
is  to  decrease  mortality  rates  at  given  age 
periods  even  though  the  parallel  shift  of 
the  population  to  later  and  later  age  periods 
balances  our  gain  in  the  deathrate  at  all 
ages.  Our  objective  will — more  and  more — 
be  to  prolong  life  and  to  promote  efficiency. 
These  things  go  together;  for  we  cannot 
prolong  the  mean  length  of  life  by  ten 
years  without  in  essence  making  the  man 
of  seventy  as  healthy  and  vigorous  as  was 
the  man  of  sixty  in  an  earlier  period.  Our 
aim  will  increasingly  be  health — health  in 
that  positive  sense  which  William  James 
had  in  mind  when  he  said,  "Simply  to 
live,  move  and  breathe  should  be  a  de- 
light." 

Food  and  Health 

If  we  visualize  the  ideals  of  the  future 
public  health  movement  in  such  terms  as 
these,  our  program  broadens  immeasurably. 
The  problem  of  nutrition,  for  example, 
comes  into  the  foreground;  for  no  factor 
in  human  life  has  a  more  significant  influ- 
ence than  food  on  optimum  health — as 
distinct  from  just  staying  alive.  It  is  not 
starvation,  or  even  marked  clinical  types  of 
deficiency  diseases,  which  are  our  problems 
in  the  United  States,  but  diets  slightly  or 
moderately  deficient  in  vitamins  or  salts  or 
other  essential  building-stones  of  the  body. 
Evidence  of  the  harmful  influence  of  such 
deficiencies  on  the  attainment  of  a  high 
level  of  health  and  efficiency  is  piling  up 
every  year  and  every  month. 

The    influence     of     dietary     inadequacy 


upon  health  begins  in  the  womb.  Experi- 
ments with  animals  have  shown  that  many 
anatomical  defects  —  commonly  attributed 
to  heredity — may  be  produced  by  lack  of 
certain  essential  food  factors.  Observations 
on  human  beings  have  indicated  that  simi- 
lar deficiencies  are  directly  related  to  the 
course  of  pregnancy,  the  process  of  child- 
birth, and  the  health  of  the  infant  during 
the  first  fortnight  of  its  life.  Growth  and 
development  and  learning  ability  in  child- 
hood and  youth  depend  in  measurable  de- 
gree on  dietary  adequacy.  In  adult  life, 
capacity  for  heavy  work,  precision  and  dex- 
terity in  various  tasks,  and  resistance  to  cer- 
tain industrial  poisons  are  all  related  to 
similar  factors. 

Finally,  the  onset  of  the  aging  process 
is  markedly  accelerated  by  poor  diet.  The 
influence  of  dietary  deficiency  upon  the 
skin  and  hair  of  experimental  animals  is 
well  known;  and  recent  observations  in 
Newfoundland,  where  such  deficiency  is 
serious  and  widespread,  have  revealed 
women  in  their  twenties  with  the  harsh 
and  wrinkled  skins  of  ancient  crones.  It 
would  be  surprising  if  such  aging  processes 
in  the  skin  were  not  duplicated  in  more 
vital  organs. 

In  the  postwar  period,  we  must  attack 
this  problem  of  subtle  chronic  malnutrition 
along  three  different  lines.  We  shall  need 
to  continue  and  supplement  wartime  regu- 
lations for  the  maintenance  or  enrichment 
of  the  essential  food  elements  in  our  staple 
foods.  We  must  continue  and  expand  our 
program  of  popular  health  instruction  in 
regard  to  nutrition;  and  we  must  work  for 
the  development  of  facilities  by  which  the 
people  can  actually  apply  the  knowledge 
they  acquire,  particularly  through  the  de- 
velopment of  adequately  supervised  in- 
dustrial cafeterias. 

Housing  and  Health 

Next  to  nutrition,  the  problem  of  hous- 
ing emerges  as  a  second  major  objective  of 
future  campaigns  for  a  positive  and  con- 
structive health  ideal.  It  is  obvious  that 
numerous  factors  in  the  home  environ- 
ment influence  physical  and  emotional  and 
social  well-being  in  far-reaching  and  fun- 
damental ways.  The  Committee  on  the 
Hygiene  of  Housing  of  the  American  Pub- 
lic Health  Association  has  enumerated 
thirty  specific  conditions  of  healthful  hous- 
ing which  are  beyond  question  related  to 
Ae  realization  of  fundamental  physiological 
needs  (an  atmosphere  that  is  not  too  cold 
or  too  hot,  adequate  daylight  and  artificial 
illumination,  protection  against  noise,  and 
so  on);  to  the  realization  of  fundamental 
psychological  needs  (among  them,  privacy, 
and  its  obverse,  opportunity  for  social  inter- 
course, facilities  for  the  performance  of  the 
60  hours  a  week  of  housework  required 
in  an  average  home  without  undue  fatigue, 
a  modicum  of  both  esthetic  satisfaction  and 
self-respect);  to  the  avoidance  of  the 
menaces  of  insanitation  (including  defec- 
tive water  supply  or  waste  disposal,  over- 
crowding, presence  of  vermin);  and  to  the 
avoidance  of  accident  hazards  (which  kill 
30,000  persons  a  year  in  American  homes). 

To  meet  these  fundamental  needs,  find- 
ings of  the  U.  S.  Census  of  1940  showed 


that  before  the  war,  between  30  and  40 
percent  of  our  housing  accommodations 
were  clearly  below  standard.  To  replace 
present  grossly  substandard  dwellings,  to 
relieve  doubled-up  and  overcrowded  fam- 
ilies, to  provide  for  new  families  and  re- 
place dwellings  becoming  obsolescent,  it  is 
agreed  that  we  shall  need  to  build  between 
1,000,000  and  1,500,000  new  homes  an- 
nually for  a  period  of  fifteen  years. 

As  in  the  problems  which  have  been  pre- 
viously discussed,  science  and  technology 
will  aid  us  in  this  task.  New  plastic  and 
other  materials,  increased  application  of 
prefabrication,  over-all  planning  and  in- 
telligent financing  techniques  will  make  the 
job  easier.  But  the  major  discovery  we 
shall  need  to  apply  is  the  ancient — but  in- 
completely realized — discovery  that  man  is 
his  brother's  keeper. 

The  fundamental  reason  why  people  live 
in  slum  tenements  and  in  shacks  on  the 
Appalachian  mountain  sides  is  that  a  sub- 
stantial proportion  of  our  people  does  not — 
and  in  any  foreseeable  future — will  not, 
earn  enough  to  pay  for  adequate  housing. 
There  is  only  one  practical  remedy;  and 
that  remedy  is  government-subsidized  hous- 
ing, based  on  the  assumption  that  adequate 
housing  is  an  essential  of  decent  American 
citizenship. 

This  was  the  purpose  of  the  federal  hous- 
ing act  passed  in  1937.  Until  the  war  stop- 
ped the  program,  131,349  dwelling  units 
were  provided  for  low  income  families  by 
the  Public  Works  Administration,  the  Fed- 
eral Public  Housing  Administration  and 
the  Farm  Security  Administration.  The 
local  housing  authorities,  with  aid  from  the 
federal  government,  have  in  the  main  done 
an  honest  job  and  a  good  job.  For  the  first 
time  in  our  history,  the  best  available 
knowledge  in  planning,  in  architecture,  in 
sanitation,  and  in  social  science,  has  been 
applied  to  the  housing  problem  of  the  low 
income  group.  However,  this  is  only  a 
beginning. 

Of  the  minimum  of  fifteen  million 
homes  which  we  shall  need,  between  four 
and  five  million  should  be  built  for  low 
rent  housing  by  public  authorities.  There 
is  no  real  conflict  between  public  and  pri- 
vate housing  in  spite  of  the  ill-advised  op- 
position to  public  housing  on  the  part  of 
the  National  Association  of  Real  Estate 
Boards  and  the  National  Association  of 
Home  Builders.  All  are  agreed  that  private 
enterprise  should  house  every  family  which 
it  can  house  at  a  profit;  and  that  its  opera- 
tions should  be  pushed  as  far  as  possible 
down  the  economic  scale  by  properly  safe- 
guarded aid  in  the  form  of  low  interest 
public  loans  and  assistance  in  land  assem- 
bly. Below  the  floor  of  private  enterprise 
is  the  ceiling  of  public  housing.  The  floor 
of  private  housing  must  be  lowered  and  the 
ceiling  of  public  housing  must  be  raised 
until  they  meet. 

Medical  Care  for  the  USA 

A  third  major  health  problem  of  the 
future  is  medical  care.  Competent  studies 
have  shown,  beyond  peradventure,  that,  in 
spite  of  the  unrivalled  facilities  of  the 
United  States  in  medical  and  dental  and 
(Continued  on  page  140) 


122 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


From  Yalta 

to  the 
Golden  Gate 


Like  the  Atlantic  Charter 
itself  —  the  Yalta  Charter 
leads  on  to  the  Great  Deci- 
sions faced  at  San  Francisco 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


THE  CONFERENCE  OF  THE 
GOLDEN  GATE!  Let  us  hope  that  will 
be  its  name  and  that  the  name  will  be 
lived  up  to.  For  without  doubt  San  Fran- 
cisco becomes  the  setting  for  the  most  im- 
portant conference  not  only  in  the  history 
of  the  United  States  but  in  the  history  of 
the  world. 

The  only  parallel  to  it  in  our  own  ex- 
perience is  the  convention  which  assembled 
in  Philadelphia  in  1787  to  frame  the 
American  Constitution.  The  future  of  all 
mankind  hangs  on  whether  something  of 
the  high  quality  of  statesmanship  of  the 
Founding  Fathers  will  be  repeated  at  this 
convention  for  framing  a  constitution  for 
the  United  Nations. 

The  problems  with  which  it  will  have  to 
deal  are  the  gravest,  most  difficult,  in  all 
the  history  of  politics.  They  are  not  mere 
temporizing  adjustments  of  diplomacy  to 
win  advantage  for  this  or  that  country;  or 
to  secure  a  breathing  space  between  wars. 

The  high  purpose  of  the  Golden  Gate 
Conference  is  to  eliminate  war  as  an -in- 
strument of  national  policy,  and  that  means 
the  greatest  revolution  ever  attempted  in 
human  affairs,  for  war  has  been  the  in- 
strument of  policy  from  the  beginning  of 
time.  Now,  however,  modern  science,  by 
making  war  a  uniyersal  catastrophe,  has 
brought  us  to  the  choice  either  of  getting 
rid  of  war  or  of  facing  the  destruction  of 
civilization  itself. 

This  central  fact  of  the  Conference  of 
the  United  Nations  should  never  be  lost 
sight  of,  never  obscured  by  any  partial  de- 
tails of  the  peace  settlement,  however  im- 
portant they  may  be  in  themselves.  The 
terms  of  that  settlement  as  they  apply  to 
the  different  countries  of  Europe  offer  a 
whole  set  of  immediate  issues  which  are 
of  more  pressing  importance  to  the  nations 
directly  concerned  than  the  long-term  prob- 
lem of  world  organization.  Yet  it  would  be 
a  tragic  blunder  if  these  questions  of  pres- 
ent-day politics  were  to  be  brought  so  much 
to  the  fore  in  the  world  conference  as  to 
reduce  it  to  the  lower  plane  of  intrigue  in 


^fc «•  •  •"  •** 

^Pt^Vsa»au*^ 


Bishop  in  the  5"'.  Louis  Star-Times 
Another  Golden  Gate  at  San  Francisco 


diplomacy  and  political  pressures  upon  the 
delegates. 

The  Two  Great  Areas  of  Settlement 

On  the  one  hand  there  is  the  liquidation 
of  the  war  itself;  on  the  other  hand  the 
planning  for  a  world  organization  to  pre- 
vent its  recurrence.  Both  these  areas  are 
too  vast  and  present  too  many  difficulties 
for  any  one  conference  to  deal  fully  with 
them.  Here  I  can  do  little  more  than  offer 
a  guide  to  the  entrance  of  the  labyrinth. 

First  with  reference  to  the  liquidation  of 
the  war.  Never  since  the  fall  of  Rome  has 
there  been  such  widespread  devastation.  In 
five  years'  time  Europe  has  moved  much 
more  swiftly  toward  the  Dark  Ages  than 
the  Roman  world  did  in  the  fifth  century. 
Even  where  the  bombs  have  not  fallen,  the 
whole  economic  life  is  either  denatured  or 
crushed  out  of  existence  by  the  demands  of 
war.  Millions  of  people  have  been  driven 
from  their  homes  and  millions  more  are 
starving  and  dying  of  diseases.  A  whole 
generation  is  growing  up  under  a  regime 
of  force  and  violence  and  terror. 

These  problems  of  the  postwar  settlement 
are  therefore  so  real  and  so  pressing  that,  as 
I  said  in  an  earlier  article,  it  is  but  natural 
and  indeed  proper  that  they  should  be  dealt 
with  immediately,  that  their  settlement  be 
not  delayed  by  concentration  upon  world- 
wide planning  for  the  future. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  plans  for  in- 
ternational organization  must  not  be  falsi- 
fied by  the  passionate  interest  of  nations  in 
their  purely  local  interests.  The  local  settle- 
ment of  Europe  will  not  be  a  settlement  if 
it  preserves  the  old  state  system  with  reli- 
ance upon  war  as  the  corrective  for  interna- 

BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE 

—Third  in  a  series  of  articles  by  the 
historian  of  World  War  I,  chairman  of 
the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organiza- 
tion of  Peace. 


tional  maladjustments.  That  half  of  the 
problem  is  what  is  most  likely  to  be  for- 
gotten. Indeed  it  seems  to  have  been  al- 
ready forgotten  by  some  of  those  who  with- 
hold their  support  from  the  United  Nations 
organization  until  they  can  have  a  settle- 
ment of  the  affairs  of  this  or  that  European 
country  which,  in  their  opinion — often  ill- 
informed — is  right. 

The  Yalta  Charter 

It  is  in  this  regard  that  the  Yalta  Confer- 
ence makes  so  great  a  contribution.  It 
frankly  leaves  the  details  of  the  settlement 
of  the  specific  European  problems  outside 
the  scope  of  the  United  Nations  Confer- 
ence. But  the  "Declaration  on  Liberated 
Europe,"  drawn  up  at  Yalta,  offers  a  firm 
foundation  upon  which  the  international 
organization  can  be  built.  That  foundation 
is  the  democratic  principle  of  the  Atlantic 
Charter,  "the  right  of  all  peoples  to  choose 
the  form  of  government  under  which  they 
will  live." 

Reaffirmations  of  the  Atlantic  Charter 
and  of  the  pledge  in  the  Declaration  of  the 
United  Nations  to  cooperate  for  a  world  of 
freedom  as  well  as  for  one  of  peace,  were 
textually  connected  in  the  Yalta  Conference 
with  the  reestablishment  of  law  and  order 
in  the  liberated  nations  and  not  with  the 
plans  for  the  United  Nations  Conference. 
This  does  not  mean  that  the  principles  for 
liberated  Europe  are  not  also  those  of  the 
United  Nations  organization;  but  it  does 
mean  that  they  are  given  more  vitality  and 
strength  by  connecting  them  with  the  in- 
escapable problems  of  European  reconstruc- 
tion. 

So  important  is  this  statement  of  the 
principles  governing  the  three  great  allies 
in  the  reestablishment  of  peace  that  it 
should  be  regarded  as  a  new  charter,  more 
definite  and  further  reaching  that  that  of 
the  Atlantic.  If  the  Yalta  Charter  is  ad- 
hered to,  it  will  ensure  not  only  the  peace 
of  Europe  better  than  any  other  single  de- 
vice could  secure  it,  but  will  help  vastly  in 
the  construction  of  the  world  organization 


APRIL     1945 


129 


for  peace  and  security.  The  paragraph  in 
question  is  too  important  to  summarize.  It 
runs  as  follows: 

"To  foster  the  conditions  in  which  the 
liberated  peoples  may  exercise  these  rights, 
the  three  Governments  will  jointly  assist 
the  people  in  any  European  liberated  state 
or  former  Axis  satellite  state  in  Europe 
where  in  their  judgment  conditions  require 

"(A)  to  establish  conditions  of  internal 
peace; 

"(B)  to  carry  out  emergency  measures 
for  the  relief  of  distressed  people; 

"(C)  to  form  interim  governmental  au- 
thorities broadly  representative  of  all  demo- 
cratic elements  in  the  population  and 
pfcdged  to  the  earliest  possible  establish- 
ment through  free  elections  of  governments 
responsive  to  the  will  of  the  people;  and 

"(D)  to  facilitate  where  necessary  the 
holding  of  such  elections." 

The  rebuilding  of  Europe  on  these  prin- 
ciples is  all  that  anyone  could  desire.  Yet 
there  are  those,  like  Sir  William  Beveridge 
in  London,  who  apparently  regard  these 
promises  as  but  mere  forms  of  words  dis- 
guising the  creation  of  a  Holy  Alliance. 
Here  in  the  United  States  there  is  a  move- 
ment skillfully  conducted  to  concentrate  at- 
tention upon  Poland,  not  only  as  the  test 
for  the  Yalta  program  but  as  the  test  for 
the  structure  of  peace  itself. 

The  Test  Case  of  Poland 

The  Polish  question  is  and  long  has  been 
the  most  difficult  problem  presented  by  any 
of  the  nations  of  Europe.  It  should  be  said 
at  once,  and  kept  constantly  in  mind,  that 
there  is  no  one  settlement  which  will  be 
satisfactory  to  both  the  Poles  and  their 
neighbors  or  even  to  all  sections  of  the 
Polish  nation.  At  the  same  time,  the  suf- 
ferings of  Poland  and  its  heroic  struggle 
for  freedom  are  constantly  in  the  mind  of 
Americans.  We  want  to  see  justice  done  to 


a  people  which  has  suffered  from  injustice 
as  few  others  have  done,  a  proud,  brave 
people  who  are  the  victims  of  both  circum- 
stance and  history. 

The  chief  issue  at  present  is  the  frontier 
between  Poland  and  Russia.  Polish  na- 
tionalists both  in  the  United  States  and 
in  London  claim  all  the  territory  which 
was  granted  to  Poland  by  the  Bolshevik 
government  in  1921,  as  a  result  of  a  Polish 
victory  over  the  Bolshevik  armies.  This 
line  is  far  east  of  the  ethnic  frontier  which 
was  drawn  by  the  geographers  at  the  Paris 
Peace  Conference  and  had  been  known  as 
the  Curzon  Line  because  of  the  part  taken 
by  the  British  Foreign  Secretary  in  the  at- 
tempted negotiations  with  Poland.  Ethno- 
graphically,  the  Curzon  Line  was  one  of 
the  best  frontiers  in  eastern  Europe.  There- 
fore, in  going  back  to  it,  Soviet  Russia  has 
a  case  which  must  not  be  overlooked  or 
underestimated.  It  should  be  remarked, 
however,  in  this  connection,  that  the  pres- 
ent Russian  claims  go  farther  than  the 
Curzon  Line  in  the  inclusion  of  the  city  of 
Lwow  at  the  south  and  of  the  industrial 
area  at  the  north. 

This  frontier,  however,  is  only  one  factor 
in  the  Polish  question.  Senator  Vandenberg 
has  put  his  finger  more  accurately  upon  the 
real  problem  of  the  settlement  of  Poland 
in  this  insistence  that  the  tripartite  commis- 
sion, American,  British  and  Russian,  which 
is  to  preside  over  the  setting  up  of  the  new 
republic,  shall  really  see  to  it  that  the 
principles  of  the  Yalta  Conference  quoted 
above  shall  be  applied  with  justice  for  all. 
including  those  who  have  opposed  Russia 
in  the  present  controversy.  This  is  a  sound 
basis  of  policy.  But  it  could  easily  be  falsi- 
fied if  we  were  to  listen  to  only  one  faction 
of  Polish  opinion  and  accept  only  a  full 
satisfaction  of  nationalist  claims  in  the  set- 
ting up  of  the  Polish  government. 

Deeper  study  of  the  situation  reveals  the 
fact  that  we  are  dealing  not  merely  with 


the  rival  claims  of  Russians  and  Poles,  but 
with  the  internal  problem  of  agrarian  re- 
form in  Poland  itself.  That  would  be  a 
strange  and  perverse  turn  of  events  if  any 
member  of  the  American  delegation  were 
to  oppose  a  settlement  of  the  Polish  ques- 
tion— and  therefore  weaken  the  structure 
of  the  whole  peace  settlement — because  of 
his  support  of  the  outworn  system  of  laru 
tenure  in  eastern  Poland. 

Germany  and  Japan 

Important  as  is  this  test  case  of  Polanc 
the   settlement   of   Germany   itself   present 
even   more  difficult  issues,  both  because  of 
the  magnitude  of  the  task  of  readjustment 
and  the  danger  to  the  peace  of  the  world  it 
there    is    failure    there.     Fortunately,    once 
more,   the   Yalta   Conference   gave   a   guar 
antee  for  ultimate  success  in  its  assurance 
to  the  people  of  Germany  that  the  purpos< 
of  the  Allies  is  not  to  destroy  the  Germar 
nation,    but    only    to    rid    it   of   militarisn 
Such  an  aim  is  constructive  and  curative- 
and  for   the   ultimate  benefit  of  the  Ger- 
mans  themselves.    The  evil  which   has   in- 
fected   their    political    life    throughout    his 
tory  has  been  reliance  upon  war  and  glori- 
fication of  it  as  the  instrument  of  nationa 
policy. 

Germany  and  Japan  are  our  enemies,  not 
because  of  any  rivalry  in  trade  or  in  the 
peaceful  dealings  of  nation  with  nation,  but 
because  they  have  not  only  resorted  to  war 
to  impose  their  will  upon  their  neighbors, 
but  have  made  it  the  symbol  and  embodi- 
ment of  their  history. 

Once  we  recognize  this  fact,  we  see  that 
the  Golden  Gate  Conference  of  the  United 
Nations  is  not  to  be  directed  against  Ger- 
many as  such  or  even  against  its  best  inter- 
ests. The  final  enemy  with  which  the 
United  Nations  are  now  reckoning  is  not 
the  Axis  Powers,  but  war  itself.  This  is  no 
mere  form  of  words.  It  is  the  ultimate 
reality  of  the  Conference  of  the  Golden 
Gate. 


INTERNATIONAL  COURT 
OF  JUSTICE 


ECONOMIC 
&  SOCIAL 
COUNCIL 


INTERNATIONAL  ORGANIZATION  PROPOSED  AT  DUMBARTON    OAKS 

The  United  Nations:  for  Peace  and  World  Progress.  Chart,  Department  of  State,  USA 


124 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Farmers  Must  Go  Fishing 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


THE   FIFTY-SEVEN   MILLION   PEOPLE  WHO  LIVE 

on  farms  and  in  villages  in  the  United 
States  are  the  medically  forgotten  men  of 
this  nation.  They  raise  most  of  the  na- 
tion's food.  They  will  raise  a  large  part 
of  the  nation's  future  population,  since  the 
cities  do  not  reproduce  themselves.  But 
they  have  had  far  less  than  their  fair  share 
of  doctors,  dentists,  nurses,  hospitals,  and 
health  departments,  and  the  health-giving 
life  of  the  countryside  is  more  than  coun- 
terbalanced by  the  health-deteriorating 
shortage  of  preventive  and  curative  medi- 
cine in  those  countrysides. 

The  war  has  made  matters  much  worse. 
Now,  the  last  war  years  challenge  the  post- 
war future.  What  shall  the  rural  people 
themselves  and  the  whole  nation  do  for 
rural  health? 

Scarce  As  Hens'  Teeth 

I  was  raised  in  Manhattan.  Our  family 
doctor  lived  on  the  next  block.  I  learned  in 
childhood  that  there  were  people  who  went 
without  doctoring  because  they  had  no 
money,  but  I  never  imagined  that  lots  of 
people  lived  where  getting  a  doctor  was  as 
hard  as  the  task  of  the  blind  man  in  a  dark 
cellar,  hunting  for  a  black  cat  that  isn't 
there.  I  was  approaching  college  age  before 
I  found  that  many  of  our  neighbors  were 
wrong  in  feeling  that  the  United  States 
was  bounded  on  the  north  by  Grant's 
Tomb,  on  the  south  by  Coney  Island,  on 
the  East  by  Westminster  Abbey,  and  on  the 
west  by  the  Hudson  River. 

Many  of  our  health  planners  and  most  of 
the  policy-makers  of  professional  associa- 
tions have  been  city  people  to  whom  this 
kind  of  geography  is  intuitive,  with  varia- 
tions to  fit  Chicago,  Boston,  and  other  well- 
lighted  spots. 

The  facts  of  rural  medical  care  did  not 
come  by  intuition  to  the  Illinois  family 
whose  father  told  me:  "When  my  wife  had 
pneumonia  we  had  the  doctor  out  twice. 
He  charged  us  only  three  dollars  a  visit, 
but  we  had  .to  pay  him  mileage  and  a  dol- 
lar a  mile,  twelve  miles  out,  made  it  fifteen 
dollars  a  time.  All  the  cash  I  take  in  isn't 
over  $600  in  a  year." 

"With  the  war  on,"  said  an  Indiana 
woman  at  the  Farm  Foundation  Confer- 
ence last  spring,  "many  doctors  just  can't 
make  home  calls.  One  of  our  family  sent 
home  after  a  major  operation  in  a  hospital, 
had  to  be  bundled  up  and  taken  miles  to 
the  doctor's  office  for  after-care.  She  had 
an  appointment  and  he  saw  her,  but  she 
had  to  wait  for  ten  other  patients  first." 

"With  rural  dentists  always  short  and 
the  war  making  them  shorter,"  added  an 
Indiana  man,  "you  can  get  a  date  with  a 
dentist  in  something  like  three  months,  ;/ 
you  \now  the  dentist'' 

"What  shall  we  do  in  a  county  with 
over  15,000  people  and  only  two  doctors?" 


HEALTH— TODAY  &  TOMORROW 

— Third  in  the  series  by  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  Research  in  Medical 
Economics,  and  associate  editor  of  Sur- 
vey Graphic. 


writes  a  health  officer  from  Kentucky. 
"What  will  happen  to  our  health,"  asks  an 
Alabama  doctor,  "where  sixty-four  out  of 
the  sixty-seven  counties  have  more  than  1,- 
600  people  for  each  active  physician,  and 
eighteen  counties  have  more  than  3,000?" 
Bear  in  mind  that  one  doctor  per  1,500  per- 
sons is  the  "generally  accepted  wartime 
minimum  for  civilian  safety."  By  the  end 
of  1943,  with  50,000  doctors  taken  into  the 
armed  forces,  draining  rural  areas  exces- 
sively, there  were  795  out  of  our  3,070 
counties  with  less  than  one  active  doctor 
for  8,000  people. 

In  such  states  as  Nebraska  and  the  Da- 
kotas  the  doctor  shortage  is  even  worse, 
outside  of  a  few  cities.  And  in  our  na- 
tional cake-basket,  Iowa,  the  villages  and 
farm  areas  just  before  the  war  had  only  a 
third  as  many  doctors  in  proportion  to 
population  as  the  city  of  Des  Moines,  and 
these  localities  were  spending  less  than  a 
cent  per  capita  for  public  health  work. 
Adequate  preventive  service  needs  over  one 
hundred  times  that.  Over  1,300  counties, 
mostly  rural,  have  no  health  department 
with  a  full  time  health  officer. 

The  Lures  of  the  City 

Part  of  this  picture  is  economic.  In  1940, 
half  of  all  the  farm  families  in  the  United 
States  had  incomes  below  $760  a  year,  and 
the  incomes  of  a  third  were  under  $500.' 
In  the  same  year,  the  median  income  for 
city  families  was  over  $1,850. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  of  the  young  army 
doctors  who  answered  an  American  Medi- 
cal Association  questionnaire  last  year, 
barely  13  percent  said  they  would  locate  in 
rural  areas  after  demobilization.  The  cause 
of  this  decision  is  only  partly  a  matter  of 
money.  The  modern  young  doctor  wants  a 
hospital  as  well  as  a  handbag.  Furthermore, 
half  the  annual  crop  of  physicians  is  raised 
in  big-city  medical  schools  in  Massachu- 
setts, New  York,  Pennsylvania.  Illinois,  and 
California.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are 
no  medical  graduates  from  nineteen  rural 
states.  Before  the  war,  most  medical  gradu- 
ates preferred  to  start  their  careers  in  the 
type  of  well-to-do  state  in  which  they  had 
been  trained.  The  number  of  physicians  in 
proportion  to  population  was  increasing  in 
these  states  and  actually  diminishing  in 
most  others.  Varying  state  medical  license 
laws  hinder  the  location  and  relocation  of 
doctors.  Thus  we  have  been  letting  our 
rural  health  clocks  run  down. 


IJon't  blame  young  doctors!  You  would 
not  advise  a  young  friend  who  had  spent 
his  first  twenty-seven  years  obtaining  a 
inedical  education  to  start  his  life-work 
where  he  would  face  the  frustrations  of 
both  low  income  and  inability  to  do  the 
quality  job  he  was  trained  for.  The  ways 
of  present  medical  training  and  the  reason- 
able pursuit  of  professional  and  financial 
opportunities  put  most  young  doctors  into 
the  net  of  city  specialism. 

For  a  generation,  the  medical  schools 
have  been  concentrating  on  a  quality  job — 
on  training  for  skills.  The  foundations  and 
many  state  governments  have  aided  them. 
Each  has  spun  its  own  thread.  Nobody  has 
woven  a  pattern  of  cloth  to  fit  the  nation's 
needs. 

Concentrating  on  Quality 

Alone  among  the  professional  organiza- 
tions, the  American  Public  Health  Associa- 
tion has  made  a  pattern  of  preventive  med- 
icine for  the  United  States,  a  pattern  for 
distributing  preventive  facilities  and  per- 
sonnel, quantitatively  planned  and  admin- 
istratively tested,  and  now  awaiting  only 
increased  appropriations  from  national  and 
state  governments  to  effectuate  it.  Organ- 
ized medicine,  dentistry,  and  nursing  have 
concentrated  for  a  generation  on  quality  of 
practitioner — skills,  educational  standards, 
specialist  requirements — a  primary  job  in- 
deed, during  a  period  of  unprecedented 
scientific  and  technical  advance. 

So  have  the  hospital  bodies.  For  nearly 
twenty  years,  the  Duke  Endowment  aided 
the  construction  and  maintenance  of  hospi- 
tals in  North  Carolina.  Yet  in  1940  when 
73  percent  of  the  state's  population  resided 
in  rural  areas,  only  31  percent  of  the  state's 
physicians  lived  there  to  serve  them  and 
the  actual  number  of  rural  doctors  had 
dropped  by  50  percent  in  twenty-five  years. 
The  results  might  have  been  very  different 
if  the  Duke  Endowment's  aid  to  hospitals 
had  been  tied  up  on  the  one  side  with  a 
regionally  planned  public  health  program 
and  on  the  other  side  with  popular  and 
professional  education.  Concentration  of 
this  sort  by  several  specialized  agencies, 
each  on  a  part  of  the  job,  now  leaves  con- 
siderable sections  of  this  country  without 
any  modern  tools  of  health. 

Hospitals  Step  Forward 

This  year,  the  American  Hospital  As- 
sociation steps  out  in  front  with  the  Hill- 
Burton  bill  (S.  191)  on  which  important 
hearings  have  taken  place  before  the  Sen- 
ate Educational  and  Labor  Committee.  The 
American  Medical  Association  supports  the 
bill,  swallowing  the  pill  of  federal,  aid  to 
construction  because  of  a  feared  dose  of 
national  health  insurance.  The  bill  provides 
for  studies  in  each  state  by  a  state  agency, 
with  the  help  of  the  U.  S.  Public  Health 


APRIL     1945 


125 


Service,  to  chart  needs  for  new,  improved, 
or  enlarged  hospitals  and  for  public  health 
centers.  It  authorizes  a  federal  appropria- 
tion of  $100,000,000  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  projects  which  fit  the  pattern  of 
studied  needs  in  the  opinion  of  the  sur- 
geon-general of  the  Public  Health  Service 
and  of  an  advisory  council  to  be  composed 
chiefly  of  people  "familiar  with  the  opera- 
tion of  hospitals." 

This  bill  is  an  imaginative  advance  to- 
ward statewide  and  district  planning  of 
interrelated  large  and  small  hospitals.  On 
the  other  hand,  its  administrative  provi- 
sions, as  drafted,  tie  the  hands  of  the  sur- 
geon-general to  a  council  which  has  more 
than  advisory  powers  and  which  includes 
only  professional  people — no  representation 
of  rural  folk.  And  most  of  the  poorer  rural 
areas  could  not  qualify  for  aid  under  the 
bill  because  they  could  not  give  the  re- 
quired "reasonable  assurance"  of  financial 
maintenance  of  the  hospital.  These  areas 
cannot  be  supplied  with  either  hospitals  or 
doctors  unless  the  problem  of  facilities  and 
the  problem  of  paying  power  are  tackled 
together. 

The  Farmer's  Best  Bait 

Unpredictable  sickness  costs  fall  more 
unevenly  upon  rural  than  upon  city  fami- 
lies. The  reason  is  simply  that  a  larger 
proportion  of  the  medical  care  sought  by 
farm  and  village  folk  is  for  the  more  seri- 
ous, more  expensive  cases.  For  this  and  for 
other  reasons,  the  medical  paying  power  of 
rural  people  would  be  especially  boosted, 
as  well  as  stabilized,  if  medical  costs  were 
paid  on  a  budgeted  basis. 

The  key  letters  in  solving  the  rural  medi- 
cal problem  are:  P  &  P,  standing  for  both 
Prepayment  and  Paying  Power.  The  key 
idea  in  extending  rural  P  &  P  is  to  spread 
medical  costs  over  as  wide  an  area  and  as 
many  people  as  possible.  One  hundred  or 
two  hundred  families  joining  a  voluntary 
prepayment  plan  are  too  few  to  make 
P  &  P  count.  A  population  mostly  of  mar- 
ginal farmers  or  sharecroppers  is  too  poor 
to  make  P  &  P  practicable.  Even  6  percent 
of  the  median  cash  rural  income  of  $760  is 
only  $45.60,  too  little  to  pay  for  the  services 
of  physicians  and  hospitals  for  a  family.  A 
nationwide  P  &  P  will  minimize  the 
amount  of  tax  subsidy  required  for  rural 
areas  and  will  maximize  the  extent  of  self- 
supported  medical  care. 

Should  places  like  Erie  County,  New 
York,  be  ready  to  enter  a  national  P  &•  P 
pool  with  counties  in  Georgia  or  Nebraska 
that  have  about  one  fifth  Erie  County's  per 
capita  wealth?  The  answer  is:  Y« — because 
(in  addition  to  other  reasons)  a  good  many 
of  the  workers  in  Erie  County's  industries 
will  be  drawn  from  men  and  women  raised 
in  just  such  poor  counties. 

Consider  the  matter  first  from  the  doc- 
tors' angle,  second  from  the  point  of  view 
of  rural  people  and  their  agencies.  As  to 
the  doctors,  they  can  only  be  assured  an 
income  in  most  rural  localities  through 
either  prepayment  or  tax  subsidy.  And  if 
modern-trained  doctors  are  to  be  attracted 
and  held,  they  must  have  hospitals  and 


educational  facilities  as  well  as  assurance 
of  income.  Within  the  next  few  years  doc- 
tors will  be  demobilized  from  war  service. 
Then  will  come  the  unique  opportunity 
to  attract  to  rural  areas  many  of  the  20,000 
young  doctors  who  will  begin  their  civilian 
professional  careers  at  that  time. 

What  will  be  done  depends  mostly  on 
what  the  rural  people  themselves  will  do. 
Rural  people  must  seek  if  they  are  to  find. 
Farmers  must  go  fishing  for  doctors.  Their 
best  bait  is  P  &  P,  although  they  must  use 
the  other  lures  also.  Local  initiative  by 
farm  people  is  essential,  through  branches 
of  Farm  Bureaus,  the  Farmers  Union,  the 
Grange,  and  other  bodies.  Local  action  is 
the  foundation  for  nationwide  action.  But 
a  multitude  of  local  fishing  parties  will 
catch  only  a  few  scattered  fish.  State  and 
national  farm  leaders  must  recognize  the 
necessity  of  district,  state,  and  nationwide 
planning  of  services,  and  of  national  pool- 
ing of  costs,  under  conditions  which  retain 
substantial  local  responsibility. 

Farmer  Brown  Must  Be  Served 

During  the  last  ten  years,  notable  prog- 
ress has  been  made  towards  national  action. 
Since  1935,  federal  funds  to  develop  local 
health  departments  and  maternity  and  chil- 
dren's services,  with  and  through  the  states, 
have  brought  excellent  results  and  wide- 
spread acceptance.  Today,  in  1945,  federal 
assistance  to  hospital  planning  and  con- 
struction is  accepted  by  the  American  Hos- 
pital Association  and  the  American  Medi- 
cal Association  and  may  be  adopted  by 
Congress.  A  third  principle,  federal  aid 
for  the  care  of  needy  persons,  is  now  ef- 
fectuated for  some  categories  of  people,  in- 
cluding medical  care  for  migrant  farm 
workers.  Its  extension  is  advocated  by  the 
American  Hospital  Association  and  is  ac- 
cepted by  the  American  Medical  Associa- 
tion with  the  characteristic  proviso  that 
need  should  be  determined  "locally." 

Ahead  of  us  lie  acceptance  of  two  other 
policies  of  national  action  for  health:  first, 
national  provision  to  help  farmers  fish  for 
doctors  at  the  time  of  medical  demobili- 
zation; second,  nationwide  spreading  of  the 
medical  costs  that  can  be  met  by  self-sup- 
porting people  through  contributory  insur- 


1.  To  help  rural  people  fish  for  doctors 
there  must  be  a  national  agency,  perhaps  the 
prospective  Office  of  Rural  Health  Services 
in  the  Department  of  Agriculture.  Work- 
ing through  local  and  state  agencies,  this 
national  body  must  aid  rural  localities  and 
farmers'  associations  to  estimate  their  needs 
and  organize  their  opportunities.  The  same 
agency,  working  on  the  other  side,  with 
the  American  Medical  Association  and 
other  professional  groups  (including  the 
Procurement  and  Assignment  Service,  if 
that  is  continued)  must  inform  doctors 
about  rural  opportunities  and  assist  doctors 
to  take  advantage  of  them. 

The  doctors  must  be  attracted,  not  as- 
signed. The  information  must  flow  to  them 
from  a  national  source,  because  most  of  the 
rural  states  have  no  potential  supply  of 


young  doctors  trained  within  their  borders. 
The  interests  and  the  idealism  of  the  doc- 
tors themselves  must  be  tapped.  The  As- 
sociation of  Internes  and  Medical  Students 
and  perhaps  other  agencies  should  obtain 
the  names  of  young  doctors  who  are  ready 
to  go  to  country  Districts,  individually  or 
in  small  teams,  under  financial  and  pro 
fessional  conditions  which  these  young  men 
should  be  invited  to  specify. 

2.   To   spread   medical   costs,   rural 
pie  should  establish  P  &•  P  as  far  as  the 
can,   should   demand   legislation   as   far 
they  will,  and  should  remember  that  while 
the    short-run    test    is    to    satisfy    Farmer 
Brown  and  his  wife,  the  long-run  footrule 
is  service  to  fifty-seven  million  people. 
Sr  P  for  hospitalization  only  will  not  take 
farmers  far.  Blue  Cross  plans  have  made 
little    headway    in    some    rural    areas    anc 
some  Farm  Bureaus  have  included  hospital- 
ization  with   other   benefits   in   their 
group  insurance  plans.  But  spreading  he 
pital  costs  alone  will  not  meet  the  primary 
rural   medical   requirement.   That  require 
ment  is  a  local  doctor  available  to  diagno* 
and    treat    sickness    before    it    is    seriou 
enough  to  necessitate  a  hospital. 

The  Farm's  Prime  Crop 

The  rural  problem  is  varied.  Thus  the 
bait  of  the  fishing  parties  and  the  organi- 
zation of  the  medical  services  in  a  section 
of  family-sized  farms  will  be  different  from 
those  in  cotton  or  fruit  country  with 
large  scale  industrialized  farming.  The 
sparse  population  of  grazing  and  dry-farm- 
ing areas,  the  low  income  farms  on  margi- 
nal soil,  sections  with  many  tenants  and 
sharecroppers,  present  other  rural  types. 

Good-sized  industries  in  trading  centers 
serving  rural  areas  are  yet  another  sort, 
wherein  medical  services  to  the  country 
people  might  be  had  by  extending  an  in- 
dustrial plan  like  Henry  Kaiser's  or  the 
Standard  Oil  Company's  of  Louisiana.  In 
some  places,  a  country  or  district  health 
department  might  be  the  center  of  the 
medical  care  program. 

These  varieties  preclude  any  uniform 
pattern  of  action,  but  all  the  patterns  are 
based  on  uniform  principles,  diversely  ap- 
plied. And  all  the  principles  and  many  of 
the  patterns  have  been  already  demon- 
strated in  action  in  this  country  or  in  Can- 
ada. 

Rural  people  have  been  shocked  to  learn 
that  farm  boys  show  the  highest  selective 
service  rejection  rates.  They  are  catching 
on  to  such  facts  as  these:  that  a  hernia  can 
cause  a  farm's  failure  no  less  than  a 
drought;  that  rural  deathrates  are  high 
from  ~the  very  ills  that  medicine  can  now 
prevent  or  control — typhoid  fever,  pneu- 
monia, malaria,  diseases  of  infancy,  condi- 
tions of  childbirth. 

Through  three  war  seasons  farmers  have 
fought  in  sun  and  storm  to  raise  bumper 
crops  for  us  and  for  our  Allies.  For  over  a 
decade,  farm  organizations  have  sought 
and  had  national  help  to  raise  better  crops 
at  bigger  prices.  Now  it  is  time  to  combine 
local  and  national  action  to  raise  men. 


126 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


They  Can  Be  Made  Over 

The  story  of  a  public  school  and  its  long  record  in  using  friendliness  and 
understanding  to  turn  delinquent  boys  into  sound,  useful  young  citizens. 


CERTAINLY  THE.KE  is  NOTHING  ABOUT  THE 
outside  of  New  York's  P.S.  37  to  suggest 
that  it  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  public 
schools  in  the  country.  If  you  enter  it,  how- 
ever, you  begin  to  see  that  it  is  a  distinctive 
institution. 

Boys  passing  in  the  halls  smile  and  say 
"Good  morning,"  with  warm,  unexpected 
friendliness.  The  classroom  where  you  are 
taken  by  the  principal,  Mrs.  Lillian  L. 
Rashkis,  is  decorated  with  homemade 
murals,  and  clean  enough  to  satisfy  a 
Danish  sea  captain.  A  boy  proudly  brings 
out  the  bottle  of  lemon  oil  they  use  to 
polish  their  desks;  another  suggests  that  the 
desks  be  opened  to  show  how  they  are  kept. 
And  as  you  leave,  the  pint-size  youth  who 
opens  the  door  invites  you  to  come  again, 
with  the  air  of  a  sincere  and  friendly  host. 

The  guest  who  arrives  on  a  Thursday 
morning  is  likely  to  visit  the  school  as- 
sembly. Here  two  hundred  and  fifty  boys 
listen  to  the  speaker  with  absorbed  atten- 
tion; then  fire  questions  which  indicate  a 
breadth  of  information  quite  unexpected  in 
a  school  that  ranges  in  grade  from  5A  to 
SB.  A  number  of  nationalities  are  repre- 
sented; many  of  the  boys  are  colored.  One 
is  impressed,  however,  with  two  outstand- 
ing facts.  There  is  not  a  bored  or  sullen 
face  in  the  room,  and  there  is  not  a  boy 
who  fails  to  make  a  neat  appearance.  A 
school,  the  visitor  might  think,  especially 
geared  for  boys  with  unusually  high  IQs 
and  excellent  deportment  records. 

The  Boys  and  Their  Records 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  enrollment  of 
P.S.  37  is  drawn  entirely  from  the  most 
uncontrollable  behavior  cases  in  the  schools 
of  Manhattan  and  the  Bronx.  These  boys 
have  led  predatory  gangs,  beaten  or  even 
knifed  other  children,  constantly  played 
truant,  assaulted  teachers,  committed  van- 
dalism, and  kept  classrooms  in  a  perpetual 
uproar.  At  least  half  have  had  court  ex- 
perience and  many  were  sent  to  P.S.  37 
as  a  last  resort  before  commitment  to  cor- 
rectional institutions. 

Mrs.  Rashkis  and  her  teachers  have  de- 
veloped out  of  this  raw  material  a  school 
where  the  standards  of  interest,  courtesy, 
and  good  behavior  are  considerably  above 
average.  According  to  Judge  Juvenal  Mar- 
chisio  of  the  New  York  Domestic  Relations 
Court,  the  school  salvages  more  than  90 
percent  of  its  pupils,  saving  for  good  citi- 
zenship boys  who  might  otherwise  have 
gone  on  to  reform  school  and  eventually  to 
prison. 

These  results  are  not  due  to  miracles  but 
to  wisely  applied  psychology,  seasoned  with 
tact  and  warm  human  sympathy.  Mrs. 
Rashkis  says  that  the  rehabilitation  of  her 
boys  depends  on  treating  them  like  people 
entitled  to  respect;  making  them  feel  well 


ELSIE  McCORMICK 

— By  a  free-lance  reporter  whose  back- 
ground includes  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia, three  years  in  China,  a  busy 
stretch  as  feature  writer  and  columnist 
on  the  old  New  York  World.  Since  the 
demise  of  the  World  she  has  handled 
magazine  assignments  as  far  apart  in 
theme  and  geography  as  an  interview 
with  Prime  Minister  DeValera  in  Ire- 
land, and  a  study  of  the  Matanuska 
Colony  in  Alaska. 


liked  and  wanted;  finding  something  at 
which  they  can  be  successful;  and  discover- 
ing some  way  in  which  they  can  serve 
others. 

A  boy  is  transferred  to  P.S.  37  by  court 
order,  by  the  Bureau  of  Attendance,  or  by 
one  of  the  district  superintendents  of 
schools.  Usually  he  arrives  under  convoy  of 
a  truant  officer,  with  none  too  clean  shirt 
open  at  the  neck  and  a  surly,  defiant  look. 
He  expects  this  to  be  a  tough  school, 
worthy  of  his  fanciest  misconduct. 

Newcomer  in  a  New  School 

But  when  he  enters  his  assigned  class  he 
is  baffled.  It  is  a  small  class — about  sixteen 
boys — with  the  desks  arranged  in  an  in- 
formal circle.  The  boys  already  there  actu- 
ally seem  to  be  interested  in  their  work. 
Feeling  a  little  self-conscious,  the  newcomer 
tries  out  a  Bronx  cheer.  To  his  amazement 
it  is  the  other  boys,  rather  than  the  teacher, 
who  shush  him  down.  "Kid  stuff"  is  what 
a  class  committee  calls  his  antics  when  its 
members  accost  him  at  recess. 

The  new  boy  soon  discovers  that  his  way 
of  attracting  attention  by  misbehavior  no 
longer  works.  Nor  can  he  win  any  laurels 
by  boasting  about  his  record,  for  there  are 
boys  here  who  can  match  or  exceed  almost 
any  record  of  youthful  transgressions.  The 
unwholesome  props  that  have  been  sustain- 
ing his  ego  suddenly  collapse.  But  this  is 
only  the  first  step. 

"The  most  important  thing  is  to  find 
something  in  which  he  can  be  successful," 
Mrs.  Rashkis  said.  "Up  to  now  these  boys 
have  known  nothing  but  criticism;  they 
feel  that  nobody  wants  them  or  likes  them." 

One  sullen,  suspicious  boy  was  compli- 
mented on  the  expert  way  he  knotted  his 
tie,  and  was  asked  to  help  the  younger  boys 
with  theirs.  This  chance  to  be  proud  of 
something  was  the  first  step  toward  a  com- 
plete change  in  the  boy's  character. 

Soon  after  a  pupil  is  admitted  he  is  tested 
by  a  psychiatrist  and  a  psychologist  from 
the  Child  Guidance  Bureau.  A  home  visitor 
calls  on  his  family.  Their  findings  are  pre- 
sented at  a  conference  attended  by  the  prin- 
cipal and  his  teachers.  The  causes  of  the 
boy's  difficulty  are  discussed,  his  abilities 
and  character  traits  are  analyzed,  and  a  plan 


is  worked  out  for  his  rehabilitation. 

In  nine  out  of  ten  cases  the  blame  rests 
not  on  the  boy  himself  but  obviously  on  his 
parents.  Of  sixty-five  boys  recently  studied, 
only  four  had  homes  that  were  satisfactory. 
Again  and  again  the  reports  show  squalor, 
indifference,  lack  of  understanding,  cruel 
treatment,  perpetual  family  rows,  divorce, 
and  parents  who  seldom  manage  to  be  at 
home.  By  no  means  all  the  boys  come  from 
backgrounds  of  poverty.  There  are  neurotic 
parents,  emotional  strain,  and  the  deadly 
habit  of  ignoring  one  child  and  favoring 
another  in  homes  with  scalloped  chintz 
curtains  and  Grade  A  milk. 

Three  Boys  and  Their  Problems 

How  the  school  starts  its  rehabilitation 
can  be  illustrated  by  the  case  of  fourteen- 
year-old  Frank.  At  first  he  was  a  sorry- 
looking  specimen.  His  eyes  blinked  con- 
stantly, and  his  body  twitched  as  if  pulled 
by  invisible  wires.  The  boy's  record  showed 
that  he  shouted  in  class,  used  foul  language, 
and  was  hated  and  feared  by  his  school- 
mates. His  home,  the  school's  visitor  dis- 
covered, was  nicely  kept  and  the  family 
was  not  uneducated.  The  difficulty  was  that 
his  father  behaved  like  an  Indian  potentate, 
demanding  instant,  cringing  obedience  from 
his  son  and  severely  beating  him  if  he  so 
much  as  hesitated.  The  boy's  form  of  pro- 
test was  his  behavior  in  school. 

Frank  had  ability  to  draw,  but  his  only 
subjects,  the  psychologist  soon  learned,  were 
skeletons,  coffins,  and  graveyards.  At  P.S. 
37  he  was  assigned  to  the  project  of  making 
a  mural  for  his  classroom,  showing  scenes 
from  colonial  history.  Driven  by  a  desire 
to  get  the  details  of  his  picture  correct,  he 
advanced  two  years  in  reading  ability  with- 
in a  few  months.  The  praise  he  received 
for  these  achievements  made  a  great  change 
in  the  boy's  disposition.  The  twitching  soon 
disappeared.  Later  he  even  gained  enough 
poise  to  address  the  school  assembly.  Al- 
though his  home  situation  is  still  far  from 
ideal,  he  has  ceased  to  be  a  problem. 

A  not  uncommon  mistake  of  parents  was 
presented  by  the  case  of  Solly,  a  Jewish  boy 
from  a  comfortable  middle-class  home.  For 
months  in  his  old  school  he  had  refused 
to  say  a  word  in  class,  and  his  perpetually 
sneering  attitude  raised  hob  with  morale. 

After  he  had  been  two  weeks  at  P.S.  37, 
Mrs.  Rashkis,  seeming  to  choose  him  at 
random,  made  him  her  office  boy.  Set  to 
work  running  errands  and  answering  tele- 
phones, Solly  became  so  interested  he  for- 
got he  had  not  been  talking  to  teachers. 

Within  a  week  he  told  Mrs.  Rashkis  his 
story.  He  had  a  brilliant  brother,  destined 
for  a  professional  career,  who  got  all  the 
new  clothes  and  all  his  mother's  concern 
and  affection.  "I  just  thought,  'What's  the 
use  of  my  trying  to  be  anything?'"  Solly 


APRIL     1945 


127 


explained.  Mrs.  Rashkis  convinced  him  that 
even  if  he  did  not  enter  a  profession,  he 
could  serve  society  in  other  ways.  Solly  has 
since  grown  into  a  useful,  well  adjusted 
citizen.  He  is  the  owner  of  a  small  factory, 
and  the  father  of  a  happy  family. 

With  boys  who  become  behavior  prob- 
lems, the  usual  tendency  of  teachers  and 
parents  is  not  to  trust  them  with  any  re- 
sponsible job.  Yet  such  a  job  often  proves 
to  be  effective  moral  medicine.  Take 
George,  a  boy  who  had  failed  to  adjust  him- 
self to  his  stepfather.  His  unhappiness  at 
home  was  expressed  in  truancy  and  temper 
tantrums,  to  such  an  extent  that  six  schools 
had  dismissed  him  in  a  whirl  of  sparks. 

At  P.S.  37  he  showed  his  first  sign  of 
interest  when  Mrs.  Rashkis  asked  the  boys 
to  suggest  a  good  way  of  storing  and  dis- 
tributing the  mid-morning  milk.  George's 
plan  was  accepted  as  the  most  efficient. 
"O.K.,"  he  said.  "I'll  be  here  at  seven 
o'clock  every  morning."  He  did  the  work 
faithfully,  without  missing  a  day,  until  he 
graduated. 

"George  is  a  changed  boy,"  his  step- 
father wrote,  after  the  youngster  had  taken 
on  this  responsibility.  "He's  actually  happy. 
His  temper  tantrums  have  disappeared." 

Another  boy,  well  known  to  the  truant 
officers,  was  given  a  job  running  magic 
lanterns  and  moving-picture  machines.  He 
went  through  two  terms  without  being  late 
or  absent  once.  Asked  about  his  good  rec- 
ord, he  said:  "Well,  I  never  was  in  a  school 
before  where  they  really  needed  me." 

Meet  the  Principal 

Nerve  center  of  the  school  is  its  princi- 
pal, Mrs.  Rashkis.  A  mature  and  warm- 
hearted woman,  sympathetic  but  not  senti- 
mental, she  can  get  down  to  a  boy's  level, 
see  his  point  of  view,  and  penetrate  the 
shield  he  tries  to  raise  between  himself 
and  the  adult  world.  One  boy  came  into 
her  office  to  announce  that  his  sister  was 
getting  married  next  day  "to  a  swell  guy 
in  a  band,"  and  that  he  was  going  to  bring 
the  teachers  some  wedding  cake.  Another 
proudly  carried  in  a  sewing  table  that  he 
had  just  made  for  his  mother  in  the  wood- 
working class.  It  was  difficult  to  believe 
that  these  friendly,  self-respecting  pupiK 
had  once  been  the  warped  rowdies  de- 
scribed in  the  records. 

The  evolution  of  P.S.  37  began  eighty- 
eight  years  ago,  when  New  York  estab- 
lished its  first  special  school  for  "idle  and 
truant  children."  Since  that  time  several 
similar  schools  have  opened  and  later  gone 
out  of  existence.  Through  their  long  and 
complicated  history  ran  a  thread  of  failure, 
due  to  the  use  of  principles  now  outmoded. 
But  more  enlightened  methods  were  de- 
veloped; and  in  1912,  P.S.  120  was  made  a 
probationary  school  with  emphasis  on  in- 
telligence and  achievement  tests,  training 
along  the  lines  of  the  pupil's  aptitudes,  and 
encouragement  of  habits  of  courtesy  and  in- 
dustry. Later,  when  this  school  was  closed, 
most  of  its  pupils  were  transferred  to  P.S. 
37. 

Since  Mrs.  Rashkis  took  over  in  1930, 
there  have  been  further  improvements,  due 
in  large  part  to  growing  knowledge  about 
the  psychology  of  childhood  and  adoles- 


cence. There  has  been,  too,  a  large  measure 
of  success.  The  methods  by  which  the 
school  redeems  its  maladjusted  boys  cannot 
be  dismissed  as  experimental;  they  have 
been  tested  for  too  many  years. 

To  be  a  P.S.  37  boy  was  once  considered 
a    disgrace.    Mrs.    Rashkis   set   out    nearly 


Lillian  L.  Rashkis,  principal  of  P.S.  37 

fifteen  years  ago  to  make  attendance  there 
a  matter  of  pride.  She  interested  the  boys 
in  decorating  the  walls,  polishing  their 
desks,  and  keeping  the  halls  in  spotless  con- 
dition. The  delight  these  maladjusted  lads 
took  in  attractive  surroundings  was  pa- 
thetic. 

Soon  such  improvements  began  to  be  re- 
flected in  the  neater  appearance  of  the  boys 
themselves.  Today,  many  of  them  wash 
and  iron  their  own  shirts.  Pupils  with  extra 
neckties  bring  them  to  school  for  those  who 
have  none.  Improvement  in  a  boy's  ap- 
pearance has  an  almost  miraculous  in- 
fluence on  his  self-confidence  and  self- 
respect. 

A  New  Curriculum 

One  of  the  problems  at  P.S.  37  has  been 
to  make  class  work  interesting.  The  present 
curriculum  was  the  result  of  careful  stud) 
by  the  school  staff,  by  authorities  in  the 
New  York  City  system,  and  by  an  advisory 
committee  of  nationally  known  educators 
and  psychologists.  Evidently  they  accom- 
plished their  purpose.  The  attendance  rec- 
ords of  P.S.  37  compare  well  with  those  of 
other  schools,  even  though  some  of  the 
pupils — drawn  from  all  parts  of  Manhat- 
tan and  the  Bronx — travel  over  an  hour  a 
day  each  way. 

You  would  hardly  imagine  that  studying 
"The  American  Home"  would  appeal  to 
sixth-grade  boys  who  had  been  the  most 
conspicuous  hornets  in  the  New  York 
school  system.  Yet  no  class  I  visited  demon- 
strated greater  interest.  Small-fry  crowded 
around  to  show  me  a  model  wigwam,  dia- 
grams of  housing  developments,  and  a  two- 
story  miniature  house  they  had  made,  com- 
plete down  to  the  last  baking  pan.  Many  of 
the  boys  have  carried  the  instruction  into 
their  own  homes  by  painting  and  repairing 


furniture,  making  window-boxes,  and  rais- 
ing the  family  standards  of  order  and 
cleanliness. 

There  is  special  training  in  nutrition, 
because  improper  food  can  have  a  great 
deal  to  do  with  anti-social  behavior.  The 
staff  early  discovered  that  breakfast  for  a 
number  of  the  boys  consisted  of  two  or 
three  cents'  worth  of  candy,  bought  on  the 
way  to  school.  In  some  unsupervised  house- 
holds the  boys  had  only  sandwiches  for 
dinner,  or  perhaps  a  couple  of  ice-cream 
sodas. 

To  improve  the  situation,  the  teachers 
prepared  a  model  breakfast  for  the  pupils: 
fruit,  milk,  and  cereal.  The  mothers  were 
told  about  it;  then  invited  to  take  a  nutri- 
tion course.  Better  nourishment  has  meant 
less  illness,  less  nervousness,  and  greater 
emotional  stability. 

About  15  percent  of  the  boys  who  enter 
the  school  lisp  or  stutter,  conditions  which 
frequently  go  with  emotional  maladjust- 
ment. A  teacher  trained  in  speech  improve- 
ment helps  them  to  overcame  their  handi- 
caps; then  public-speaking  practice  gives 
poise  and  self-confidence,  and  relief  from 
emotional  pressure. 

Assembly  periods  furnish  a  means  of 
blowing  off  steam.  Every  Monday,  school 
problems  and  standards  are  discussed  with 
the  give-and-take  of  a  New  England  town 
meeting.  The  boys  learn  to  respect  other 
people's  opinions  and  to  disagree  without 
resorting  to  knuckle-dusters.  These  as- 
semblies are  impressive.  Drums  roll  during 
the  lusty  singing  of  "The  Star  Spangled 
Banner";  a  bugle  and  a  color  guard  add  to 
the  impressiveness  of  the  salute  to  the  flag. 
The  SB  classes  enter  to  the  strains  of  "Pomp 
and  Circumstance,"  with  all  the  dignity  of 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  Some 
of  these  big  boys  had  been  bullies  in  their 
former  schools,  but  the  prestige  they  enjoy 
here  brings  about  an  amazing  change  of 
attitude. 

Learning  to  Look  Ahead 

Dealing,  as  it  does,  with  boys  who  might 
so  easily  have  drifted  into  crime,  P.S.  37 
places  great  emphasis  on  vocational  guid- 
ance and  training.  Every  pupil's  aptitudes 
are  studied  by  a  psychologist.  The  wood- 
working shop  and  the  printing  shop  are 
not  mere  expressions  of  "manual  training"; 
they  have  prepared  many  a  boy  for  a  good 
job  or  for  advanced  work  at  vocational 
high  school.  Pupils  also  learn  to  operate 
and  repair  motion  picture  machines,  do 
clerical  work,  and  develop  other  skills  thai 
can  help  them  earn  a  living.  The  older 
boys  are  encouraged  to  take  jobs  after 
school.  Earning  money  adds  to  their  self- 
respect,  and  working  leaves  them  little  time 
for  hanging  out  with  neighborhood  gangs. 

The  class  on  Social,  Character,  and  Voca- 
tional Guidance,  conducted  by  Mrs.  Rash- 
kis, is  one  of  the  school's  most  extraordi- 
nary features.  Here  the  boys  learn  to  be 
courteous.  They  learn  to  write  convincing 
answers  to  advertisements.  They  praqfice 
applying  for  jobs  in  turn,  with  a  member 
of  the  class  serving  as  employer  and  the 
rest  of  them  sitting  in  as  critics. 

Above  all,  they  consider  ways  and  means 
of  making  themselves  eligible  for  the  work 


128 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


tAey  want.  Mrs.  Rashkis  encourages  them 
to  take  a  long  view,  and  to  resist  the  easy 
wartime  money  offered  by  dead-end  jobs. 
When  I  visited  the  class,  the  pupils  were 
selecting  want  ads  that  they  might  be 
equipped  to  answer  ten  years  from  now, 
and  working  out  ways  of  preparing  them- 
selves. 

"What  kind  of  life  do  you  want  to  live?" 
is  a  question  that  frequently  brings  reveal- 
ing answers.  One  pupil  said  that  he  wanted 
to  take  a  course  in  electric  wiring;  then 
get  a  job  on  a  boat  and  spend  the  rest  of 
his  life  going  from  port  to  port,  without 
ever  stopping  anywhere  for  more  than  a 
few  days.  This  ambition  highlighted  the 
boy's  profound  unhappiness  and  sense  of 
insecurity.  A  broken  home,  experience  in 
an  orphanage,  and  difficulties  with  his  step- 
father had  shattered  his  faith  in  the  world 
and  been  responsible  for  his  delinquency. 
The  principal  and  the  home  visitor  helped 
his  mother  to  see  the  boy's  problem,  and 
later  brought  about  a  better  family  adjust- 
ment. 

Pupils  in  this  class  read  the  lives  of 
Booker  T.  Washington,  George  Washing- 
ton Carver,  Michael  Pupin,  Helen  Keller, 
Edward  Bok,  and  others  who  achieved  suc- 
cess in  the  face  of  extraordinary  difficulties. 
In  a  self-evaluation  test,  the  boys  list  the 
outstanding  traits  that  produced  the  success 


and  then  analyze  their  own  characters  in 
accordance  with  these  standards.  Mrs. 
Rashkis  leads  the  discussion  by  describing 
faults  of  her  own  and  how  she  endeavors  to 
overcome  them.  The  boys  then  show  little 
hesitation  in  talking  about  their  own  weak- 
nesses and  shortcomings. 

Here  again,  the  revelations  are  often 
significant.  One  boy  admitted  that  he  had 
a  bad  temper.  "But  I  don't  want  to  cure 
it,"  he  had  said.  "I  want  it  to  get  worse 
and  worse,  until  I  get  to  the  point  where 
I'll  find  my  father  and  kill  him." 

His  father,  it  developed,  had  deserted  the 
family,  and  his  mother  had  wrecked  her 
health  in  a  struggle  for  a  livelihood.  The 
solution  lay  in  having  the  father  located 
through  the  Family  Court.  Now  that  he  is 
obliged  to  contribute  regularly,  his  son  no 
longer  feels  a  strong  urge  toward  retribu- 
tion, and  is  in  a  much  better  frame  of 
mind.  He  is  eagerly  training  himself  for  a 
good  job,  so  that  he  can  help  out  later  on 
with  the  family  support. 

Character  building  is  also  promoted  by 
daily  "adjustment  periods."  Each  teacher 
is  available  forty-five  minutes  a  day  for  pri- 
vate sessions  with  pupils  who  want  guid- 
ance and  advice.  Boys  bring  in  all  sorts  of 
troubles.  The  fact  that  they  have  a  sym- 
pathetic person  to  listen  to  them  eases  their 
minds  and  improves  their  attitudes,  even  if 


the  remedy  lies  beyond  the  teacher's  scope. 
Behavior  and  Health 

Because  experience  at  P.S.  37  has  shown 
that  bad  behavior  is  often  related  to  im- 
paired health,  the  boys  are  given  careful 
and  frequent  medical  examinations  and,  if 
necessary,  treatment  at  local  clinics  or  hos- 
pitals is  arranged.  The  staff  makes  every 
effort  to  correct  or  offset  physical  handi- 
caps. They  know  that  the  boy  with  poor 
eyesight  sometimes  becomes  a  center  of 
mischief  because  he  is  unable  to  follow  the 
work  of  the  class,  and  that  the  overgrown 
pupil  suffers  from  association  with  smaller 
classmates.  Embittered  by  ridicule,  the  boy 
with  an  obvious  disfigurement  may  become 
a  prime  example  of  meanness  and  cruelty. 

A  boy  of  ten,  who  looked  sixteen,  came 
to  the  school  with  a  "hot"  behavior  record. 
If  he  had  been  put  in  the  grade  for  which 
he  was  qualified,  he  would  have  had  to 
associate  with  the  smallest  boys  in  the 
school.  But  it  was  just  such  a  situation  that 
had  turned  him  into  an  uncontrollable 
trouble-maker.  Therefore  he  was  placed  in 
a  class  with  boys  his  own  size,  and  given 
reading  instruction  away  from  the  others, 
so  that  he  could  keep  within  hailing  dis- 
tance of  their  work.  Since  he  was  no  longer 
conspicuous,  the  traits  that  had  made  him 
(Continued  on  page  139) 


PM  Photo 


History  is  fun  at  P.S.  37.  Here  pupils  are  learning  how  our   country  grew  as  they  cut  out  and  fit  together  parts  of  the  map 
APRIL      1945 


129 


-?ij    •••   -<v-- -. 
;-te<--/-^rv^vPr 


Women  Political  Workers.  By  Wang  Jen-feng 


CHINA  in  WARTIME 


The  striking  woodcut  on  the  cover  of  this  issue  and  the  prints  reproduced 
here  will  appear  in  "China  in  Black  and  White,"  an  album  of  some  eighty 
wartime  woodcuts  by  contemporary  Chinese  artists,  with  commentary  by 
Pearl  S.  Buck.  The  book  is  to  be  brought  out  shortly  by  the  Asia  Press,  a 
new  publishing  firm  affiliated  with  the  John  Day  Company. 


Railway  Bridge.  By  Liang  Yung-tai 


Putting  Up  Posters.  By  Chu  Ming-kang 


SPECIAL    BOOK    SECTION 


LETTERS     AND     LIFE 


The  West  and  the  Far  East 


HARRY  HANSEN 


THE    EDUCATION    OF    THE    AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

in  the  complicated  political  and  economic 
affairs  of  the  Far  East  has  been  accelerated 
considerably  since  Joseph  C.  Grew  pub- 
lished his  detailed  report  of  the  attempts  of 
the  State  Department  to  stem  the  creeping 
imperialism  of  Japan.  Save  for  the  Pacific 
Coast,  which  had  long  resented  the  com- 
petition of  Japanese  farmers,  the  United 
States  generally  Nvas  not  deeply  interested. 
Until  Pearl  Harbor  it  did  not  lose  sleep 
over  the  Japanese  naval  and  military  might. 
There  is  still  an  impression  that  the 
Japanese  are  religious  fanatics,  fighting  a 
holy  war  for  their  emperor,  rather  than 
shrewd,  calculating  businessmen  trying  to 
dominate  a  great  commercial  and  industrial 
empire.  Owen  Lattimore,  who  has  studied 
both  the  commercial  and  the  political  is- 
sues in  the  Far  East,  informs  us  about  the 
latter  phase  in  his  new  book,  "Solution  in 
Asia."  (Little,  Brown.  $2.) 

Time  to  Wake  Up 

Mr.  Lattimore's  book  is  an  alarm  clock, 
intended  to  wake  Americans  to  political 
realities  in  the  Far  East,  and  the  staccato 
manner  in  which  he  makes  his  unequivocal 
statements  is  like  the  pounding  of  the  ham- 
mer on  the  bell.  He  has  a  number  of  aims: 
to  show  how  the  United  States,  by  its  ad- 
herence to  the  principle  of  extraterritoriality 
in  China,  connived  at  certain  doubtful 
practices  of  the  Japanese;  to  argue  that 
whatever  our  intentions  independently  of 
Britain  and  The  Netherlands,  we  shall  be 
judged  by  the  policy  of  the  coalition  toward 
former  colonies  and  China;  and  to  point 
out  that  "the  great  historical  age  of  im- 
perialism" is  ending  and  that  we  must 
adapt  ourselves  to  the  change  by  evolution- 
ary methods,  or  suffer  an  eventual  revolu- 
tion that  will  bring  it  about  by  force.  This 
involves  also  the  development  of  a  specific 
policy  toward  Japan. 

Mr.  Lattimore  is  convinced  that  while 
Japan  has  come  too  late  to  exploit  Asia 
along  imperialistic  lines,  the  United  States 
will  be  forced  by  events  to  drop  imperialis- 
tic designs  before  they  have  been  fully  de- 
veloped. The  main  reason  is  the  impact  of 
Russia  on  the  old  order  and  the  tendency 
of  all  colonial  peoples  to  become  part  of 
"the  freedom  bloc." 

He  asserts  that  there  will  be  no  cooling- 
off  period  in  which  the  United  States  can 
make  up  its  mind;  it  must  do  so  now.  He 
wants  cooperative  action  on  all  questions 
by  the  big  powers,  bringing  Russia  into  the 
Far  Eastern  discussion  and  making  "a 

(All  boo\s 


workable  reality"  out  of  the  Dumbarton 
Oaks  draft  for  a  world  organization  and 
the  Bretton  Woods  draft  for  an  interna- 
tional monetary  fund  and  an  international 
bank  for  reconstruction  and  development. 

China  naturally  occupies  a  large  part  of 
his  discussion.  He  believes  communist 
China  has  proved  its  ability  to  serve  the 
peasants  and,  in  limiting  communist  mem- 
bership in  governing  bodies  and  councils 
to  one  third  of  the  total  membership,  has 
taken  "the  most  positive  step  by  any  party 
away  from  dictatorship  and  toward  de- 
mocracy." He  believes  democracy  better 
served  in  these  regions  than  under  the 
Kuomintang.  However,  he  believes  the 
communists  are  not  strong  enough  to  nomi- 
nate a  candidate  for  president  of  China  and 
that  Chiang  Kai-shek  would  be  nominated 
by  a  coalition  government. 

He  also  denies  that  China  is  unable  to 
play  an  important  part  in  the  coming  of- 
fensive against  Japan.  The  guerillas  will  be 
of  great  importance,  and  "the  fact  that 
political  morale  can  be  restored  in  China 
should  never  be  left  out  of  military  calcula- 
tions." 

It  is  evident  that  Mr.  Lattimore  believes 
the  democracy  of  the  capitalist  nations  will 
be  put  to  the  test  in  Asia.  If  they  continue 
to  exploit  the  weaker  countries  and  use 
them  solely  "as  an  area  of  overflow  for  our 
surplus  energies,"  these  countries  will  turn 
for  political  help  and  capital  to  Russia.  Mr. 
Lattimore  thinks  our  failure  in  Asia  would 
doom  the  cooperative  world  order  as  well 
as  the  peace.  He  would  not  tolerate  the 
taking  of  islands,  even  for  strategic  reasons. 
His  comment  on  how  to  bring  illumination 
to  our  partners  in  the  United  Nations  is 
especially  astute;  he  thinks  our  good  ex- 
ample must  show  the  way  to  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  The  Netherlands,  which  might 
be  inclined  to  restore  the  prewar  situation. 

Pacific  Policies  of  the  Future 

Thomas  Arthur  Bisson,  research  associate 
of  the  international  secretariat  of  the  In- 
stitute of  Pacific  Relations,  backs  up  Mr. 
Lattimore  in  "America's  Far  Eastern 
Policy"  (distributed  by  Macmillan.  $3), 
although  he  is  less  interested  in  driving 
arguments  home  to  the  layman.  Mr.  Bis- 
son rehearses  the  development  of  our  rela- 
tions with  Asia  and  observes  also  the  need 
for  an  agreement  on  policy  for  Southeast 
Asia  by  Great  Britain,  France,  The  Nether- 
lands, and  the  United  States. 

He  believes  prewar  conditions  have  been 
changed  to  some  extent  by  the  American 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will 
131 


willingness  to  free  the  Filipinos  and  the 
Dutch  proposal  for  a  commonwealth  of 
the  East  Indies,  but  that  India  and  Burma 
still  pose  great  problems.  He  agrees,  too, 
that  the  United  States  and  the  Soviet  Union 
will  have  great  influence  on  Pacific  policies 
of  the  future  and  that  China  will  take  the 
place  of  Japan  as  the  premier  Far  Eastern 
representative  in  the  new  organization. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  both  Mr.  Latti- 
more and  Mr.  Bisson  are  agreed  that  root- 
ing out  the  military  caste  in  Japan  is  not 
enough.  The  monopolies  and  the  emperor, 
who  is  closely  associated  with  industrial 
and  commercial  extension,  must  be  re- 
moved. Mr.  Bisson  writes:  "The  hard 
inner  core  of  the  imperial  ideology  is  ab- 
solutist, aggressive,  and  essentially  inimical 
to  democratic  concepts." 

"Abolition  of  the  institution  is  a  task  for 
the  Japanese  people,  acting  under  a  "leader- 
ship that  cannot  derive  from  the  old 
regime,"  he  states.  Mr.  Lattimore  is  em- 
phatic in  declaring  that  the  emperor  must 
not  be  removed  by  the  victors,  but  by  the 
Japanese,  and  seems  to  have  no  doubt  that 
an  opposition  will  arise  after  defeat.  Mr. 
Bisson  says  such  forces  "will  certainly 
emerge  in  Japan  during  the  last  stages  of 
the  war  or  after  defeat,"  and  thinks  they 
will  have  to  be  left  of  center  in  order  to 
accomplish  the  needed  reforms. 

China's  Contribution 

China's  political  and  economic  problems 
are  considered  realistically  by  David  Nelson 
Rowe,  research  associate  of  the  Yale  In- 
stitute of  International  Studies  in  "China 
Among  the  Powers,"  (Harcourt,  Brace. 
$2).  The  author  knows  China  from  first- 
hand experience  and  was  there  as  late  as 
1942. 

Mr.  Rowc  is  interested  in  determining  ex- 
actly what  help  China  will  be  to  the 
United  Nations,  not  only  in  finishing  the 
war  but  in  helping  to  guarantee  peace  and 
security  in  the  Pacific.  It  is  necessary  to 
understand  the  Chinese  situation  to  judge 
the  extent  of  American  policing  of  the  Far 
East  in  the  next  generation. 

Mr.  Rowe's  book  is  the  most  serious  of 
the  three.  He  does  not  have  Mr.  Latti- 
more's precise  convictions  and  assurance. 
He  sees  that  many  difficult  years  lie  ahead. 
The  business  of  keeping  75,000,000  Japan- 
ese tied  down  in  their  islands  to  do  work 
that  does  not  affect  the  economy  of  other 
nations  or  lead  to  war  is  going  to  be  one  of 
the  biggest  tasks  in  history. 

(Continued  on   page  132) 
be  postpaid) 


The  industrial  development  of  China  is 
a  condition  of  China's  ability  to  arm  itself 
and  help  police  Asia.  Mr.  Rovve  goes  into 
the  questions  of  raw  materials  and  person- 
nel and  concludes  that  a  long  range  pro- 
gram of  training  youths  in  mechanical  tech- 
niques must  be  begun  and  that  the  super- 
abundance of  cheap  labor  militates  against 
the  creation  of  a  large  body  of  skilled  in- 
dustrial workers. 

China  has  many  virtues  and  many  dis- 
abilities, and  while  it  may  be  made  an 
equal  partner  of  the  nations  that  must 
guide  the  destinies  of  the  Far  East,  it  will 
not  be  able  to  carry  its  full  military  or  in- 
dustrial load  for  many  years.  But  Mr. 
Rovve  believes  the  pragmatism  of  the  Chin- 
ese will  be  most  valuable  and  their  in- 
dividualism will  "exert  its  influence  against 


the    irrationalities    of    totalitarian    etatism 
either  communist  or  fascist." 

Mr.  Rowe  proposes  that  one  source  of 
possible  friction  with  Russia  be  removed  by 
the  cession  of  Outer  Mongolia  to  Russia  for 
an  agreed  price.  "China  has  not  had  any 
effective  control  over  this  territory  and  its 
Mongol  population  for  at  least  thirty 
years."  He  also  suggests  that  the  cause  of 
peace  will  be  served  by  the  return  of  the 
Hong  Kong  territory. 

This  book,  as  well  as  those  by  Mr.  Latti- 
more  and  Mr.  Bisson,  indicate  what  grave 
problems  of  policy  confront  the  United 
States  in  the  Pacific,  the  most  difficult  of 
which  will  be  the  continued  observation 
and  restriction  of  Japan  and  the  need  of 
practicing  democracy  in  the  East  if  Japan 
is  to  become  a  democratic  nation. 


CHINA  FROM  THE  BOTTOM  UP 


CHINA  AFTER  SEVEN  YEARS  OF  WAR, 
edited  by  Hollington  K.  Tong.  Macmillan. 
#2. 

REPORT  FROM  RED  CHINA,  by  Harrison 
Forman.  Holt.  #3. 

THE  VIGIL  OF  A  NATION,  by  Lin 
Yutang.  John  Day.  #2.75. 

THE  CHINESE  LABOR  MOVEMENT,  by 
Nym  Wales.  John  Day.  #2.75. 

TELL  THE  PEOPLE:  Talks  with  James  Yen 
about  the  Mass  Education  Movement,  by 
Pearl  S.  Buck.  John  Day.  #1.50. 

TREATY  PORTS,  by  Hallett  Abend.  Double- 
day,  Doran.  #3. 

I  HAVE  SEEN  GOD  WORK  IN  CHINA, 
by  Sherwood  Eddy.  Association  Press.  #1.50. 

ON     THE     TWENTY-FIFTH      OF     THIS      MONTH, 

China  joins  the  host  countries  at  the  first 
conference  of  the  United  Nations  in  San 
Francisco.  The  China  of  the  "Big  Five"  is 
neither  the  ancient  Middle  Kingdom  nor 
the  modern  republic  of  which  the  Chinese 
merchants  in  San  Francisco  dreamed  when 
they  helped  Sun  Yat-sen  overthrow  the 
decayed  Manchu  dynasty.  It  is  a  China  in 
the  throes  of  change:  a  China  that  has  dis- 
carded the  cue,  symbol  of  bondage;  has 
unbound  the  feet  of  women;  has  thrown 
off  the  fetters  of  foreign  control — yet  still 
is  chained  by  too  many  obsolete  institutions 
and  attitudes  to  enjoy  full  freedom  of 
action. 

Whether  China  is  a  "great  po\ver"in  fact 
or  by  courtesy  only  is  of  no  importance. 
But  what  contribution  China  can  make 
after  the  war  to  the  maintenance  of  peace 
in  the  Western  Pacific  is  of  consequence  to 
all  the  nations  represented  at  the  San  Fran- 
cisco Conference.  Her  internal  weakness 
too  long  has  made  her  a  focus  of  interna- 
tional rivalry,  has  encouraged  Japan  in  a 
brutal  quest  of  empire.  Mr.  Hansen  is  re- 
viewing some  books  that  discuss  the  mili- 
tary and  political  consequences  of  this 
weakness.  Here  we  shall  briefly  survey 
some  of  the  spring  publications  which  look 
at  it  more  from  the  standpoint  of  the  social 
engineer  whose  business  it  is  to  correct  a 
faulty  balance  of  stresses,  to  provide  chan- 
nels for  the  free  flow  of  the  nation's  vigor. 

Neglect  of  social  ills,  centuries  old,  ex- 
treme poverty,  unjust  agrarian  and  indus- 
trial relations  no  longer  can  be  studied 


merely  as  passing  phases  in  the  history  of 
a  single  people.  They  have  come  to  hamper 
every  genuine  step  toward  world  security. 
The  threats  to  continuing  peace  in  the  com- 
ing years  will  not  come  from  boundary  dis- 
putes nor  from  inequality  in  the  geographi- 
cal distribution  of  natural  resources.  They 
will  come  from  the  maintenance  of  arbi- 
trary limits  to  the  aspirations  of  simple 
peasants  and  laborers.  When  the  external 
aggressor  in  Asia  has  been  defeated  there 
will  develop  an  internal  front,  in  all  the 
countries  of  that  region,  of  those  who  seek 
the  elementary  satisfactions  so  long  denied. 

As  Seen  from  Chungking 

Because  of  this  wider  import,  the  discus- 
sion of  China's  social  problems,  like  that  of 
her  political  role,  cannot  take  place  entirely 
with  the  academic  calm  of  objective  in- 
quiry. In  these  days  no  book  about  China 
can  be  assumed  to  tell  the  whole  story  or 
give  all  sides  of  a  particular  controversy. 
American  readers  should  abandon  a  fruit- 
less search  for  books  about  distant  peoples 
that  are  both  "reliable"  and  also  charged 
with  human  interest.  Public  opinion  in 
this  country  now  is  of  decisive  importance 
for  the  fate  of  others;  to  influence  it  no 
longer  is  an  exceptional  design  of  either 
foreign  or  native  writers.  For  our  own  pro- 
tection we  must  learn  to  recognize  the  bias 
which  is  almost  always  there.  We  cannot 
afford  to  discard  all  books  suspect  of  pro- 
paganda. Often  they  alone  give  us  in  read- 
able form  what  we  want  to  know.  And  it 
is  not  really  difficult  to  discern  the  ear- 
marks of  propaganda,  once  we  are  on  the 
alert. 

The  twelve  pieces  of  Chinese  and  foreign 
authors  which  Hollington  K.  Tong,  China's 
Vice-Minister  of  Information,  has  chosen  to 
put  before  foreign  readers  are  propaganda 
of  the  best  sort.  They  do  not  pretend  to  be 
anything  but  the  observations  of  writers 
who  live  in  Chungking  or  elsewhere  in 
Chungking-governed  China  and  necessarily 
reflect  the  intellectual  and  social  environ- 
ment in  which  they  find  themselves.  All  of 
the  authors  are  skilled  journalists;  their 
writing  is  technically  flawless.  Here  and 
there  the  reader  will  find  criticism  of  the 
government,  but  not  hostility. 


Some  of  the  significant  statements  made 
in  this  book  about  wartime  China  certainly 
can  be  taken  at  their  face  value.  For  ex- 
ample, that  the  war  has  brought  closer  to- 
gether people  from  all  walks  of  life  is  at- 
tested by  too  many  illustrations  to  be 
doubted.  The  evidence  that  provincialism, 
one  of  the  curses  of  old-time  China,  has 
been  overcome  to  a  remarkable  extent  is 
irrefutable.  And,  whatever  one  may  hear 
about  the  increased  power  of  rapacious 
landlords,  there  is  circumstantial  proof  that 
from  the  civil  servants  down  to  the  labor- 
ers all  working  members  of  society  have 
hopes  for  the  improvement  of  their  lot— 
in  tangible  forms  and  often  including  the 
reform  of  government.  There  has  been  a 
new  and  substantial  rise  in  the  status  of 
women;  but  the  legal  protection  of  women 
workers  remains  exceedingly  sketchy.  Many 
of  the  other  social  advances,  likewise,  are 
as  yet  of  psychological  rather  than  material 
import. 

How  professors  and  students  have  turned 
their  knowledge  and  talents  to  new  bread- 
winning  uses,  how  the  presence  of  Ameri- 
can soldiers  has  stimulated  the  study  of 
English,  how  noise  and  bright  lights  con- 
tinue to  give  an  illusion  of  gaiety,  what  a 
"good"  mayor  does  to  please  his  citizens, 
the  cumbersome  way  in  which  wage  scales 
are  adapted  to  constantly  changing  costs, 
the  peculiar  increase  in  the  demand  for 
books,  the  heightened  social  role  of  the  tea 
house — these  and  many  other  topics  are 
discussed  in  ways  that  indicate  larger  social 
changes.  It  is  safe  to  conclude,  for  example, 
that  the  Chinese  intellectuals  are  rather 
critical  of  the  middle  class  and  of  foreign- 
ers. Although  there  are  few  glimpses  of 
what  they  think  of  communists  or  collab- 
orationists, they  show  concern  with  the 
steps  taken  to  implement  the  constitution. 

The  Kungchantang  Regime 

With  the  exactly  opposite  intent,  namely 
that  of  "showing  up"  the  one-party  govern- 
ment of  nationalist  China  and  securing  en- 
thusiastic response  for  the  policies  and  prac- 
tices of  the  so-called  communists  (it  would 
be  better  to  adopt  the  term  of  Kungchan- 
tang for  them,  as  contrasted  with  that  of 
Kuomintang  for  the  national  party),  Har- 
rison Forman  tells  of  his  journey  last  sum- 
mer to  "Red  China."  This  trip,  it  will  be 
remembered,  was  made  by  a  group  of 
American  newspapermen  with  the  consent 
and  aid  of  the  national  government,  to  se- 
cure firsthand  information  on  the  character 
of  Kungchantang  rule  in  those  sections  of 
China  which  the  party  controls  and  on  the 
strategy  of  the  separate  war  conducted  by 
the  Eighth  Route  Army. 

The  book  is  lively  and  will  be  popular. 
No  smallest  cloud  obscures  the  azure 
beauty  of  the  Kungchantang  regime,  and 
no  redeeming  ray  is  allowed  to  fall  into  the 
villainous  blackness  of  the  Chungking  gov- 
ernment. There  is  an  astonishing  likeness 
to  some  of  the  earlier  American  books 
about  the  "Soviet  experiment"  in  Russia. 

Any  reader  interested  in  the  truth  about 
China  will  find  it  well  worthwhile  to  watch 
for  the  earmarks  of  propaganda.  He  will 
find  many  accounts  of  experience  too  pat 
to  carry  conviction.  The  author  continually 


132 


happens  upon  meetings  where  speeches  and 
discussions  tell  him  exactly  what  he  has 
>  come  to  find  out.  They  are  couched  in  col- 
loquial American,  with  occidental  phrases 
;md  allusions.  Soldiers,  students,  peasants, 
prisoners  of  war  invariably  reveal  an  at- 
titude that  fits  into  the  rosy  picture  he 
paints.  Chinese  from  half  a  dozen  prov- 
inces, Japanese  prisoners,  Koreans  and 
Europeans  converse  without  the  slightest 
indication  of  difficulty  in  mutual  under- 
standing. 

Many  factual  statements  are  suspiciously 
improbable.  And  yet  this  account  of  war- 
time China  is  valuable.  Even  dramatized 
descriptions  of  guerrilla  strategy  give  a 
sense  of  the  sort  of  war  that  is  being  fought 
in  North  China.  In  spite  of  mutually  con- 
tradictory statements  by  Kuomintang  and 
Kungchantang  leaders,  we  get  a  clue  to  the 
probable  truth  about  the  way  in  which  the 
communists  came  by  large  amounts  of 
Kuomintang  weapons  and  equipment.  An 
understandable  portrait  is  painted  of  the 
"model"  governor,  Marshall  Yen  Hsi-shan. 
Two  documents  —  the  1941  election  plat- 
form of  the  Border  Region  (communist) 
Political  Bureau  and  the  draft  program  of 
the  (communist)  Japanese  People's  Eman- 
cipation League — are  given  in  detail.  We 
learn  much  incidentally  about  the  psy- 
chology of  farmers  and  students,  soldiers 
and  officials  in  a  large  part  of  China. 

Essayist  in  Politics 

Lin  Yutang  may  be  said,  in  his  latest 
book,  to  add  to  yet  another  stream  of  pro- 
paganda directed  at  American  public  opin- 
ion. In  some  respects  as  critical  of  the 
national  government  of  China  as  many 
Americans,  he  nevertheless  defends  it.  He 
furiously  attacks  it  detractors  both  at  home 
and  abroad.  China's  contemporary  master 
of  the  light  pen  has  found  his  very  promi- 
nence makes  it  virtually  impossible  for  tiim 
to  keep  out  of  politics. 

He  is  unhappy  over  the  lack  of  candor 
with  which  the  right  and  wrong  of  Chin- 
ese politics  have  been  discussed.  He  is  em- 
bittered by  the  unfairness  of  some  of  his 
country's  critics  who  do  not  distinguish  be- 
tween passing  ills  and  problems  inherent  in 
the  historical  phase  through  which  China 
is  passing.  He  has  permitted  himself  to  be- 
come the  instrument  of  a  reactionary  group 
in  Chungking  which  is  more  concerned  in 
denouncing  the  allegedly  scditionist  regime 
in  North  China  than  in  helping  to  advance 
the  inescapable  reform  el  government  and 
administration  for  all  China. 

Mr.  Lin  has  brought  upon  his  head  an 
avalanche  of  criticism  by  misjudging  the 
American  public.  The  "general  reader"  is 
no  longer  so  naive  as  to  swallow  an  enorm- 
ous dose  of  political  invective  sugar-coated 
with  travelogue,  anecdote,  and  amusing 
commentary.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  new 
desire  of  all  parties  in  China  to  get  together 
in  a  workable  compromise  will  soon  make 
this  unfortunate  harangue  obsolete  and  per- 
mit the  genial  essayist  to  return  to  more 
pleasant  tasks. 

The  Awakening  Masses 

All  recent  books  about  China  pay  tribute 
to  a  new  force  in  that  country's  internal 


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133 


life:  the  rise  of  the  people  to  a  more  re- 
sponsible and  purposeful  role  in  the  man- 
agement of  their  own  affairs.  Nym  Wales 
(Mrs.  Edgar  Snow)  displays  this  porten- 
tous development  in  its  central  manifesta- 
tion by  describing  the  Chinese  labor  move- 
ment from  its  beginning  to  this  day.  This 
talented  reporter  has  reinforced  her  field 
studies  with  extensive  literary  researches 
and  has  produced  an  account  far  superior 
to  any  previously  available.  Although  some 
of  the  figures  quoted  from  different  author- 
ities remain  mutually  contradictory  or  im- 
plausible, she  manages  to  recreate  the  pic- 
ture of  a  unique  episode  in  China's  social 
history. 

There  the  labor  movement  preceded  in- 
dustrialization. Intolerable  oppression  dur- 
ing the  last  phase  of  the  Manchu  regime 
and  the  earlier  phases  of  foreign  enterprise 
in  China  transformed  many  of  the  old 
guilds  into  class-conscious  trade  unions. 
Long  hours  and  diminutive  cash  wages 
could  endure  in  small  shops  staffed  with 
poor  relations  and  "apprentices."  But  they 
were  carried  over  into  the  realm  of  fac- 
tories, railway  construction,  shipping  and 
port  operation.  Hence  labor  agitation  at 
once  became  anti-foreign  and  political  and 
was  not  geared  to  specific  demands  on 
management. 

Sun  Yat-sen  often  is  given  credit  for 
initiating  those  larger  principles  which 
merged  many  social  discontents  in  a  sub- 
stantial social  movement.  But  in  theory  as 
well  as  in  practice,  the  Chinese  labor  move- 
ment remained  inchoate  in  his  time,  was 
held  together  more  by  mutual  aid  in  strikes 
than  by  a  clear-cut  common  policy.  In  later 
years  the  movement  was  first  destroyed  and 
then  rebuilt  by  the  Kuomintang,  the  na- 
tional party,  as  an  appendix  of  its  other 
agencies  of  power  politics.  An  independent 
trade  unionism  was  suppressed;  it  survived 
only  as  a  subterranean  force.  Labor  legisla- 
tion, though  quite  advanced,  did  not  spring 
from  the  demands  of  free,  organized  work- 
ers, never  was  enforced  or  even  enforce- 
able. 

Miss  Wales  departs  sufficiently  from  her 
main  theme  to  discuss  the  state  of  labor 
generally  in  wartorn  China,  the  industrial 
cooperative  movement  (about  which  she 
has  written  another  book),  and  the  present 
state  of  labor  legislation  and  welfare  work. 
Her  appended  statistics,  case  histories  of 
particular  unions,  biographies,  and  chro- 
nology of  the  labor  movement  are  of  spe- 
cial value  to  the  student. 

Education  to  an  End 

Pearl  S.  Buck,  who  so  often  goes  to  the 
heart  of  things,  has  taken  advantage  of  the 
presence  of  James  Yen  in  this  country  to 
obtain  from  him,  by  means  of  a  series  of 
interviews,  an  up-to-date  account  of  the 
Mass  Education  Movement.  Mr.  Yen,  as 
everybody  knows,  was  propelled  into  a 
great  social  adventure  by  his  experience 
during  the  First  World  War  when  it  fell 
to  him,  as  an  American-educated  YMCA 
worker,  to  look  after  the  welfare  of  a  large 
Chinese  labor  force  in  France.  That  ad- 
venture began  as  a  personal  conversion 
from  the  typical  attitude  of  the  Chinese 
scholar-gentlemen  to  one  of  love  and  re- 


spect for  the  laboring  masses.  It  led 
through  the  years  from  concern  over  what 
seemed  to  be  their  greatest  social  handicap, 
their  illiteracy,  to  a  concern  with  the  re- 
education of  the  most  numerous  people  in 
the  world. 

Miss  Buck  drew  from  Mr.  Yen  a  coher- 
ent account  of  the  movement  from  its  be- 
ginning. She  recognized,  as  she  tells  in  the 
foreword,  that  there  can  be  no  real  peace  in 
the  world  while  there  are  glaring  inequal- 
ities of  opportunity.  Oppression  and  desti- 
tution will  continue  until  the  instruments 
of  social  self-protection  are  more  evenly 
distributed.  The  principal  instrument  is 
that  of  education;  and  while  the  Chinese 
peasant  always  has  had  education  of  a  sort, 
it  does  not  suffice  to  protect  him  in  these 
days  of  world  prices  and  concentrated  poli- 
tical control.  He  must  know  how  to  read, 
how  to  adapt  the  findings  of  scientific  in- 
quiry to  his  own  needs  and  resources,  how 
to  organize  with  his  neighbors,  how  to  pre- 
vent the  recurrence  of  the  old  cycle  be- 
tween over-population  and  famine,  between 
over-confidence  and  epidemics. 

This  book  tells  how  inevitable  was  the 
transition  from  literacy  as  the  early  main 
concern  of  mass  education  to  a  curriculum 
as  wide  as  the  life  and  the  problems  of  the 
Chinese  peasant — problems  of  production, 
hygiene,  good  government.  Some  of  the 
campaigns  which  Mr.  Yen  and  his  friends 
started  were  later  taken  up  by  others.  In- 
deed, his  influence  has  reached  parts  of 
China  where  he  has  never  worked.  But  the 
Mass  Education  Movement  has  remained 
the  central  stem  of  that  educational  ad- 
vance which  is  unbound  by  any  ideology 
and  therefore  has  commended  itself  to  citi- 
zens and  high  officials  of  many  political 
creeds. 

Its  importance  lies  in  the  concrete  tech- 
nical application  to  tasks  which  in  so  vast 
a  country  must  differ  materially  from  one 
place  to  another.  It  lies  in  the  stimulated 
growth  of  an  active  sense  of  citizenship. 
What  appealed  especially  to  Generalissimo 
Chiang  Kai-shek  was  that  this  educational 
movement  did  not  alienate  the  educated 
villager  from  his  country  home  but  tended 
to  keep  him  there  as  an  apostle  of  the  new 
knowledge  and  the  New  Life. 

The  war  has  not  stopped  the  organized 
movement  of  mass  education  but  has  ac- 
celerated its  progress  in  many  ways.  More 
than  ever  its  founder  and  leader  looks  upon 
it  as  part  of  a  great  international  forward 
march  of  the  common  people  in  which  the 
stronger  ones  must  help  the  weak. 

Raconteur  and  Crusader 

The  books  by  Hallett  Abend  and  Sher- 
wood Eddy  discuss  recent  events  in  China 
informally.  Both  authors  are  skilled  essay- 
ists who  know  how  to  weave  into  readable 
strands  their  own  experiences  and  their 
personal  interpretations  of  men  and  move- 
ments. Mr.  Abend,  writing  for  the  "Seaport 
Series,"  deals  with  the  part  which  Shanghai 
and  the  lesser  ports  of  China  have  played 
in  the  modern  history  of  that  country.  He 
is  not,  however,  primarily  concerned  with 
trade  and  shipping,  but  with  the  use  which 
foreign  powers  have  made  of  the  treaty 
ports  to  force  on  China  an  economy  that 

134 


has  distorted  her  social  growth.  He  tells  of 
life  in  these  cities  as  a  cynical  American 
reporter  who  yet  at  heart  sympathizes  with 
the  struggles  of  a  great  people  in  the  throes 
of  social  change.  Often  amusing,  this  book 
is  a  good  corrective  for  the  sentimental 
nonsense  about  China  which  unsophisti- 
cated Americans  have  absorbed  in  such  vast 
quantities  of  late. 

Sherwood  Eddy,  in  a  modest  little  vol- 
ume, presents  "personal  impressions  from 
three  decades  with  the  Chinese."  The  cynic 
and  the  apologist  here  find  their  match  in 
the  gentle  apostle  of  good  will.  Taking  the 
long  view,  Dr.  Eddy  pictures  scenes  and 
personalities  in  a  light  that  reveals  a  divint 
purpose  in  all  that  is  human  and  frail  in 
China. 

Some  readers  may  be  inclined  to  scoff  at 
the  importance  which  he  attaches  to  the 
influence  of  Christian  teaching  on  the  mod- 
ern development  of  China.  But,  in  retro- 
spect, the  importance  attached  by  other 
writers  to  that  country's  foreign  trade  or 
to  its  five-and-ten-year  plans  may  appear 
even  less  realistic.  Contemporaries  cannot 
measure  the  impact  of  any  one  alien  culture 
trait,  whether  material  or  religious.  All  one 
can  say  with  certainty  is  that  the  YMCA 
and  the  churches  have  contributed  not  a 
little  to  China's  greatest  hope — the  emerg- 
ence of  morally  steadfast  personalities. 

.  BRUNO  LASKER 

Research  Associate,  American  Council 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 

WHAT  TO  DO  WITH  JAPAN,  by  Wilfrid 
Fleisher.  Doubleday,  Doran.  $2. 

MR.  FLEISCHER'S  SPECIFIC  RECOMMENDATIONS 
are:  that  Hirohito  be  deposed  but  that  the 
Imperial  House  should  not  be  discontinued; 
that  the  constitution  be  revised  so  as  to  in- 
sure civilian  control  over  the  military  ele- 
ment and  the  Privy  Council;  that  the  in- 
stitution of  the  Genro  (or  Council  of  ex- 
premiers)  be  abolished;  that  the  party  sys- 
tem be  returned  with  an  enlarged  elec- 
torate (including  votes  for  women);  that 
Japan  be  stripped  of  all  her  conquests  even 
beyond  the  recommendations  contained  in 
the  Cairo  agreement;  that  the  Mandated 
Islands  be  placed  under  the  supervision  of 
a  regional  council,  with  the  U.S.A.  as  the 
administrative  power;  that  we  should  do  a 
thorough  job  of  occupying  Japan  and  then 
get  out  as  quickly  as  possible;  that  the 
Japanese  army  and  military  police  be 
abolished,  the  Japanese  navy  sunk,  and 
secret  societies  disbanded;  that  war  crimi- 
nals should  be  punished  (with  banishment 
sufficing  for  Hirohito);  that  all  of  Japan's 
heavy  industry  and  all  her  merchant  fleet 
be  destroyed  and  that  she  be  deprived  of 
the  privilege  of  building  new  ships  after 
the  war;  and  that  the  form  of  Japan's 
internal  economic  structure  be  left  to  the 
determination  of  the  Japanese  people. 

The  book  abounds  in  sweeping  general- 
ities and  inconsistencies.  It  is  well  to  call 
for  the  just  postwar  economic  treatment  of 
Japan,  as  Mr.  Fleisher  does,  and  to  issue  a 
wise  and  timely  plea  that  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  Japan's  internal  economic  system 
must  be  left  to  the  Japanese  themselves. 
But  why  go  to  extremes  with  a  demand  for 


In    the 

Margins 
off  Chaos 

By  Francesco  Wilson 

A  terrifyingly  real  picture  of  civilian 
suffering,  displaced  populations, 
disease  and  starvation,  and  of  the 
work  the  Quakers  have  done  to 
help  innocent  victims  of  war.  In 
her  engrossing  personal  recollec- 
tions, Francesca  Wilson  shows  how 
foreign  relief  actually  functions 
and  describes  many  strange  places 
and  interesting  people.  $3.00 

China 

After    Seven 
Years  of  War 

Edited  by  Hollington  K.  Tong 

Seven  authors  who  know  China  at 
first  hand  tell  how  the  Chinese 
people  look,  think,  live,  and  fight 
today.  They  picture  concretely  the 
economic,  social,  and  cultural  con- 
ditions of  the  China  behind  the 
headlines  at  a  critical  moment  in 
her  long  history  of  resistance. 
Photographs.  $2.00 

America's 
Far  Eastern 
Policy 

By  T.  A.  Bisson 

"A  clear,  succinct  and  unerring  ac- 
count of  the  events  that  led  to 
Pearl  Harbor.  No  more  thorough- 
ly objective  record  of  the  period 
between  1900  and  1941  is-  avail- 
able to  the  general  public,  and  its 
value  in  clarifying  the  issues  at 
stake  in  the  Pacific  war  can  hardly 
be  overstated." — New  York  Herald 
Tribune  Book  Review.  $3.00 

The  Macmillan  Company 

60   Fifth   Avenue  New  York   11 


the  complete  destruction  of  all  heavy  in- 
dustry, the  destruction  of  Japan's  entire 
merchant  fleet,  and  removal  of  the  right  to 
build  new  merchant  vessels?  Can  80,000,- 
000  persons,  heavily  dependent  on  foreign 
trade,  survive  with  no  heavy  industry  and 
without  merchant  vessels?  Would  not  a 
restriction  of  heavy  industry  to  its  1929 
peacetime  level  of  19.3  percent  of  Japan's 
total  manufactures  suffice?  Could  not  a  rea- 
sonable limit  be  placed  upon  merchant  ves- 
sel tonnage  operating  under  the  Japanese 
flag? 

Again,  can  permanent  peace  be  estab- 
lished in  the  Pacific  almost  wholly  upon  a 
foundation  of  repressive  measures  against 
Japan?  The  problem  of  peace  in  the  Pacific 
is  the  problem  of  world  peace.  Building 
American  outposts  in  Formosa  and  Korea 
"to  protect  Korea  from  another  Japanese  in- 
vasion" and  again  bringing  Port  Arthur 
under  Russian  domination  will  add  noth- 
ing to  a  Pacific  peace.  It  will  only  increase 
nationalistic  tensions  in  the  Korea-Man- 
churia region  and  set  the  stage  for  another 
explosion  there  —  an  explosion  in  which 
Japan  would  play  a  minor  role. 

Part  of  the  reason  for  the  reviewer's  im- 
patience with  this  book  is  found  in  the 
foreword,  where  the  author  states  that  he 
felt  the  problem  was  beyond  the  scope  of 
any  one  individual  and,  therefore,  "I  have 
sought  the  views  of  many  who  will  prob- 
ably have  to  dp  with  making  the  peace. 
.  .  ."  Even  this  method  of  collecting  ideas 
should  not  have  barred  Mr.  Fleisher  from 
presenting  the  material  in  more  orderly 
fashion,  first  screening  it  through  his  own 
mind.  Out  of  a  wealth  of  experience  in 
Japan,  Mr.  Fleisher  should  have  been  able 
to  produce  a  valuable  book.  It  is  to  be  re- 
gretted that  he  did  not  do  so. 
Teacher  in  Japan  1921-41  JOE  J.  MICKLE 

ASIA  ON  THE  MOVE:  Population  Pressure, 
Migration,  and  Resettlement  in  Eastern  Asia 
under  the  Influence  of  Want  and  War,  by 
Bruno  Lasker.  Holt.  $3. 
MR.  LASKER,  LONG  A  STUDENT  OF  ASIA,  HERE 
addresses  himself  to  a  difficult  topic- — 
the  causes,  consequences,  and  prospects  of 
migration  in  Eastern  Asia.  The  task  is 
hard  not  only  because  the  data  are  scarce 
and  the  area  huge,  but  because  the  subject 
has  endless  ramifications  (as  suggested  by 
the  subtitle).  Yet  the  book,  sponsored  by 
the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  makes 
an  admirable  effort  to  cover  the  field  in 
brief  and  simple  fashion.  It  does  not  pre- 
tend to  be  a  systematic  treatise,  but  a  short, 
informal  discussion  based  on  wide  reading 
rather  than  research  and  meant  to  be  a  con- 
tribution to  the  agenda  of  peace. 

Each  major  part  of  the  volume  discusses 
the  following  areas:  Southeast  Asia,  China, 
Japan,  Korea,  and  the  Soviet  Far  East,  with 
some  mention  of  India.  After  an  introduc- 
tory section  the  author  deals  with  internal 
migration  within  each  of  these.  Next  he 
considers  international  migration  in  con- 
nection with  each,  first  with  reference  to 
recent  trends  and  second  with  reference  to 
postwar  prospects.  Finally,  he  deals  with 
Asiatic  migration  beyond  Asia,  and  in  a 
brief  section  gives  his  conclusions. 

Where   the   author   must   necessarily   de- 


The  book  that  breaks  the  deadlock 
on  news  from  Communist  China 


by  Harrison  Forman 

Illustrated  with  the  author's 
superb  photographs 

•  From  the  cave  city  of  Yenan,  the  world's 
most  remote  fighting  capital,  comes  this  first- 
hand account  of  the  courageous  fighters  who 
are  outlawed  by  Chungking  and  feared  by 
the  Japanese.  It  is  the  first  book-length  re- 
port  to  reach  America  after  six  years  of 
silence.  Stripping  aside  the  secrecy  and  mys- 
tery imposed  by  the  Kuomintang,  veteran 
correspondent  Harrison  Forman  brings  back 
an  objective,  unbiased  report  of  what  he 
personally  saw  and  learned  in  Red  China. 

REPORT  FROM  RED  CHINA  is  a  bombshell  of 
information.  It  gives  the  full  and  complete 
story  of  one  of  the  most  amazing  fighting 
.forces  in  the  history  of  this  war,  and  backs  up 
the  report  with  documents  never  before 
printed  in  this  country,  and  with  facts  never 
before  revealed. 


BUY  WAR   BONDS 


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For  every  American 
interested  in 
the  future  of 
his  country 

DEMOCRACY 

UNDER 

PRESSURE 

SPECIAL  INTERESTS  vs 
THE  PUBLIC  WELFARE 

by  STUART  CHASE 

"In  compact  but  readable  form 
Stuart  Chase  has  thrown  upon 
the  laps  of  the  American  peo- 
ple a  problem  which  must  be 
solved  if  democracy  is  going 
to  survive.  It  is  the  problem 
of  the  pressure  group  in  Amer- 
ican life." — Chicago  Sun 


•    WHEN    : 

THE  WAR 

ENDS 


This  is  the  fourth  vol- 
ume in  Stuart  Chase's 
series,  WHEN  THE 
WAR  ENDS.  Hare 
you  read  his  earlier 
titles:  THE  ROAD 
WE  ARE  TRAVEL- 
ING, GOALS  FOR 
AMERICA  and 
W  H  ERE'  S  THE 
MONEY  COMING 
FROM? 


At  all  bookstores  $1.00 

THE  TWENTIETH  CENTURY  FUND 

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scribe  events  in  occupied  areas,  his  fund  of 
current  information  and  general  plausibility 
suggest  reasonable  validity.  Future  plans 
must  utilize  whatever  knowledge  is  avail- 
able and  some  attempt  to  show  what  is 
happening  is  better  than  none  at  all.  The 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  has  done  real 
service  by  sponsoring  venturesome  and 
somewhat  journalistic  descriptions  of  cur- 
rent conditions  when  scarcity  of  data  and 
time  make  strictly  scholarly  work  almost 
impossible. 

The  author  makes  it  clear  that  migration 
depends,  and  will  increasingly  depend,  on 
world  trade  and  industrial  capital,  rather 
than  simply,  as  often  popularly  conceived, 
upon  the  existence  of  open  spaces.  For  this 
and  other  reasons  he  feels  that  the  demo- 
graphic center  of  gravity  in  China  will 
probably  not  move  permanently  westward; 
that  Western  influence  and  Western  people 
will  not  be  excluded  from  Asia  but  will 
continue  to  live  there  on  a  more  equal  and 
permanent  basis;  that  the  old  type  of 
"coolie"  migration  is  definitely  a  thing  of 
the  past;  and  that  permanent  international 
migrations  in  huge  volume  are  less  likely 
than,  for  purposes  of  labor,  short-term  sea- 
sonal migration,  adequately  protected  and 
paid  and  using  modern  fast  means  of 
transport. 

He  does  not  expect  that  Asiatics  will 
seek  entry  to  occidental  countries  to  relieve 
population  pressure,  but  thinks  they  will 
continue  to  resent  exclusion  policies  based 
purely  on  race.  He  considers  that  the' 


tunity  tor  movement  away  from  congested 
areas,  provided  the  planning  is  carefully 
done. 

A  certain  lack  of  focus  and  clarity  oc- 
casionally arises,  especially  with  reference 
to  general  principles.  For  instance,  in  one 
of  the  most  crucial  matters — the  question 
of  how  the  rapid  and  unpropitious  growth 
of  Asiatic  populations  can  be  halted  with- 
out increased  mortality — the  author's  posi- 
tion is  not  easy  to  determine.  This  criti- 
cism, however,  applies  to  most  migration 
literature,  and  should  not  obscure  the  fact 
that  the  present  work  contains  a  wealth  of 
relevant  material  and  intelligent  interpre- 
tation. It  is  a  workmanlike  contribution 
to  contemporary  debate  on  an  important 

topic.  KlNGSLEY    DAVIS 

Office  of  Population  Research 
Princeton  University 

AMERICAN    CHRONICLE,    by    Ray    Stan- 
nard  Baker.  Scribner.  #3.50. 

BIOGRAPHIES  COMMONLY  REVEAL  TO  A  READER 
more  of  the  author  himself  than  of  the 
ostensible  subject  upon  which  attention  is 
intended  to  be  focused.  This  second  volume 
of  the  Ray  Stannard  Baker  ("David  Gray- 
son")  autobiography  might  more  appropri- 
ately be  classified  as  "Memoirs."  Character- 
izations of  significant  individuals — Clemen- 
ceau,  Lloyd  George,  Eugene  V.  Debs,  Ida 
Tarbell,  and  thumb-nail  sketches  of  im- 
portant events — the  Pullman  strike,  Coxey's 
Army — direct  attention  away  from,  rather 
than  to,  the  author. 

President  Harding  is  thus  summarized: 
"Like  so  many  Americans,  he  simply  cov- 
ered his  eyes  to  disagreeable  facts  and  bol- 
stered his  optimism  with  gushing  enthusi- 
asm about  the  greatness  of  America." 
Charles  Evans  Hughes,  as  Secretary  of 
State,  was  to  Baker  "a  sturdy,  erect  person- 
ality, with  a  gift  for  vigorous  and  often 
pungent  English"  who  "presented  cogently 
every  possible  reason  for  doing  nothing." 
Baker  saw  Hughes  as  "the  impressive  advo- 
cate of  Harding's  weakness  and  fear."  He 
quoted  President  Wilson  as  saying  of 
Hughes,  "He  has  certain  qualities  of  in- 
dustry in  a  prepared  course,  but  goes  to  the 
core  of  nothing." 

There  is  infinitely  more  autobiography  in 
the  bucolic  "David  Grayson"  series  of 
Baker's  alter  ego,  beginning  with  the  heart- 
warming "Adventures  in  Contentment" 
than  there  is  in  "American  Chronicle."  Yet 
his  sympathetic  reaction  to  the  wide  range 
of  personalities  who  rubbed  his  elbows  or 
clasped  his  hand  over  three  quarters  of  a 
century,  carry  conviction  that  more  con- 
scious expositions  of  indiscretions  or  preju- 
dices would  lack.  There  is  little  clash  be- 
tween the  reporter-historian  Baker  and  the 
rustic  philosopher  "Grayson."  They  have 
the  same  profile.  The  unwritten  great 
American  novel  might  well  supply  a  full 
face. 

This  is  the  story  of  a  sensitive  and  hum- 
ble man  who,  unlike  Henry  Adams,  found 
in  Woodrow  Wilson  a  leader  he  could  sup- 
port and  to  whom  he  could  give  devotion, 
understanding,  and  loyalty.  As  Wilson's 
press  representative  at  Versailles,  and  later 
as  his  official  biographer,  Mr.  Baker  can 
and  does  write  with  high  authority.  Tolstoy 


Asiatic  area  itself  affords  plenty  of  oppor- 

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136 


has  observed  that  no  two  men  see  the  truth 
alike.  Here  and  there  one  suspects  Baker 
of  superimposing  a  part  of  his  own  fine 
qualities  on  those  of  his  hero.  As  he  left 
the  simple  service  at  Woodrow  Wilson's 
funeral,  he  found  himself  repeating  from 
"The  Brothers  Karamazov":  "'The  just 
man  passeth  away,  but  his  light  remaineth: 
and  it  is  after  the  Savior's  death  that  men 
most  are  saved.  Mankind  will  reject  and 
kill  their  prophets,  but  will  love  their 
martyrs  and  honor  those  whom  they  have 
done  to  death.'  " 

For  twelve  years  Baker  had  consciously 
devoted  his  abilities  and  energies  to  an  en- 
deavor to  make  Wilson's  influence  more 
potent.  After  1922,  he  was  to  devote 
another  fourteen  years  to  inscribing  a  per- 
manent tablet  to  project  that  influence 
among  succeeding  generations.  Not  the 
least  of  his  tributes  to  Woodrow  Wilson 
is  that  that  statesman  could  attract  and 
hold,  in  memory,  as  well  as  in  life,  the  un- 
measured devotion  of  such  a  man  as  Ray 
Stannard  Baker. 

RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR. 
Cornwall,  N.  Y. 

THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  WORLD 
AGRICULTURE,  by  Karl  Brandt.  Norton. 
*4. 

PRE-NAZI  GERMANY,  ORGANIZED  AROUND  THE 
democratic  structure  of  the  Weimar  Repub- 
lic, produced  some  brilliant  scholars  and 
champions  of  the  cause  of  world  peace  and 
international  collaboration.  Among  these 
was  Karl  Brandt,  a  young  economist  of 
great  promise,  who  because  of  his  demo- 
cratic views  was  forced  to  leave  Germany 
when  Hitler  came  into  power. 

Coming  to  the  United  States,  Mr.  Brandt 
distinguished  himself  in  academic  circles 
and,  as  professor  of  agricultural  economics 
on  the  staff  of  the  Food  Research  Institute, 
Stanford  University,  he  is  regarded  today 
as  a  leading  authority  in  matters  dealing 
with  world  food  requirements.  With  Sir 
John  Orr  of  Scotland  and  F.  L.  McDougall 
of  Australia,  Mr.  Brandt  believes  in  the 
idea  of  building  a  peace  on  the  foundation 
of  a  sound  international  program  that  will 
solve  the  problems  of  agricultural  surpluses 
on  the  one  hand,  ^nd  underconsumption 
on  the  other. 

In  this  new  book,  Mr.  Brandt  brings  to- 
gether the  important  facts  which  must  be 
faced  in  the  postwar  economic  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  world.  He  envisions  a  coopera- 
tive world  in  which  there  would  be  no  in- 
surmountable tariff  barriers  and  impedi- 
ments to  foreign  trade.  The  point  of  view 
throughout  is  that  of  the  school  of  thought 
which  hopes  for  postwar  freedom  of  en- 
terprise between  nations. 

The  author  points  to  the  desirability  of 
low  tariffs  and  the  widest  possible  interna- 
tional exchange  of  goods.  He  reasons  that 
there  should  be  no  food  surpluses,  consider- 
ing the  world's  food  needs.  He  makes  an 
effective  plea  for  a  broader  plane  of  inter- 
national collaboration  in  the  fields  of  trade, 
expanded  capital  exports,  and  stabilized 
currencies.  He  stresses  the  fallacy  of  bi- 
lateral trading  between  nations  and  sug- 
gests that  such  an  arrangement  is  the  in- 
evitable precursor  of  war.  The  solution  he 


offers  to  the  problems  presented  depends 
clearly,  of  course,  on  whether  the  postwar 
world  will  be  the  kind  he  hopefully  pic- 
tures. He  presents  no  alternative  which 
might  have  to  be  adopted  should  we  fail  at 
establishing  a  relatively  free  international 
economy. 

The  book  is  probably  the  best  to  date  on 
the  all-important  subject  of  food  and  agri- 
culture in  the  postwar  world.  It  is  writ- 
ten in  a  style  that  will  please  not  only  the 
professional  economist  but  likewise  interest 
the  general  reader,  bent  on  being  intelli- 
gently informed  about  the  vital  issues  at 
stake — issues  which  must  be  faced  if  we 
and  the  coming  generation  are  to  enjoy 
an  era  of  peace.  M.  L.  WILSON 

Director  of  Cooperative  Extension  Wor\ 
War  Food  Administration 
U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture 

MISSION  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY,  by  Jose 
Ortega  y  Gasset,  translated  with  an  intro- 
duction by  Howard  Lee  Nostrand.  Prince- 
ton University  Press.  $2. 

MOST     OF      THE     NUMEROUS     DISCUSSIONS      OF 

higher  education  that  we  hear  and  read 
today  are  carried  on  with  almost  exclusive 
reference  to  the  institutions  of  our  own 
country.  It  is,  therefore,  refreshing  and 
stimulating  to  have  a  distinguished  Euro- 
pean thinker  deal  with  these  problems 
without  the  assumptions  that  underlie  most 
of  our  American  criticisms  and  proposals. 
Indeed,  so  far  is  the  author  from  being 
swayed  by  American  practice  that  he  seems 
to  be  totally  unaware  of  it.  "Is  it  per- 
chance," he  asks,  "a  mere  accident  that 
only  Europe  has  possessed  universities, 
among  so  many  peoples?"  Nevertheless, 
there  is  much  in  this  little  volume  with  a 
direct  bearing  upon  our  problems. 

In  Ortega's  view,  the  moderri  university 
concerns  itself  with  two  things:  (1)  train- 
ing for  the  learned  professions;  (2)  scien- 
tific research  and  the  training  of  investi- 
gators. "Compared  with  the  medieval  uni- 
versity, the  contemporary  university  has 
developed  the  mere  seed  of  professional  in- 
struction into  an  enormous  activity;  it  has 
added  the  function  of  research;  and  it  has 
abandoned  almost  entirely  the  teaching  or 
transmission  of  culture."  He  wishes  to  re- 
store culture  to  a  primary  place  in  the  uni- 
versity, and  to  detach  research  from  it.  He 
demies  culture  as  "the  vital  system  of  ideas 
of  a  period,"  and  the  lack  of  it  he  asserts 
to  be  the  cause  of  our  present  woes.  "The 
convulsive  situation  in  Europe  at  the  pres- 
ent moment  [he  is  writing  in  1930,  before 
the  fall  of  the  Spanish  dictatorship]  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  average  Englishman, 
the  average  Frenchman,  the  average  Ger- 
man are  uncultured.  They  are  ignorant  of 
the  essential  system  of  ideas  concerning  the 
world  and  man,  which  belong  to  our  time." 

About  the  content  of  culture,  so  under- 
stood, Ortega  is  quite  specific.  The  great 
cultural  disciplines  are  the  physical  scheme 
of  the  world;  the  fundamental  themes  of 
organic  life;  the  historical  process  of  the 
human  species;  the  structure  and  function- 
ing of  social  life;  the  plan  of  the  universe. 

One  may  note  that  there  is  no  recogni- 
tion here  of  the  division  that  pervades  edu- 
cational discussion  among  us,  between 


science  and  the  humanities;  and,  being 
ignorant  of  the  American  conception  of  the 
undergraduate  college,  he  does  not  consider 
its  claim  to  serve  the  cultural  purpose  he 
urges. 

The  intrusion  of  research  into  the  teach- 
ing university  he  finds  disastrous,  since  in 
addition  to  having  led  to  the  elimination  of 
culture,  "it  has  deflected  attention  from  the 
problem  of  how  best  to  train  professionals 
for  their  professions."  With  some  passion 
he  observes  that  "any  nincompoop  that  has 
been  six  months  in  a  school  or  laboratory 
in  Germany  or  North  America,  any  parrot 
that  has  made  a  third  rate  scientific  dis- 
covery, comes  back  a  nouveau  riche  of 
science.  Without  having  reflected  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  on  the  mission  of  the  university, 
he  propounds  the  most  pedantic  and  ridic- 
ulous reforms.  Moreover  he  is  incapable  of 
teaching  his  own  courses,  for  he  has  no 
grasp  of  the  discipline  as  a  whole." 

Having  thus  separated  research  from  the 
university,  Ortega  is  rhapsodic  about  the 
achievements  of  science,  but  somewhat  ob- 
scure as  to  the  kind  of  organization  by 
which  the  university  is  to  draw  from 
science  its  dignity  and  the  breath  of  its  life, 
while  excluding  investigators  from  its  walls. 
There  are  many  provocative  and  pene- 
trating passages  in  these  lectures,  notably 
that  on  the  "principle  of  economy  in  edu- 
cation," in  which  he  attacks  the  modern 
university  for  its  pretense  of  doing  far 
more  than  is  possible,  and  ignoring  the 
limitations  of  the  learning  capacity  of  the 
ordinary  student.  "The  university  of  today 
...  is  a  tropical  underbrush  of  subject  mat- 
ters. .  .  .  The  principle  of  economy  not 
only  implies  that  it  is  necessary  to  econo- 
mize in  the  subject  matter  to  be  offered. 
It  has  a  further  implication:  that  the  or- 
ganization of  higher  education  .  .  .  must  be 
based  upon  the  student,  and  not  upon  the 
professor  or  upon  knowledge." 

A  rousing  and  courageous  book,  with 
much  to  contribute  to  the  solution  of  our 
educational  problems. 

WILLIAM  A.  NEILSON 
Former  President,  Smith  College 

THE    REBIRTH    OF    LIBERAL    EDUCA- 
TION, by  Fred  B.  Millett.  Harcourt,  Brace. 

*2. 
I    FEAR   THAT    THE   AUTHOR   WOULD    NOT    CON- 

sider  me  competent  to  review  his  book  for 
he  believes  that,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
college  presidents  are  incapable  of  "more 
than  the  obvious  banalities  about  the  signi- 
ficance" of  the  educational  process.  How- 
ever, he  is  equally  truculent  towards  his 
faculty  brethren  and  despite  his  studied 
provocative  style,  or  perhaps  because  of  it, 
the  book  should  be  read  by  both  presidents 
and  faculties. 

The  author  rehearses  all  the  familiar 
criticisms  of  the  conventional  college  and 
conventional  scholarship.  Some  are  real 
and  serious,  but  it  is  only  fair  to  add  that 
forces  apparently  unrecognized  by  the 
author  are  at  work  to  correct  them.  We 
can  agree  that  Mr.  Millett  has  directed  his 
fire  at  vulnerable  points.  But  many  of  us 
will  not  agree  that  he  has  found  the  cure 
for  the  evils  he  describes. 

His  cure  is  to  "restore"  the  humanities 


For  every  serious  student 
of  political  economy 

England  in  the 

Eighteen- 

Eighties 

TOWARD  A  SOCIAL  BASIS 
FOR  FREEDOM 

By  Helen  Merrell  Lynd 


Emery  Neff  of  Columbia  Uni- 
versity says:  "This  historical  study 
of  the  first  transition  from  in- 
dividualism to  collectivism  in  a 
modern  industrial  society  is  of  the 
highest  importance  for  our  under- 
standing of  the  present  spread  of 
a  similar  tendency  to  a  world 
scale."  $4.50 


OXFORD    UNIVERSITY 
114   Fifth  Avenue,   N.   Y.    1  1 


a  new  edition  of  . . . 

PEACE  AND  BREAD 
IN  TIME  OF  WAR 

JANE  ADDAMS 

With  an  introductory  essay 
by  JOHN  DEWEY 

A  re-issue  of  Miss  Addams'  favor- 
ite book.  She  well  knew  that  to- 
day's hungry  children  are  the 
soldiers  of  tomorrow's  Caesar. 
And  she  knew,  too,  that  the 
United  States  must  lead  the  na- 
tions into  "a  wider  life  of  co- 
ordinated political  activity." 
Lead;  not  drive  them  like  sheep. 
But,  in  1922,  Peace  and  Bread 
was  ahead  of  its  time.  That  time 

is  now. 

$2.00 
(292  pages;  paper  bound) 

KING'S  CROWN  PRESS 
(292  pages;  paper  bound) 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention   SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

137 


THE  SHAPING  OF 

PSYCHIATRY 

BY   WAR 

By  Brigadier  John 
Rawlings  Rees,  M.D. 

The  Consulting  Psychiatrist  to 
the  British  Army  presents  a  clear 
and  comprehensive  survey  of  psy- 
chiatry in  war  and  the  role  it  can 
play  in  building  a  sound  postwar 
society.  The  war  has  opened  new 
responsibilities  for  the  psychiatrist, 
making  urgent  such  problems  as 
training  methods,  morale  and  dis- 
cipline, and  the  resocialization  of 
the  sick  and  wounded — problems 
that  have  their  important  applica- 
tions in  civilian  life  as  well.  Keenly 
aware  of  the  social  aspects  of 
psychiatry,  Brigadier  Rees  stresses 
the  importance  of  military  and 
civilian  morale  and  looks  forward 
to  the  part  psychiatry  can  play  in 
solving  problems  of  mental  health 
in  communities  and  nations.  $2.50 


CONTRIBUTION 

TO 
PSYCHIATRY 

By  A.  A.  Brill, 
Ph.  B.  M.D. 

"Part  autobiography,  part  ex- 
position,   part    case    book; 
Deludes    extensive    quotat-s 
from    Freud's   correspond* 
^d   it    is    fascinating    reading 
from  first  to  last." 
-Philadelphia  Inquirer. 

At  all  bookstores 


"BOOKS  THAT  LIVE" 

W.   W.   NORTON   &  CO.,   70   Fifth   Ave.,   N.   Y.   11 


to  chief  place  in  the  hierarchy  of  the  col- 
lege curriculum.  The  "primary  objective 
of  liberal  education,"  he  asserts,  "is  the 
analysis  and  discrimination  of  values" 
found  in  "literature,  the  arts,  philosophy, 
religion  and  history."  True,  no  one  will 
claim  that  any  college  which  does  not  edu- 
cate its  students  in  these  subjects  can  prop- 
erly be  said  to  be  liberal.  But  this  does  not 
imply  that  a  liberal  education  should  pay 
only  lip  service  to  the  natural  sciences  and 
the  social  studies. 

Education  that  aims  at  polishing  the 
individual  or  making  him  adept  only  in 
abstract  thinking  about  humanistic  values 
tends  to  make  him  but  a  spectator  of  life, 
a  self-centered,  introspective,  sterile  person, 
not  a  participant.  Science  and  the  social 
studies  are  an  integral  part  of  our  culture. 
They  contribute  their  values  to  life  and 
nothing  is  gained  by  exalting  "humane" 
values  and  belittling  the  others. 

Mr.  Millett  writes  that  "on  the  scale  of 
human  values  the  humanities  rank  highest 
because  these  disciplines  are  primarily  con- 
cerned .  .  .  with  individual  and  humane 
values."  I  have  read  this  sentence  several 
times  and  confess  that  for  me  it  is  but 
reasoning  in  a  circle.  The  humanists  are 
in  confusion  regarding  values.  I  suspect 
that  the  term  is  a  euphemism  for  "ab- 
solutes." If  so,  why  not  face  the  fact  that 
there  are  absolutes  in  life?  I  for  one  should 
go  along  with  them  if  they  would. 

I  suspect  that  what  I  have  written  will 
brand  me  in  some  quarters  as  no  friend  of 
the  humanities.  On  the  contrary  I  am  their 
warm  friend  as  I  think  my  record  proves. 
But  I  am  no  more  a  friend  to  their  im- 
perialistic ambitions  than  I  am  to  the  im- 
perialistic pretensions  of  science.  The  con- 
tending claims  of  the  humanities  and 
science  for  universality  for  their  subjects 
leads  nowhere.  By  asserting  universality 
the  humanists  only  make  it  harder  for 
their  friends  to  defend  the  humanities. 

HAROLD  W.  DODDS 
President,  Princeton  University 

SITUATION  NORMAL:  The  Story  of  a 
Journey  in  Search  of  a  Theme  for  a  War 
and  a  War  Film,  by  Arthur  Miller.  Reynal 
&.  Hitchcock.  #2. 

WHEN  LESTER  COWAN  OF  THE  MOVIES  DE- 
cided  "to  make  a  soldier  picture  which 
soldiers  would  sit  through  without  once 
laughing  in  derision,"  he  bought  Ernie 
Pyle's  book  and  hired  Arthur  Miller  to  go 
out  among  men  of  the  Army  Ground 
Forces  to  get  supplementary  material.  This 
book  is  the  record  of  Mr.  Miller's  travels 
trying  to  find  out  "what  this  war  and  what 
this  army  meant  to  a  lot  of  guys  who  were 
being  soldiers."  And  quite  apart  from  the 
fate  of  the  resultant  movie,  "G.I.  Joe,"  this 
simple  record  of  what  Mr.  Miller  saw  and 
felt  and  conversations  he  had  with  men  in 
many  stages  of  training,  from  a  Reception 
Center  to  an  Officers  Candidate  School,  con- 
tains much  interesting  information  on  the 
molding  of  American  boys  into  soldiers  and 
what  they  think  about  while  this  is  going 


versal  reason  which  makes  it  possible  for 
so  many  different  sorts  of  men  to  be  willing 
to  risk  so  much  in  battle  for  their  America. 
He  thinks  that  he  found  it,  expressed  in 
almost  as  many  different  ways  as  the  men 
he  talked  with.  They  are  not  fighting  to 
keep  things  the  same  or  for  free  enterprise 
or  even  for  jobs,  as  has  been  so  much  ad- 
vertised. But,  simply,  "that  we  believe  all 
men  are  equal.  We  really  believe  it,  most 
of  us,  and  because  a  powerful  force  has 
arisen  in  the  world  dedicated  to  making  the 
people  of  the  world — us  included — unequal, 
we  have  therefore  decided  to  fight."  He 
presents  much  telling  evidence  to  sustain 
this  conclusion. 

In  battle,  faith  in  their  leaders  and  enemy 
pressure,  together  with  belief  in  our  cause, 
will  make  our  soldiers  fight  well  up  to  the 
end.  But  what  of  the  postwar  future? 
There  is  such  a  gap  between  the  unity  of 
men  in  battle  and  the  apparent  dissidence 
on  the  home  front  that  the  impact  of  the 
return  of  our  fighting  men  is  bound  to  be 
tremendous,  both  individually  and  collec- 
tively. Will  the  old  incentives  of  our  civil- 
ization suffice  to  take  the  place  of  the  war- 
time dedication  of  our  fighting  men?  That 
is  one  big  challenge  of  this  war  and  how  it 
is  met  may  well  determine  whether  we  will 
win  the  peace,  too. 

IST.  LT.  RICHARD  PATRICK  KELLOGG 
Fort  Dix,  N.  f. 


PEACE  AND  BREAD 

(Continued  from  page  118) 


Mr.  Miller  set  out  to  find,  in  addition  to 
local  color  and  characters,  evidence  of  what 
he  calls   Belief  among  soldiers,  of  a   uni- 
anstvering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 
138 


endeavors  at  international  organization  will 
decide  the  success  or  failure  of  efforts  to 
achieve  lasting  peace.  This  is  no  mere  pre- 
diction, but  is  based  on  the  solid  experi- 
ence of  the  past. 

The  significance  attached  by  Miss 
Addams  to  the  need  for  food  points  to  a 
trait  which  animates  almost  every  page  of 
"Peace  and  Bread" — for  the  association  of 
the  two  words  in  the  title  is  fundamental. 

The  need  for  bread  is  a  symbol  of  the 
importance  accorded  by  Miss  Addams  to 
natural  impulse  and  primitive  affection. 
Her  faith  in  them  was  the  source  of  her 
interest  in  "social  settlements";  it  was 
nourished  by  the  experiences  that  centered 
in  Hull  House. 

All  who  knew  Miss  Addams  also  know 
of  her  insistence  that  sharing  in  the  activi- 
ties which  issued  from  Hull  House  was  not 
a  matter  of  doing  good  to  others  as  bene- 
ficiaries; those  who  took  part  had  more  to 
receive  than  to  give.  She  had  a  deep  feel- 
ing that  the  simple,  the  "humble"  peoples 
of  the  earth  are  those  in  whom  primitive 
impulses  of  friendly  affection  are  the  least 
spoiled,  the  most  spontaneous.  Her  faith 
in  democracy  was  indissolubly  associated 
with  this  belief.  It  permeates  what  she 
wrote  because  it  was  a  part  of  the  life  she 
lived  from  day  to  day.  Her  own  life  was 
an  active  anticipation  of  what  a  recent 
writer  has  put  into  words:  "Society  will 
develop  by  living  it,  not  by  policing  it." 

Miss  Addams  did  not  put  her  trust  in  the 
"Carlyle  contention  that  the  peoples  must 
be  led  into  the  ways  of  righteousness  by 


SEA  LANGUAGE 
COMES  ASHORE 


By  Joanna  Carver  Colcord 

Contributing  Editor  to  SURVEY  GRAPHIC 

A  distinguished  social  worker  and  author,  Joanna 
Carver  Colcord,  makes  a  noteworthy  addition  to 
the  literary  heritage  of  America.  Descendant  of 
five  generations  of  seafarers,  Miss  Colcord  has 
compiled  over  a  thousand  nautical  expressions 
which  have  been  "washed  ashore,"  and  has  ar- 
ranged them,  with  meanings  and  origins,  for 
easy  reference.  A  truly  authoritative  collection, 
hailed  by  the  critics. 

CARL  SANDBURG:  "I  add  this  book  to 
others  of  hers  that  I  know  have  permanent 
value." 

CARL  VAN  DOREN:  "Fascinating,  remark- 
able." 

C.  B.  PALMER  in  the  New  York  Times  Book 
Review  calls  it  "this  fabulously  interesting  work 
on  speech  which  traces  the  lusty  effect  of  salt- 
water transfusions  on  the  landsman's  language. 
...  It  covers  in  an  affectionate  way  what  one 
might  nowadays  call  the  amphibious  phase  of 
speech." 
J«st  pnbHshod  $2.25 


WARSHIPS 
OF  THE  WORLD 


Edited  by  Roger  Kafka  and 
Roy  L.  Pepperburg 

Follow  this  most  complex  naval  war  in  history 
intelligently — step  by  step,  day  by  day.  The 
greatest  naval  encyclopedia  ever  published  1  Com- 
plete, authoritative,  up  to  the  minute.  Complete 
data  on  7,000  fighting  ships  of  52  world  nariet. 
.  .  .  900  accounts  of  naval  actions  in  World 
War  II  from  official  sources. 

"More  up  to  date,  more  comprehensive,  than 
any  similar  type  of  book.  .  .  ." — CRITCHELL 
RIMINGTON  (author  of  Fighting  Fleets) 

"Readable  and  complete.  ...  A  book  for  long- 
time reference.  .  .  .  An  eye-opener  for  the  land- 
bound,  and  for  all  those  seeking  a  knowledge  of 
all  phases  of  this  most  complicated  war." — Field 
Artillery  Journal 

1,051   Pages  900  Illustrations  $15.00 


ENCYCLOPEDIA  OF  KNOTS 
AND  FANCY  ROPE  WORK 


By  Raoul  Graumont  and  Hensel 

A  "must"  for  the  working  library  of  every  occu- 
pational or  recreational  therapist,  handicraft  in- 
structor, or  settlement  house  worker.  Ideal  for 
individual  or  group  reference.  3,524  different 
examples  of  practical  and  ornamental  knots.  Each 
type,  from  the  simplest  tie  to  the  most  elaborate 
design  in  splicing,  braiding,  tatting,  or  fringe 
work  is  clearly  pictured,  thoroughly  described, 
and  fully  explained.  A  Club-Craft  "Must"  of  the 
Boys'  Club  of  America. 

"Nothing  less  than  the   Britannica   of  the   sub- 
ject."—RALPH     THOMPSON,    N.     Y.     Times. 

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CORNELL  MARITIME  PRESS 

241  West  23rd  Street          Dept.  SC 
New  York  11.  N.  Y. 


the  experience,  acumen,  and  virtues  of  the 
great  man."  Her  faith  was  at  the  opposite 
pole.  Leaders,  whether  political  or  intel- 
lectual, were  to  her  trustees  for  the  interests 
of  the  common  people.  Theirs  was  the 
duty  and  the  task  of  giving  articulate  and 
effective  form  to  the  common  impulses  she 
summed  up  in  the  word  "Fellowship." 

Were  Jane  Addams  with  us  today  her 
voice  and  pen  would  tell  us  how  the  events 
of  the  years  which  have  intervened  between 
two  world  wars  have  intensified  the  evils 
which  will  surely  follow  if  leaders  betray 
the  trust  committed  to  them — events  which 
have  deepened  the  need  for  those  humane 
processes  and  organs  which  alone  can  bring 
hope  of  enduring  peace  to  a  tragically 
torn  and  bleeding  world. 


THEY  CAN  BE  MADE  OVER 

(Continued  from  page  129) 


the  terror  of  his  previous  school  soon  dis- 
appeared. His  classmates  never  learned  that 
he  was  only  ten  years  old. 

Some  time  ago  the  school  enrolled  a  pu- 
pil with  a  misshapen  palate  and  upper  lip. 
Facially  and  vocally  deformed,  the  boy  had 
been  ridiculed  so  much  and  punished  so 
much  for  assaulting  his  tormentors  that  he 
wore  the  look  of  a  hunted  animal.  Before 
he  entered  his  new  class,  the  teacher  told 
the  pupils  that  they  were  to  prove  their 
good  characters  by  not  taking  any  notice 
of  his  affliction.  For  the  first  time  in  his 
life,  other  children  received  him  as  an 
equal.  He  advanced  two  years  in  reading 
ability  in  a  single  term,  distinguished  him- 
self in  the  woodworking  shop,  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  psychiatrists  at  a  New  York 
clinic  who  had  long  dealt  with  his  dis- 
couraging case,  "simply  exuded  happiness 
and  contentment."  Even  his  speech  im- 
proved. When  he  graduated  a  few  years 
ago,  he  gave  an  intelligible  talk  before  the 
entire  school. 

The  teachers  maintain  a  fund  to  pur- 
chase eye-glasses  for  pupils  who  cannot  af- 
ford them,  and  assist  in  other  ways.  One 
of  their  oddest  contributions '  was  made  on 
behalf  of  a  boy  who  was  totally  bald.  He 
arrived  at  the  school  under  the  wing  of 
the  usual  truant  officer,  his  shiny  head 
hidden  under  a  leather  skull  cap,  and  his 
face  marked  by  the  sullen  bitterness  of  a 
long  martyrdom.  First,  Mrs.  Rashkis  senl 
him  to  a  clinic  to  see  if  there  was  any 
chance  of  restoring  his  hair.  This  proved 
impossible,  so  the  teachers  clubbed  together 
and  bought  him  a  toupee.  "After  he  be- 
gan looking  human,  he  turned  out  to  be 
quite  a  nice  boy,"  the  principal  said. 

Alumni  of  P.S.  37 

Of  course,  P.  S.  37  does  not  succeed  in 
salvaging  every  pupil.  Sometimes  the  de- 
structive patterns  are  too  deeply  set,  or 
the  home  situation  is  so  bad  that  commit- 
ment to  an  institution  furnishes  the  only 
answer.  But,  in  the  vast  majority  of  cases, 
the  graduates  get  jobs  or  enter  high  school, 
and  move  along  the  road  to  useful  citizen- 
ship. 

(Continued  on  page  140) 


William  H.  Kilpatrick 
Member,  Editorial  Advisory  Board 


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That  the  school's  influence  does  not  end 
when  the  boys  leave  is  shown  by  the  loy- 
alty of  its  former  pupils.  Hardly  a  day 
goes  by  when  at  least  one  does  not  drop 
in  to  tell  Mrs.  Rashkis  about  a  new  job, 
introduce  his  bride,  bring  pictures  of  his 
children,  or  show  a  decoration  awarded 
overseas.  I  saw  a  redheaded  marine  cor- 
poral who  had  just  come  back  from  the 
South  Pacific  with  ribbons  indicating  a 
Purple  Heart  and  a  Presidential  Unit  Cita- 
tion. When  Mrs.  Rashkis  introduced  him 
as  a  former  pupil,  the  boys  sang  "The 
Halls  of  Montezuma"  with  a  fervor  that 
shook  the  auditorium. 

"I  didn't  deserve  all  that  praise,"  he  said 
afterward.  "The  praise  should  go  to  the 
teachers  who  made  men  of  us." 

According  to  Judge  Marchisio,  schools 
such  as  P.  S.  37  established  through  the 


nation  would  mean  a  long  step  toward  the 
cure  of  juvenile  delinquents.  P.  S.  37,  with 
its  smaller  classes  and  extra  personnel,  costs 
more  than  the  average  New  York  public 
school;  but  as  Dr.  Frank  J.  O'Brien,  asso- 
ciate superintendent  of  schools,  points  out, 
the  added  expense  is  small  compared  to 
the  cost  of  institutional  care  and  possible 
imprisonment  —  to  say  nothing  of  broken 
lives.  "And  many  of  the  features  are  not 
dependent  on  extra  cost,"  Dr.  O'Brien  says. 
"The  spirit  of  friendliness,  the  concern  for 
the  pupil's  self-respect,  and  the  use  of  re- 
sponsibility to  build  self-confidence  can  be 
applied  anywhere  that  there  are  wise  and 
sympathetic  teachers."  Even  if  a  commu- 
nity is  too  small  to  afford  a  separate  school, 
the  same  principles  can  be  applied.  This 
kind  of  school  atmosphere  can,  in  fact, 
bring  out  the  best  side  of  all  children. 


PUBLIC  HEALTH  IN  THE  POSTWAR  WORLD 

(Continued  jrom  page  122) 


nursing  personnel,  in  hospitals  and  medical 
schools,  and  research  laboratories,  the  ac- 
tual delivery  of  service  to  low  income 
families  is  woefully  inadequate. 

The  reason  why  shortage  of  medical  care 
operates  far  above  the  range  of  families 
lacking  in  respect  to  food  or  shelter  is  that 
medical  care  is  so  variable  a  factor  that 
only  at  very  high  economic  levels  is  it 
possible  to  budget  for  its  emergencies. 

At  reasonably  high  income  levels,  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  problem  can  be  solved 
by  systems  of  voluntary  prepayment,  com- 
bined with  group  practice  to  furnish  care 
with  efficiency  and  economy.  So  far  as  the 
single  factor  of  the  hospital  bill  is  con- 
cerned, some  16,000,000  people  are  now 
covered  by  the  various  "Blue  Cross"  pre- 
payment plans. 

If  the  lower  half  of  the  population  is  to 
be  served,  however  (and  if  many  of  those 
above  this  level  are  to  receive  completely 
adequate  care),  the  only  practical  procedure 
which  will  solve  the  problem  is  compulsory 
insurance.  Under  this  plan  a  contribution 
to  the  insurance  fund  is  required  by  law 
from  every  worker  in  certain  industries  and 
trades  and  from  every  white-collar  worker 
below  a  certain  income  level.  Employers 
are  required  to  contribute  to  the  fund 
(often  on  a  fifty-fifty  basis);  and  the  state 
may  add  a  small  subsidy  out  of  taxes.  The 
Health  Program  Conference  which  recently 
reported  on  the  "Principles  of  a  Nation- 
wide Health  Program"  concludes  that  such 
a  system,  to  be  effective,  must  cover  "all  or 
most  of  the  population";  that  "it  is  essen- 
tial that  financial  participation  in  the  sys- 
tem be  required  by  law";  and  that  the  plan 
should  provide  for  complete  medical  and 
hospital  care  and  preventive  services.  [See 
"Health  for  the  Nation,"  by  Michael  M. 
Davis,  Survey  Graphic,  December,  1944.] 

Parallel  with  the  evolution  of  such  an 
orderly  system  of  prepayment,  there  must 
be  developed  equally  important  reforms  in 
the  technique  of  rendering  service,  with 
organized  groups  of  general  physicians  and 
specialists  in  due  proportions,  pooled  use  of 


equipment  and  assistant  personnel,  and  af- 
filiation with  a  hospital.  Through  well- 
organized  group  practice  under  a  prepay- 
ment plan,  about  twice  as  much  physicians' 
and  auxiliary  service  may  be  furnished  for 
the  same  total  expenditures  as  Americans 
are  accustomed  to  spend  for  comparable 
care.  Even  more  important  is  the  fact  that 
group  practice  is  the  only  means  of  main- 
taining and  promoting  a  high  quality  of 
medical  care;  for,  in  this  field,  quality  is 
more  important  than  quantity.  The  facil- 
ities provided  for  good  medical  practice  in 
a  well-equipped  hospital  health  center,  the 
relief  from  clerical  and  financial  respon- 
sibility, and  the  stimulus  of  intimate  con- 
tact with  professional  colleagues  in  a  com- 
mon task  have  proved  most  powerful  in- 
fluences in  promoting  quality  of  medical 
service. 

Group  payment  and  group  practice  are 
the  two  avenues  of  approach  to  this  im- 
portant problem;  and  they  are  avenues 
which  can  be  pursued  without  too  much 
alarm  about  the  bogie  men  supposed  to 
lurk  in  the  bushes  beside  the  road.  All 
that  is  proposed  is  a  program  by  which  hos- 
pitals and  physicians  shall  be  encouraged  to 
cooperate  in  the  rendering  of  efficient  serv- 
ice and  by  which  the  public  shall  cooperate 
in  a  rational  method  of  accumulating  funds 
to  pay  for  such  service. 

This  is  why  the  American  Public  Health 
Association,  at  its  meeting  last  fall,  adopted 
an  official  policy  which  states  that  "a  na- 
tional program  for  medical  care  should 
make  available  to  the  entire  population  all 
essential  preventive,  diagnostic,  and  cura- 
tive service."  This  is  why  the  American 
Dental  Association  has  declared  that  "den- 
tal care  should  be  available  to  all  regardless 
of  income  or  geographic  location."  This  is 
why  Mayor  La  Guardia  has  approved  a 
program  of  complete  medical  care  for  all 
employes  of  New  York  City,  jointly  sup- 
ported by  the  employes  and  the  city  itself. 
This  is  why  Governor  Earl  Warren  has 
sponsored  a  compulsory  insurance  bill  for 
California.  This  is  why  the  Wagner-Mur- 


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140 


Winner  of  the 

PARENTS'  MAGAZINE 
MEDAL  FOR  1944 

for  the 
outstanding  book* 

for  parents 

published  during  that 

year 

SOLDIER 

TO 

CIVILIAN 

By  GEORGE  K.  PRATT,  M,D. 

Foreword  by 

GEORGE  S.  STEVENSON,  M.D. 

Medical  Director,  National 
Committee  for  Mental  Hygiene 

"By  far  the  most  valuable 
study  of  our  duty  to  the 
veteran  that  has  been  pub- 
lished. Just  as  it  tells  what 
extraordinary  measures 
the  army  authorities  have 
taken  to  make  good  sol- 
diers out  of  civilians,  so  it 
explains  our  part  in  help- 
ing to  make  good  civilians 
out  of  returning  soldiers 
. .  .  Free  from  professional 
terms  and  extraordinarily 
lucid  . . .  Dr.  Pratt's  equip- 
ment for  this  special  work 
is  extensive,  for  both  in 
the  army  and  as  a  teacher 
of  psychiatry  he  has  had 
to  do  with  rehabilitation 
of  men."  -  HARRY  HAN- 
SEN,  Survey  Graphic. 

On  sale  at  all 
bookstores,  $2.50 

WIIITTLESEY  HOUSE 

A   Division  of  the  McGraw-Hill 
Book  Co.,  New  York  18 


ray-Dingell    bill    has    been    brought    belon 
Congress.   The  time  is  ripe  for  action. 

Mental  Health 

In  considering  the  problems  of  the 
future,  we  must  not  forget  that  mental  and 
emotional  health  is  fully  as  momentous  a 
problem  as  so-called  "physical"  health.  In 
any  given  community,  the  number  of  in- 
stitutional beds  occupied  by  patients  suf- 
fering from  mental  and  nervous  disorders 
is  nearly  equal  to  the  number  of  beds  oc- 
cupied by  sufferers  from  all  other  forms 
of  disease  taken  together.  Furthermore, 
this  ratio  is  likely  to  increase  in  the  future. 
This  will  result  from  three  causes. 

First,  our  present  institutional  facilities 
are — in  most  states — inadequate;  as  new 
beds  for  mental  and  nervous  diseases  are 
provided,  they  will  be  occupied  by  patients 
who  should  be  hospitalized  but  have  not 
previously  been  admitted  because  of  lack  of 
space.  Second,  since  the  average  period  of 
institutional  care  for  such  diseases  is  much 
more  than  a  year,  even  a  fixed  rate  of 
annual  admissions  will  cause  a  progressive 
increase  in  total  hospital  population.  Third, 
the  steady  advance  in  the  mean  age  of  our 
population  inevitably  involves  an  increased 
total  incidence  in  mental  disorders  of  senile 
degenerative  type.  We  must,  therefore,  be 
prepared  to  increase  our  present  institu- 
tional facilities  in  most  states  and  to  im- 
prove their  physical  and  professional  stan- 
dards in  nearly  all  states. 

Advanced  cases  of  mental  disease,  of 
such  a  nature  as  to  demand  institutional 
care,  constitute  only  a  part  of  the  problem. 
More  important  in  their  total  influence  on 
society  are  the  relatively  minor  emotional 
problems — the  doubts  and  fears  and  uncer- 
tainties and  maladjustments  which,  in 
greater  or  less  degree,  handicap  all  of  us 
in  the  conduct  of  our  daily  lives.  These  are 
not  identical  with  the  more  specific  and 
serious  forms  of  mental  disease  with  which 
the  psychiatrist  deals  in  a  state  hospital. 
This  is,  perhaps,  why  the  institutional 
psychiatrist,  whose  experience  is  with  ad- 
vanced stages  of  specific  disease,  often  fails 
to  comprehend  the  possibilities  of  mental 
hygiene. 

The  two  areas  undoubtedly  overlap.  The 
mental  hygiene  clinic  will  keep  some  in- 
dividuals from  developing  their  emotional 
tendencies  so  'far  as  to  require  institutional 
care.  In  the  main,  however,  the  fields  are 
distinct.  There  is  an  analogy  here  with 
pneumonia  and  the  common  cold.  Colds 
may  predispose  to  pneumonia,  but  in  them- 
selves are  primarily  important  as  causes  of 
disability.  Yet  there  is  one  vital  difference 
between  these  two  fields.  We  cannot,  as 
yet,  do  much  to  control  the  common  cold; 
while,  thanks  to  new  methods  of  therapy, 
we  can  do  much  to  control  pneumonia 
mortality.  On  the  other  hand,  our  mental 
institutions  can  restore  perhaps  a  third  of 
their  patients  to  reasonably  normal  life; 
while  the  mental  hygiene  clinic  can  ac- 
complish far  more  significant  results. 

The  war  has  presented  us  with   a  vital 

challenge   to   improve   this   branch   of   our 

community  facilities.   Colonel  'L.  G.  Rown- 

tree  of  Selective  Service  has  told   us  that 

(Continued  on  page  144) 


New  York  Sun:  "Drive  is  Begun  on 
Epilepsy." 

New  York  Times:  "Some  Plain  English 
on  Epilepsy." 

EPILEPSY -THE  GHOST 
IS  OUT  OF  THE  CLOSET 

Public  Affairs  Pamphlet  No.  98 

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individuals? 

Help  To  spread  the  truth  that  epileptics 
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ANNOUNCING: 

The  publication  of  a  monograph  for  use 
by  physicians,  psychiatrists,  psychothera- 
pists, social  workers,  clergymen,  patients 
and  relatives: 

ALCOHOLICS  ARE  SICK  PEOPLE 

by  Robert  V .  Seliger,  M.D.,  Instructor  in 
Psychiatry,  .T*hns  Hopkins  University  Medical 
School;  Assistant  Visiting  Psychiatrist,  Johns 
Hopkins  Hospital;  Medical  Director,  Haarlem 
Lodge,  Catonsville,  Md. ;  Medical  Director,  The 
Farm  for  Alcoholic  Patients,  Howard  County, 
Md. ;  Executive  Director,  The  National  Commit- 
tee on  Alcohol  Hygiene,  Inc. 

and  Victoria  Cranford,  Psychotherapist  and  Ror- 
schach  Analyst,  Haarlem  Lodge.  Catonsville, 
Md.;  The  Farm  for  Alcaholic  Patients,  Howard 
County,  Md. 

edited  by: 

Harold  S.  Goodwin,  Day  City  Editor,  The  Balti- 
more  Sun,   Baltimore,   Md. 

TABLE     OF     CONTENTS 

1.  The  Purpose  of  this  Monograph's  Therapy 

(Treatment) . 

2.  Are  You  an  Alcoholic? 

3.  IF  You  Are  An  Alcoholic. 

4.  What  Really  Drives  You  to  Drink? 

5.  Alcoholism  Doesn't  Make  Sense. 

6.  Taking  The  Mental  Hurdles. 

7.  Life  Without  Liquor. 

8.  Glossary. 

End  covers:  (Front)  The  Liquor  Test. 

(Back)  Re-educational  Guides. 


Alcoholism    Publications 
2030    Park    Avenue 
Baltimore    17.    Maryland 

Picas,'    send    me:    ALCOHOLICS    ARE    SICK    PEOPLE. 
D  COPIES   $2.00   Cloth  bound 

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SITUATIONS  WANTED 

EXPERIENCED       MARRIAGE       COUNSELOR 

(legal,  psychological  and  psychiatric  training) 
desires  counseling,  teaching  or  research  position. 
8124  Survey. 

RESPONSIBLE  MAN  over  draft  age,  experienced 
farm,  maintenance,  boys.  Wife's  interests :  secre- 
tarial, community,  tutorial.  Available  September, 
possibly  June.  8126  Survey. 

EXPERIENCED  SOCIAL  WORKER  seeks  posi- 
tion in  child  placing  or  juvenile  court  agency. 
Experience  covers  wide  field  in  social  service. 
Other  types  of  positions  considered.  8127  Survey. 

HOUSEMASTER,  recreational  teacher  for  chil- 
dren's home,  private  school,  boys'  club,  insti- 
tution. Protestant,  mature,  available  September 
15th.  8123  Survey. 

MAN  (36)  trained  and  experienced  worker;  men- 
tally and  physically  handicapped  group  and  fam- 
ily work ;  public  schools ;  desires  administrative 
position  in  institution  or  hospital  for  handicapped. 
Available  June  1st.  8133  Survey. 

WORKERS  WANTED 


PROGRAM  DIRECTOR  for  Settlement  House  in 
Mexican  neighborhood.  Southwest.  Excellent  op- 
portunity for  building  inter-racial  understanding. 
8130  Survey. 


WE  SERVE  as  a  confidential  clearing  house 
through  which  social  workers,  executives  and 
agencies  everywhere  can  get  in  direct  touch  with 
one  another  quickly  and  at  surprisingly  small 
cost.  A  $3.00  registration  fee  to  both  employers 
and  applicants  is  our  only  charge.  No  com- 
missions !  Just  tell  us  what  kind  of  situation  you 
are  qualified  for,  location  you  would  consider, 
etc.,  or  give  us  complete  details  about  the  posi- 
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employers  descriptions  are  mailed  to  all  potential 
candidates.  Those  interested  •  then  apply  direct 
to  employers  on  special  forms  we  furnish.  Don't 
run  the  risk  of  overlooking  the  very  position  or 
applicant  you  might  be  most  interested  in  I  Take 
advantage  of  the  increased  selection  our  low  fees 
and  streamlined  service  creates.  Central  Registry 
Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus  9,  Ohio. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


WANTED  Group  Work  Practitioner.  Settlement 
House  upstate  New  York.  Growing,  stimulating 
job.  Salary  range  $1800-$2500.  Refugee  or  veteran 
acceptable.  8129  Survey. 

EXECUTIVE  capable  full  charge  National  post-war 
planning  organization.  Opportunity  man  or  woman 
social  worker  to  enter  this  field  New  York  City. 
Some  experience  fund  raising,  public  relations, 
interest  international  events  desirable.  Approxi- 
mately $2800  start.  Excellent  permanent  future. 
8128  Survey. 

WANTED:  Child  Welfare  Consultants  and  Cat* 
Supervisors.  Salaries  beginning  $2880.  Senior  C»s« 
Workers  beginning  at  $2400.  Junior  Case  Work- 
ers beginning  at  $2139.  Opportunities  for  advance- 
ment. Appointments  under  Merit  System.  Apply 
Division  of  Child  Welfare,  State  Department  of 
Social  Welfare,  Topeka,  Kansas. 


RECREATIONAL  DIRECTOR  for  handicapped 
persons  including  blind.  Attractive  salary — per- 
manent—  give  experience,  references.  Goodwill 
Industries,  Dayton,  Ohio. 

SPECIALIZED  WORKER  or  medical  social  worker 
desired  by  tuberculosis  association  in  large  western 
city.  This  is  an  attractive  position  in  agency  with 
dynamic  program.  8122  Survey. 

CATHOLIC  CHARITIES  an  integrated  Family 
and  Child  Care  Case  Work  Agency  in  need  of 
a  trainee  and  experienced  case  worker.  Good 
salary.  Challenging  opportunity.  Apply  Catholic 
Charities,  418  North  25th  Street,  Omaha  2, 
Nebraska. 

WANTED:  A  couple  for  resident  faction — B»y« 
Dormitory.  Must  be  able  to  •apervwe  school 
work,  recreational  activities,  direct  tfce  conduct 
of  the  boys.  There  are  housekeeping  duties  en- 
tailed. For  full  details  write  to  Superintendent, 
Friendship  House,  2080  Adams  Avenue,  Scran- 
ton  »,  Pa. 

COUNSELORS:  Men  and  women  for  Pennsylvania 
camp  run  by  Settlement  House.  Boyi  eamp  in 
July,  girls  camp  in  August.  Counselors  may 
work  in  summer  town  program  and  lire  at  Set- 
tlement during  other  month.  Opportunity  for  stu- 
dents interested  in  social  work.  8113  Survey. 

CAMP  DIRECTOR:  Experienced  man  or  woman 
to  direct  camp  in  Pennsylvania  run  by  a  Settle- 
ment House.  Important  coordination  of  group 
work  principles  effected  through  wint«r  program. 
Prefer  trained  group  worker  with  •dnuniitratrre 
ability.  SI  14  Survey. 

HOMEFINDER  for  well-established,  private  chil- 
dren's agency.  Good  salary  and  excellent  working 
conditions.  Write  Byron  T.  Hacker,  Children  s 
Center,  1400  Whitney  Avenue,  New  Haven  Con- 
necticut. 

PAROLE  OFFICER — Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dent*. Vacancies  principally  in  New  York  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  15%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679. 
Albany,  New  York. 

CASE  WORKERS — June,  July,  August,  in  Child 
Care  Centers  for  Intake.  Teacher  and  Parent 
consultation.  Play  Schools  Association,  119  West 
57th  Street,  New  York  19. 


CASE  WORKERS  wanted  by  child  protective 
agency.  School  of  Social  Work  graduates  pre- 
ferred, but  college  graduates  with  social  sci- 
ence course  accepted  for  training.  Satisfactory 
salaries  and  personnel  practices.  Apply  Mass. 
S.  P.  C.  C.,  43  Mt.  Vernon  Street,  Boston  8, 
Mass. 


SOCIAL  WORKERS  WANTED 

Excellent  opportunities  at  good  salaries  for 
graduates  of  accredited  schools  of  social  work, 
to  work  in  a  progressive  community  whose  social 
work  future  lies  before  it. 

Ideal    Climate    for    Year-Round    Outdoor    Sporu. 

Caseworkers,  Croup  Workers, 
Supervisors  and  other  Health  and 
Welfare  Workers  address  all  com- 
munications to: 

JOSEPH  ANDRIOLA,   As»Ut.  Dlr. 

Community  Welfare  Council 

645    A    Street,    San    Diego    1,    California 


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^fl1^^       BOOKLETS          PAMPHLETS         PERIODICALS       jftSlJb 

§*"^&fjp                          Of  interest  and  service  to  readers  thinking  about  the  social  prob-                       ^^^blO 
<-^TJi\S^;^3                 'ems  °f  today  —  the  public  health,  education,  housing,  industrial                                     ^-^ 
^S^^^S^                   and   labor  relations,  government,  racial  and  foreign  relations.                   .f^^^^-S---^"" 

How  to  Make  a  Speech  and  Enjoy  It 

a   delightful   and   practical   guide  for  the 
non-professional  speaker.                          75c 

Newspaper  Publicity—  How  to  Make  the 

MOSt  Of   It     (For  May  Publication) 

what   newspaper   publicity   can  and   can't 
do;  how  to  work  with  the  papers           75c 

PUBLIC  WELFARE  DIRECTORY 
1945 

A  listing  of  federal  and  state  public  welfare 
agencies  and  officials,  local  public  assistance 
agencies   and  officials  serving  cities  of  over 
30,000   population,   a   summary   of   interstate 
correspondence    procedures    for    each    state, 
and  valuable  appendices  including  summaries 
of    state    residence    requirements    for    public 
assistance  eligibility. 

$1.50 

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ADMINISTRATION  IN  THE  Y.W.C.A. 

Four    pamphlets    on    the    philosophy    of 
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izations. 
Principles  and  Procedures            75  cents 
Helen  D.  Beavers 
The  Electorate                            50  cents 
Marie  Russ 
Planning                                        50  cents 
Belle  Ingels 
Staff  Supervision                           50  cents 
Briseis  Teall 
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THE  WOMANS  PRESS 

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lions   on   interpretation) 

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HANDBOOKS  FOR  PROFESSIONAL 
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By  Mary  Antoinette  Cannon  — 
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CASE  WORKER  AND  FAMILY 
PLANNING  —  lOc  per  copy 

Other  material  on  health  and  welfare 
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by  Gertrude  Springer 

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AMERICAN  SOCIOLOGICAL  REVIEW 

Official  Journal  of  the  American  Sociological  Society. 
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Address:  Managing  Editor 
American  Sociological   Review 
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Group  Work  Horizons 

1944    A.A.S.G.W.     YEARBOOK     AND 
PROCEEDINGS 
OFF  THE  PRESS  THIS  MONTHI 

Authoritative  articles  and  commissions 
reporting    group-work    opportunities    in 
postwar    America  —  community    planning, 
leadership    training,    returning    veterans. 
Editor,   Saul  Bernstein. 

Single  copies  85c            Fifty  or  more,  50c 

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AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION   FOR 
STUDY  OF  CROUP  WORK 
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A  Sound  National  Economic  Policy 

by  M.  H.  Rcymond 

THE  NEW  EDUCATION  AND  RELIGION 

by  1.  Paul  Williams 
Here    la    expert    guidance    through     the    various 
proposals    for    teaching  religion   in    the   schools, 
pins     evidence     of     successful      accomplishment. 
March  choice  of  the  Religious  Book  Club.  $2.  SO 

ASSOCIATION  PRESS 

347    Madison    Avenue.             New    York    17.    N.    Y. 

petition   to  Congress. 

tional   Press  Syndicate,   129  State  St..   Bingham- 
ton,  N.  Y. 

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THE  COUNTY  WORKER'S  JOB 
by  Josephine  Strode 

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RECENT     TRENDS     IN     BRITISH     TRADE 
UNIONS,   by   Noel   Barou;  with  Summary, 
Postwar    Program    of   Trade    Union    Con- 
gress. 1945                                            15c       | 

BRITISH    LABOR    ON    RECONSTRUCTION 
IN  WAR  AND  PEACE.  Interim  Report  of 
British  Labor  Party.  1944.                        15e 

See  also 

CANADIAN     PROGRESSIVES     ON    T  H   E 
MARCH,  by  M.  J.  Coldwell,  M.  P.   1944. 
15c 

NEW     ZEALAND'S     GOVERNMENT     AT 
WORK,  by  W.  B.  Surch.  1940.              I5c 

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WESTERN   RESERVE   UNIVERSITY 

SCHOOL  OF  APPLIED  SOCIAL  SCIENCES 
SUMMER  SCHEDULE 

1945 
Special  Program 

Seminar  on  Inter-racial  and  Inter-cultural  Problems 
Related  to  Administration  in  Social  Agencies. 

June  4  through  June  8 

Institute  on  Programs  for  the  Teen  Age 
June  5  through  June  14 

Workshop   for   Undergraduate   Teachers   of  Social 
Work  and  Recreation  Leadership  Courses. 

June  25  through  June  29 

Public  Welfare  Workshop 
July  25  through  August  3 

Regular  Program 

Term  I — June  11       -       July  28 
Term  II — July  30-September  15 

For  Full  Information  Inquire 

Admission  Office 

2117  Adelbert  Road 

Cleveland  6,  Ohio 


SMITH    COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Opens  June,  1945 

The  Accelerated  Course  provides  two  years  of 
academic  credits,  covering  two  quarters  of  theory, 
three  quarters  of  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
meet  the  complex  problems  of  postwar  rehabilitation. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 
Contents  for  March,  1945 

Today's  War  and  Tomorrow's  Children 

Marion  B.  Durfee,  M.D. 

Paternal  Domination:  Its  Influence  on  Child  Guidance  Results 

Dorothy  Daniels  Mueller 

When  Is  it  Worth  While  to  Reopen  a  Case  for  Child  Guid- 
ance? Pearl  Baunt 

Influence  of  Environmental  Factors  on  the  Adjustment  of  Epi- 
leptics Paroled  from  a  Mental  Hospital  Sara  H.  Sitkin 

For  further  information  write  to 

THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 

(Continued  from  page  141) 


between  30  and  40  percent  of  military  re- 
jections and  discharges  are  due  to  causes  of 
the  kind  now  wisely  described  under  the 
title  "not  suited  for  military  service";  and 
he  estimates  that  the  total  number  of  young 
men  in  this  class  will  exceed  2,000,000. 

Most  of  these  cases  yield  rather  promptly 
to  intelligent  treatment.  The  vast  majority 
of  them  can  be  adequately  adjusted  to  the 
demands  of  ordinary  civilian  life.  It  will, 
however,  require  a  great  expansion  of  clinic 
service  to  accomplish  this  end;  and  it  is 
highly  desirable  that  this  service  be  pro- 
vided in  community  clinics  affiliated  with 
general  hospitals  (or,  in  some  states,  with 
state  departments  of  health  or  of  mental 
hygiene)  and  not  as  a  part  of  a  program 
limited  to  —  and  labeled  as  —  service  for 
"psychoneurotic  veterans." 

In  community  facilities  of  this  type,  we 
are  gravely  lacking.  Mental  hygiene  should 
be  not  a  small  sector  of  the  community 
health  problem  but  more  nearly  half  of  it. 

The  Challenge  of  Global  Health 

So  far,  we  have  been  considering,  pri- 
marily, the  postwar  problems  of  these 
United  States.  The  challenges  of  health 
are,  however,  worldwide.  The  Germans 
and  the  Japanese  have  forced  political 
global  responsibility  upon  us.  The  airplane 
has  ended  for  all  time  the  possibility  of 


has  become  one  of  the  United  Nations. 

In  the  field  of  public  health,  we  have  an 
ideal  opportunity  for  international  coopera- 
tion. There  are  here  no  conflicting  interests 
to  be  harmonized — only  a  universal  com- 
mon interest  in  a  common  task.  This  is 
one  reason  why  the  Health  Section  of  the 
League  of  Nations  made  such  a  dis- 
tinguished record  of  accomplishment.  Some 
very  similar  organization  must  be  evolved 
as  a  part  of  the  deliberations  of  the  San 
'  Francisco  conference. 

We  are  not  thinking  in  terms  of  a  Global 
Super  Health  Department.  International 
cooperation  is  our  objective,  not  the  crea- 
tion of  a  world  state.  What  we  do  need  is 
a  central  body  for  the  coordination  and 
standardization  of  the  results  of  research 
and  of  administrative  practice  in  the  field 
of  public  health;  for  assistance  in  the  train- 
ing and  distribution  of  public  health  per- 
sonnel; and  for  aid  to7  individual  countries 
in  need  of  such  service  by  provision  of  ex- 
pert assistance  and  also  (in  the  judgment 
of  the  writer)  by  provision  of  necessary 
grants-in-aid. 

Such  an  organization  should  be  respon- 
sible to  the  general  assembly  of  the  United 
Nations  and  should  work  (as  in  the  case  of 
the  League)  under  a  small  committee  of 
experts  named  for  their  individual  com- 
petence, by  that  Assembly.  It  should  ap- 
point and  have  jurisdiction  over  regional 
health  committees,  operating  in  particular 
areas,  as  the  Pan-American  Sanitary  Bu- 
reau now  functions  for  the  Americas.  The 
lack  of  such  regional  organization  was  one 


sanitary    isolationism.     The    United    States 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention   SURVEY  GRAPHIC) 

144 


of  the  few  defects  of  the  League  machinery. 
An  advisory  council  of  the  heads  of  all 
national  health  services  should  meet  an- 
nually to  hear  reports  from  the  health  com- 
mittee and  outline  broad  lines  of  interna- 
tional policy. 

The  health  organization  should  have  a 
competent  and  expert  permanent  secre- 
tariat, under  a  director  of  the  highest  pro- 
fessional competence.  It  should  include  at 
least  the  following  five  basic  divisions: 
Epidemiological  Intelligence,  Field  Serv- 
ice, Sanitary  Conventions,  Technical  Com- 
missions, Training  and  Personnel. 

The  vision  of  the  new  health  organiza- 
tion should  be  as  broad  and  socially  con- 
structive as  was  that  of  the  Health  Section 
of  the  League.  It  must  deal  not  only  with 
malaria  and  dysentery  but  with  nutrition 
and  housing  and  recreational  and  social 
security  and  the  standard  of  living. 

Donald  M.  Nelson  has  said:  "For  a  gen- 
eration we  have  been  living  on  the  edge  of 
a  new  world;  we  are  only  beginning  to 
realize  it.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  human  race  there  can  be  enough  of 
everything  to  go  around.  Poverty  is  not 
inevitable  any  more.  The  sum  total  of  the 
world's  greatest  output  of  goods  divided 
by  the  sum  total  of  the  world's  inhabitants 
no  longer  means  a  little  less  than  enough 
for  everybody.  It  means  more  than 
enough." 

The    possibilities    implied   in    that   stat 
ment    are    beyond    calculation.     What 
are  fighting  for,  today,  is  the  opportunit 
to  turn  these  possibilities  into  realities. 


THE  NEW  YORK   SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Columbia   University 


July  9-20 


Summer  Institutes,  1945 


Community  Responsibility  for  Service  to  Veterans E.  C.  Lindeman 

Psychiatric  Aspects  of  Veterans'  Problems  Melly  Simon 

Current  Problems  in  Child  Welfare  Dorothy  Hutchinson 

Psychiatry  in  Social  Case  Work  with  Children Dr.  Viola  Bernard 


Natalie  Linderholm 

Louis  Bennett,  Ethel  L.  Ginsberg 

Helen  Harris  Perlman 
Gordon  Hamilton 


July  23  August  3 

Public  Relations  in  Social  Work  < 

Experiences  of  a  Veterans'  Service  Center 

Supervision  in  Social  Case  Work   

Current  Trends  in  Case  Work  

August  6-17 

Administrative  Problems  in  International  Social  Work  Clarence  King 

Practical  Problems  of  Racial  and  Cultural  Conflict  Mary  E.  Hurlbutt 

Group  Work  Services  in  the  Reconversion  Period  Nathan  E.  Cohen 

Current  Developments  in  Community  Organization   Arthur  Dunham 

The  institutes  will  be  open  to  practicing  social  workers  and  upon  satisfactory  completion  will  carry 
credit  if  students  meet  the  admission  requirements  of  the  School.  Folders  containing  details  may  be 
obtained  from  the  school. 


122  East  22  Street 


New  York  10,  N.Y. 


BOSTON  UNIVERSITY 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

PREPARATION  FOR  GOVERNMENTAL  SOCIAL 
WORK  AND  POST-WAR  REHABILITATION 

Beginning  students  may  enter  in  May,  September  and 
January. 

WORK-STUDY  PROGRAM 

For  practicing  social  workers  who  have  not  the  profes- 
sional degree. 

The  program  is  especially  adapted  for  public  welfare 
workers,  child  welfare  workers,  and  others  who  have  an  op- 
portunity for  part-time  study  or  who  are  allowed  educational 
leave. 

For  information   and  catalogue,  apply  to 

Richard  K.  Conant,  Dean 
84  Exeter  Street  Boston,  Massachusetts 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BUFFALO 

School  of  Social  Work 

Announces 
Two  Summer  Sessions  from 

July  2nd  to  September  22nd 

Students  may  continue  into  the  Fall  term.    Classroom 
and  field  work  instruction  as  well  as  individualized 

study  programs  are  available.    Address  inquiries  to 

The  Dean 
25  Niagara  Square,  Buffalo  2,  New  York 


CARNEGIE  INSTITUTE  OF  TECHNOLOGY 

Schenley  Park  —  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Department  of  Social  Work 

Two  Year  Graduate  Professional  Curriculum — Specialization 
in  Case  Work,  Group  Work,  Administration,  Community 
Relations  and  Research. 

Undergraduate  Preprofessional  Curriculum — Prepares  for 
graduate  study  and  for  War-Time  positions  of  a  Junior 
Professional  Grade. 

Registration:  Friday,  September  28,  1945 

Address  inquiries  to  Mrs.  Mary  Clarke  Burnett,  Head,  Department 
of  Social  Work. 


SIMMONS   COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Professional  Education  Leading  to  thi  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 
Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
IS  Somerset  Street  Beacon  Hill.  Botcoa 


TEXTBOOKS  ARE  WEAPONS! 

No  man  and  no  force  can  put  thought  in  a  concentration  camp  forever.  No  man 
and  no  force  can  take  from  the  world  the  books  that  embody  man's  eternal  fight 
against  tyranny.  In  this  war,  we  know  books  are  weapons — Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 


C*  F  N  T  ^  Parents  very  naturally  judge  a  school  by  the  textbooks 

S*  1 1       I  o  that  their  children  bring  'home.  New,  interesting,  attractive 

books  at  once  indicate  a  good  school. 

Textbooks  and  teaching  are  really  a  team,  each  necessary 
to  the  other.  Let  us  have  enough  good  textbooks  for  our 
children's  study  in  school  and  at  home. 

uu    |    or  Schools  help  to  win  the  war  by  introducing  new  text- 

ITHE  SCHOOL  DOLLAR  I  books  which  educate  young  pupils  to  understand  and  prepare 

I  for  the  war  effort.   Spirit  is  the  chief  essential  to  success. 

WILL  PROVIDE  NEW    /  The  people  whose  morale  is  best  always  win. 

FRESH  TEXTBOOKS    / 

THROUGHOUT    S  With  the  present  shortage  of  teachers  in  many  places,  a 

complete  service  of  textbooks,  workbooks,  and  teachers' 
manuals  is  a  boon  to  pupil  and  teacher  alike. 

20%  of  local  tax  money  goes  properly  for  education.  Teachers'  salaries  properly  take  a 
large  fraction  of  this.  The  smallest  fraction  of  all  is  used  for  textbooks,  which  are  next  in  im- 
portance after  the  teacher,  since  the  textbook  furnishes  the  subject  matter  which  the  pupil  is 
asked  to  learn. 

Last  year  a  large  aircraft  firm  advertised  that  children  will  bring  home  a  new  geography 
this  year.  Not  only  in  Geography,  but  in  Social  Studies,  Science,  and  Mathematics  young 
America  has  the  right  to  study  from  new  books  that  have  the  latest  developments  in  the  sub- 
ject. 

Geographies  exist  which  take  the  children  on  journeys  over  the  earth  by  air,  which  have 
units  of  instruction  with  titles  like  "As  the  Airman  Sees  the  United  States,"  which  give  the 
youngest  pupils  in  the  earliest  grades  18  colored  maps  showing  all  the  countries  of  the  globe. 

DO  YOUR  CHILDREN  BRING  HOME  SUCH  A  GEOGRAPHY? 

Geographies  which  follow  this  description  have  been  written  by  DeForesi  Stull  of 
Columbia  University  and  Roy  Winthrop  Hatch  of  the  State  College  at  Montclair,  a  national  lec- 
turer on  Geography  of  the  highest  reputation. 

NEW  GEOGRAPHIES  by  Stull  and  Hatch 

Journeys  through  Many  Lands  Europe  and  Europe  Overseas 

Journeys  through  North  America  Asia,  Latin  America,  United  States 

Workbooks  and  Teachers'  Manuals  for  each  Geography 


Allyn  and  Bacon 

Boston  New  York  Chicago  Atlanta  Dallas  San   Francisco 


MAY      IQ45 


SURVEY 


60  CENTS  A  COPY 


3RI      5H  AND 


YOU  can  help  promote 

Understanding  between 

the  British  and  Ourselves 


As  Ambassador  John  G.  Winant 
points  out,  the  number  of  observers 
on  the  ground  in  wartime  Britain 
may  be  limited  BUT  "as  long  as 
men  can  read  and  understand,  the 
numbers  who  can  profit  from  their 
experience  are  limitless." 

As  Commander  Herbert  Agar 
puts  it  in  his  lead  article,  this  may 
be  "the  last  great  chance  open  to 
their  people  and  ours  to  help  shape 
the  future  of  the  world." 

Writing  as  Americans,  for  Amer- 
icans, not  only  journalists,  econo- 
mists and  historians,  but  business 
executives,  engineers,  scientists  and 
experts  in  international  relations 
bring  insight  and  evidence  to  bear 
in  the  table  of  contents  of  this 
special  number. 

You  can  pick  up  where  they  leave 
off.  You  can  share  "The  British  and 
Ourselves"  with  others. 

Select  at  Once— 

two,  four,  six  or  more  of  your  com- 
munity of  friends,  skeptics  or  ideal- 
ists, as  you  please,  with  a  sense  of  the 
American  adventure — whether  they 
are  professional  folk,  business  men, 
civic  or  labor  leaders.  Send  them 
gift  copies  at  these  favorable  rates: 


GRAPHIC 


Two  or  more  copies, 
50  cents  each 

(Regularly,  60  cents) 
Better,  send  them  gift  subscrip- 
tions to  Survey  Graphic  at  the 
special  introductory  rate  of  5 
months  for  only  $1.  (including 
"The  British  and  Ourselves").  Hun- 
dreds  of  our  present  subscribers, 
who  first  came  to  know  us  through 
such  special  numbers,  now  under- 
stand why  Raymond  Swing  writes: 

"Wider  reading  of  Survey  Graphic 
would  make  for  a  wiser  America." 

This  is  the  tenth  of  our  Calling 
America  Series  of  special  numbers 
of  Survey  Graphic.  Their  combined 
circulation  to  date  has  mounted  to 
well  over  half  a  million  copies. 

Bear  in  mind  1945  paper  restric- 
tions limit  print  orders.  To  make 
sure  of  your  copies,  order  now  on 
the  convenient  form  slipped  into  this 
number. 


'h  in  our  CALLING 
AMERICA  SERIES 

From  the  black  forebodings  in  1939  (after 
Munich)  to  the  glowing  promise  held  out 
in  1945  at  the  Golden  Gate,  these  CALLING 
AMERICA  numbers  of  Survey  Graphic  have 
brought  home  the  challenge  to  democracy 
reaching  us  from  overseas.  Maps,  graphs, 
photos,  paintings,  have  made  them  a  living 
record  of  these  times — grounded  in  wartime 
realities,  charged  with  prophecy  for  the  peace. 

*IN  STOCK 

1  CALLING  AMERICA:  The  Challenge  to 
Democracy  Reaches  Over  Here  (February,  1939) 
— Raymond  Swing,  special  editor;  144pp.  Two 
editions — 80,000  copies;  (sold  out)  Photo 
slatted  edition  in  boards,  Harper  &  Brothers 
$!•* 

2.  SCHOOLS:  The  Challenge  of  Democracy 
to  Education  (October,  1939),  Beulah  Amidon, 
special  editor;  96pp.;  42,000  copies.  (Sold 
out)  Text  republished  as  a  book,  Farrar  & 
Rinehart— $1.50* 

HOMES:  Front  Line  of  Defense  for 
American  Life  (February,  1940)— Albert  Mayer 
and  Loula  Lasker,  special  editors;  96pp.;  50,- 
000  copies.  (40  cents)* 

c.  THE  AMERICAS:       South      and  North 

(March,     1941)— Victor     Weybright,  special 

editor;  120pp.  Two  editions — 91,000  copies. 
(50  cents)* 

MANNING  THE  ARSENAL  FOR  DE- 
MOCRACY: Industrial  Relations  and  Defense 
(November,  1941)— 128pp.;  40,000  copies 
(50  cents)* 

6.  FITNESS  FOR  FREEDOM :   Health  and  Fit- 
ness in  Wartime— and  After  (March,   1942)- 
Victor   Weybright,   special   editor;    80pp.;   40,- 
000  copies.   (40  cents)* 

7.  COLOR:  Unfinished  Business  of  Democracy 
(November,  1942)— Alain  Locke,  special  editor; 
128pp.      Two  editions — 55,000  copies.      (Sold 
out) 

8.  FROM  WAR  TO  WORK:      How    to   Get 

Full  Employment  and  Keep  It  Going  (May, 
1943) — Stuart  Chase,  special  editor;  90pp.; 
45,000  copies.  (Sold  out) 

S-AMERICAN    RUSSIAN    FRONTIERS: 

An    American    Approach    to    Common    1 
standing    (February,    1944)— Richard    B.    J 
drett     Jr.    and   Albert   Rhys   Williams,    special 
editors;    128pp.    Two    editions— 67,000    copies. 
(50  cents)* 

10.THE    BRITISH    AND    OURSELVES: 

An     Adventure     in     Common     Understanding 
(May,     1945)— Special     collaborators:     Victo 
Weybright,  Lewis  S.  Gannett,  Ferdinand  Kuhn; 
128pp.       First    edition— 55,000    copies, 
cents)* 


AVAILABLE 

"All  the  things  we 
ought  to  know  about 
Russia,"  wrote  critic 
Harry  Hansen  in  the 
New  York  World 
Telegram,  "by  writers 
known  for  honest, 
searching  work."  A 
few  second  editions 
still  available  at  50 
cents  for  one  —  a 
dollar  for  three. 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  •  112  EAST  19  STREET  •  NEW  YORK  3,  N.  Y 


ADO  IT  TO  YOUR  ORDER— 50  CENTS 


Life  hangs  by 
such  threads 


WANTED:  Something  to  keep  flyers  from 
freezing.  So  engineers  developed  elec- 
trically heated  goggles,  shoes,  suits  .  .  . 
Something  dependable  to  guide  pilots 
in  fog  and  dark.  So  engineers  devised 
electrically  driven  gyroscopic  instruments . 
. . .  Something  automatic  to  keep  engines 
from  overheating  or  cooling.  And  now 
comes  an  electric  control  the  pilot  needn't 
touch. 

Working  day  and  night,  G.  E.'s  research 
and  engineering  staff  has  solved  hundreds 
of  such  problems.  The  pictures  here  show 
how  a  few  have  been  met.  Through  re- 
search come  better  electrical  products  and 
processes— in  waror  peace.  General  Electric 
Company,  Schenectady,  N.  Y. 


Eyelids  can  freeze  shut  when  you're  7  miles  up!  Electrically  heatec 
goggles,  developed  by  G-E  engineers,  have  fine  wires  embedded  ir. 
plastic  lenses.  With  G.  E.'s  electric  blanket  as  a  start,  G-E  engineers 
designed  electrically  heated  flying  suits,  heated  gloves  and  shoes  being 
made  in  three  G-E  plants. 
Toughest  problem  was  to 
devise  heated  gloves  with 
thin  wires  strong  enough  to 
stand  constant  flexing. 

•  •  * 

Before  It's  built,  they  know 
how  it  will  fly!  18,000  horse- 
power of  G-E  motors  blow 
winds  faster  than  a  pursuit 
plane  can  fly.  Testing  model 
planes  and  parts  up  to  full 
size  and  speed  in  wind  tun- 
nels like  this  helps  get  new 
airplanes  perfected  quicker. 


Flyers'  lives  often  depend  on  their  instruments.  G-E  workers 
use  only  tweezers  to  handle  these  precious  parts  of  electrically 
driven  gyroscopic  instruments,  dry  them  with  ah-  jets,  oil  them 
with  hypodermic  needles.  They've  got  to  be  accurate. 


Making  night  landings  safer.  Engineers  adapted  the  G-E  "Sealed  Beam" 
auto  headlamps  into  war  use — G-E  airplane  landing  lamps  20  times 
brighter  than  those  on  your  car.  Sealed  against  dust,  dirt  and  salt 
water  damage,  they  cut  down  the  peril  of  high-speed  landings. 


Hear  the  G-E  radio  programs:  The  G-E  All-girl 
Orchestra,  Sunday  10  p.m.  EWT,  NBC— The  World 
Today  news,  Monday  through  Friday  6:45  p.  m . 
EWT,  CBS  —  The  G-E  House  Party,  Monday 
through  Friday  4:00  p.  m.  EWT,  CBS. 

FOR  VICTORY— BUY  AND    HOLD  WAR   BONDS 


GENERAL  ($$  ELECTRIC 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  May  1945  Vol  XXXIV.  No  5.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1945  b.v  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES.  INC.  Composed  and  printed 
by  union  labor  at  the  Hushes  Printing  Company,  East  Sttoudsburg,  Pa.,  U.  S.  A.  Publication  Office,  34  North  Crystal  Street.  East  Stroudsburg.  Pa.  Editorial 
and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y.  Price  this  issue  60  cents;  $3  a  year;  Foreign  postage  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents.  En- 
tered as  second  class  matter  on  June  22  1940  at  the  post  office  at  East  Stroudsburg.  Pa.  under  the  Act  of  March  3.  1870.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a 
Special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  In  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3.  1917,  authorized  Dec.  21.  1921. 


BOOKLETS 


PAMPHLETS 


PERIODICALS 


Of  interest  and  service  to  readers  thinking  about  the  social  prob- 
lems of  today — the  public  health,  education,  housing,  industrial 
and  labor  relations,  government,  racial  and  foreign  relations. 


For  British  Labor's  Postwar  Plans,  Read 

RECENT  TRENDS  IN  BRITjSH  TRADE 
UNIONS,  by  Noah  Barou;  with  Summary, 
Postwar  Program  of  Trade  Union  Con- 
gress. 1945.  15c 

BRITISH  LABOR  ON  RECONSTRUCTION 
IN  WAR  AND  PEACE.  Interim  Report  of 
British  Labor  Party.  1944.  15c 

See  also 

CANADIAN  PROGRESSIVES  ON  THE 
MARCH,  by  M.  J.  Coldwell,  M.  P.  1944. 

15c 

NEW  ZEALAND'S  GOVERNMENT  AT 
WORK,  by  W.  B.  Sutch.  1940.  15c 

Order    from 

LEAGUE      FOR 

INDUSTRIAL     DEMOCRACY 
112  East  19th  Street,  New  York  City  3 


BASIC   PRINCIPLES   FOR 
THE   PEACE  TABLE 

By  Powell  Spring 

BASIC  PRINCIPLES  FOR  THE  PEACE  TABLE 
deals  with  the  underlying  principles  which 
will  challenge  the  makers  of  peace  when- 
ever and  wherever  they  may  meet.  They 
are  the  principles  which  have  been 
violated  by  every  peace  treaty  which  has 
been  made  in  the  past  and  represent  the 
rock  bottom  premise  for  any  peace  that  is 
to  be  more  than  a  temporary  armistice. 

"BASIC  PRINCIPLES  FOR  THE  PEACE  TABLE 
is  an  excellent  and  most  penetrating 
treatise.  You  may  not  know  how  right  you 
are  in  pointing  out  (he  dangers  which  con- 
front us.  I  hope  you  can  get  the  largest 
possible  audience  and  that  your  words 
will  burn  info  their  hearts." 

— Claude  Pepper 
$1.50  Paper  60e 

ORANGE  PRESS       Winter  Park,  Florida 


A  SOUND  NATIONAL  ECONOMIC  POLICY 

By  M.   H.   Reymond 

Twelve  educational  articles  in  booklet  form. 
BASIC  POLICY t  Maximum  security  and  standard 
of  living  for  the  common  man. 

ERRONEOUS  POLICY  CRITICISED.  (1)  I';i>iiiR 
government  expenses  by  inflation  of  ibe  monetary 
system  and  covering  up  tbe  inflationary  effect  by 
dictatorial  controls  over  prices,  wages,  production, 
distribution,  manpower.  (2)  Covernment-spending- 
for-prosperity.  (3)  Subsidies-for-prosperity.  (4) 
Monopolies- for-prosperily.  (5)  Compromising  Ameri- 
can ideals  of  liberty  with  freedom-stifling  foreign 
ideologies. 

SOUND  POLICY  RECOMMENDED:  (1)  Inflation- 
proof  and  depression-proof  money.  (2)  Free  prices. 
(3)  Free  wages.  (4)  Free  production.  (5)  Free  com- 
petition.. 

TYPICAL    COMMENT    BY    AN    EMINENT 

ECONOMIST:     "It     is     indeed     a     pleasure     to     sign 

your    petition    to    Congress    in    favor    of    a    sound    na- 

onal    economic    policy.     You     have    accomplished    a 

em  ark  a  hie     feat    in    presenting    recommendations    all 

f    which    meet    my    approval.    Tbe    public    is    much 

ndebted    to    you   for    tbe    good    work    which    you    are 


Bookstores  or  postpaid  25c.  National  Press  Syn- 
dicate, 129  State  St.,  Binghamton,  ,V.    V. 


ADMINISTRATION  IN  THE  Y.W.C.A. 

Four    pamphlets    on    the    philosophy    of 
democratic  administration  and  how  to  put 
it  into  practice.  A  guide  (or  social  organ- 
izations. 
Principles  and  Procedures  75  cents 

Helen  D.  Beavers 
The  Electorate  50  cents 

Marie  Russ 
Planning  50  cents 

Belle  Ingels 

Staff  Supervision  50  cents 

Briseis  Teall 

Set  of  4  pamphlets — $2.00 

THE   WOMANS   PRESS 

6OO   Lexlmgton   Arena* 
New  York  22,  N.  Y. 


PUBLIC  WELFARE  DIRECTORY 
1945 

A  listing  of  federal  and  state  public  welfare 
agencies  and  officials,  local  public  assistance 
agencies  and  officials  serving  cities  of  over 
30,000  population,  a  summary  of  interstate 
correspondence  procedures  for  each  state, 
and  valuable  appendices  including  summaries 
of  state  residence  requirements  for  public 
assistance  eligibility. 

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by  Gertrude  Springer 

Stock  of  these  popular  pamphlets,  each  containing 
8  articles  reprinted  from  Survey  MklmonthJy.  is  now 
limited  to  the  three  most  recent  booklets.  I'amphlets 
4.  5.  and  8  still  available  at  25c  each 

Survey   Midmonrhly 
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146 


THE  SCHOOL  DOLLAR 


WILL   PROVIDE  NEW 

FRESH  TEXTBOOKS 

THROUGHOUT 


TEXTBOOKS  ARE  WEAPONS! 

No  man  and  no  force  can  put  thought  in  a  concentration  camp  forever.  No  man 
and  no  force  can  take  from  the  world  the  books  that  embody  man's  eternal  fight 
against  tyranny.  In  this  war,  we  know  books  are  weapons— Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 

f\A/O     C"  E  N  T  S  Parents  very  naturally  judge  a  school  by  the  textbooks 

^  that  their  children  bring  home.  New,  interesting,  attractive 

books  at  once  indicate  a  good  school. 

Textbooks  and  teaching  are  really  a  team,  each  necessary 
to  the  other.  Let  us  have  enough  good  textbooks  for  our 
children's  study  in  school  and  at  home. 

Schools  help  to  win  the  war  by  introducing  new  text- 
books which  educate  young  pupils  to  understand  and  prepare 
for  the  war  effort.  Spirit  is  the  chief  essential  to  success. 
The  people  whose  morale  is  best  always  win. 

With  the  present  shortage  of  teachers  in  many  places,  a 
complete  service  of  textbooks,  workbooks,  and  teachers' 
manuals  is  a  boon  to  pupil  and  teacher  alike. 

20%  of  local  tax  money  goes  properly  for  education.  Teachers'  salaries  properly  take  a 
large  fraction  of  this.  The  smallest  fraction  of  all  is  used  for  textbooks,  which  are  next  in  im- 
portance after  the  teacher,  since  the  textbook  furnishes  the  subject  matter  which  the  pupil  is 
asked  to  learn. 

Last  year  a  large  aircraft  firm  advertised  that  children  will  bring  home  a  new  geography 
this  year.  Not  only  in  Geography,  but  in  Social  Studies,  Science,  and  Mathematics  young 
America  has  the  right  to  study  from  new  books  that  have  the  latest  developments  in  the  sub- 
ject. 

Geographies  exist  which  take  the  children  on  journeys  over  the  earth  by  air,  which  have 
units  of  instruction  with  titles  like  "As  the  Airman  Sees  the  United  States,"  which  give  the 
youngest  pupils  in  the  earliest  grades  18  colored  maps  showing  all  the  countries  of  the  globe. 

DO  YOUR  CHILDREN  BRING  HOME  SUCH  A  GEOGRAPHY? 

Geographies  which  follow  this  description  have  been  written  by  DeForest  Stull  of 
Columbia  University  and  Roy  Winthrop  Hatch  of  the  State  College  at  Montclair,  a  national  lec- 
turer on  Geography  of  the  highest  reputation. 

NEW  GEOGRAPHIES  by  Stull  and  Hatch 

Journeys  through  Many  Lands  Europe  and  Europe  Overseas 

Journeys  through  North  America  Asia,  Latin  America,  United  States 

Workbooks  and  Teachers'  Manuals  for  each  Geography 

Dated  Events  War  Map 

Newly  printed  in  brilliant  colors,  large  size  20  x  26  inches, 
price  only  20c.  postpaid. 

Allyn  and  Bacon 

Boston  New  York  Chicago  Atlanta  Dallas  San    Francisco 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC^ 
147 


The  Amalgamated  Clothing    Workers  of  America 

represents  325,000  organized  workers  in  the  men's 
and  boys'  clothing  industry,  shirt  industry,  men's 
neckwear,  work  clothes  and  related  trades. 


.  AA 


BUY  UNION 
MADE  GOODS! 

\ 
/J 


Buy  Men's  and  Boys'  Clothing,  Shirts.  Work 

Clothes,  Neckties  and  Gloves,  bearing  the 

Amalgamated    Union    Label    and    Protect 

Labor's  American  Standard  of  Living 


It  Pioneered  In 

COLLECTIVE  BARGAINING 

UNEMPLOYMENT  INSURANCE 

COOPERATIVE  HOUSING 

HEALTH  AND  HOSPITALIZATION 
LIFE  INSURANCE 

COOPERATIVE  CREDIT  UNIONS 
LABOR  BANKING 


Its  two  banks,  THE  AM  ALGA- 
MA  TED  TRUST  AND  SA  VINGS 
of  Chicago  and  THE  AMALGA- 
MATED BANK  of  New  York,  are 
rendering  great  service  not  only  to 
the  Amalgamated  members  but  to 
labor  in  general.  Their  Small  Loan 
Departments  are  the  only  ones  of 
their  kind  in  the  field  of  banking. 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC) 

148 


NOT  ALL  THE   BATTLES  OF  THIS 
WAR  ARE  FOUGHT  OVERSEAS 


National  Organizations 

Supporting  the  Permanent 

FEPC  Bill 

(Senate:    S-101     House:    H.R.2232) 


Alpha  Kappa  Alpha  Sorority 
American  Association  of  University 

Women 

American  Civil    Liberties   Union 
American  Friends    Service   Committee 
American  Jewish  Committee 
American  Jewish  Congress 
American  Unitarian  Association 
American  Unitarian  Youth 
B'nai  B'rith 

Catholic  Interracial  Council 
Central    Conference    of   American    Rabbis 
Common    Council    for   American    Unity 
Congregational  Chiistian  Churches 

(Council   for   Social   Action) 
Congress  of  Industrial  Organization* 
Consumers  League  of  America 
Delta  Sigma  Theta  Sorority 
Evangelical  and  Reformed  Church.  General 

Synod 
Federal   Council  of  the  Churches  of   Christ 

in  America 
Fraternal    Council    of    Negro    Churches    in 

America 
Improved    Benevolent    &    Protective    Order 

of  Elks  of  the  World 
International      Ladies      Garment      Workers 

Union  of  America    (AFL) 
Iota  Phi   Lambda  Sorority 
Jewish  Labor  Committee 
Jewish  War  Veterans  of  the  United  State* 
League  of  United  Latin  American  Citizen* 
March  on  Washington 
Methodist  Church,    General   Conference 
Methodist  Ministers'  Union 
Millinery   Workers,   Joint   Board    (AFL) 
National  Alliance    of   Postal    Employees 
National  Association  for  the  Advancement 

of  Colored  People 
National  Association    of    Colored    Graduate 

Nurses 

National  Bar  Association 
National  CIO  Committee  to  Abolish  Racial 

Discrimination 
National  Community    Relations    AdvUory 

Council 

National  Conference  of  Christians  and  Jews 
National  Council  of  Catholic  Women 
National  Council  of  Jewish  Women 
National  Council  of  Negro   Women 
National  Council  of  Student    Christian 

Associations 

National  Council  for  a   Permanent   FEPC 
National  Farmers  Union 
National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Lib- 
erties 

National  League  of  Women  Shoppers 
National  Negro  Insurance  Association 
National  Urban   League 
National  Women's  Trade  Union  League  of 

America 

Negro  Newspaper  Publishers  Assn. 
Postwar   World   Council 
Presbyterian   General  Assembly 
Sigma  Gamma  Rho  Sorority 
Southern  Conference  for  Human  Welfare 
Southern  Tenant   Farmers   Union 
Study    Conference    on    Just    and    Durable 

Peace 

Union  of  American  Hebrew  Congregations 
Union  for  Democratic  Action 
United  Council  of   Church  Women 
Upholsterers  International   Union  of  North 

America   (AFL) 
Women's     Division     of     Christian     Service, 

Methodist  Church 
Women's  Division  of  the  American  Jewish 

Congress 
Women's    International    League    for    Peace 

and  Freedom 
Workers  Defense  League 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association, 

National  Board 
Young    Women's     Christian     Association, 

National  Board 


"Southern  senators  already  are  pre- 
paring to  filibuster  to  death  the  bill 
that  would  make  permanent  the  Fair 
Employment  Practice  Committee.  .  .  ." 
— Newsweek,  February  26,  1945. 

Shortly  the  nation  will  witness  the  spectacle  of  a  handful  of  Southern 
Senators  carrying  out  their  declaration  of  war  on  the  orderly  processes  of 
expanding  democracy.  Can  this  democracy — "conceived  in  liberty  and  dedi- 
cated to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal" — afford  to  let  them 
win  their  war  against  long  overdue  legislation  to  eliminate  discrim- 
ination in  employment,  and  hope  to  endure? 

THIS  IS  YOUR  BATTLE! 

The  bill  they  would  kill  would  make  unlawful  discrimination  in  employ- 
ment on  grounds  of  race,  color,  creed,  national  origin  or  ancestry,  in  all 
areas  subject  to  federal  jurisdiction.  It  would  make  permanent  the  wartime 
Fair  Employment  Practice  Commission  and  give  it  authority  to  enforce  the 
law  through  the  usual  democratic  court  processes. 

Your  Leaders  Have  Spoken: 

"Discrimination,  whether  practiced  by  employees  or  employers,  is  definitely  immoral 
.  .  .  as  if  they  committed  theft  or  murder  .  .  ." 

—Rt.  Rev.  Msgr.  JOHN  A.  RYAN,  D.D.,  Catholic  Leader. 

"I  rest  my  case  for  the  permanence  of  the  FEPC  on  one  basic  truth:  Racial,  religious 
discrimination  in  the  field  of  employment  is  a  denial  of  democracy  and  is  of  the  essence 
of  fascism." 

—Rabbi  STEPHEN  S.  WISE,  American  Jewish  Congress. 

"The  right  of  a  worker  to  be  employed  and  paid  solely  on  the  basis  of  his  character  and 
ability  is  so  clear,  just  and  Christian  that  it  should  be  protected  by  law." 

—Bishop  G.  BROMLEY  OXNAM,  Federal  Council  of  Churches. 

But  You  Must  Do  Your  Part,  Too! 

•  Write  or  wire  your  Senators  and  Representatives  your  support  of  the 
Permanent  FEPC  Bill,  H.R.2232  in  the  House,  S.101  in  the  Senate. 

•  This  is  a  costly  battle.    Send  what  you  can  at  once  to  the  organization 
which  is  coordinating  all  efforts  in  Washington — the  National  Council  for 
a  Permanent  FEPC. 


NATIONAL  COUNCIL  FOR  A  PERMANENT  FEPC 

930  F  Street,  N.W.,  Washington  4,  D.  C. 


Honorary  Chairmen: 
Sen.  ARTHUR  CAPPER 
Sen.  ROBERT  F.  WAGNER 


Co-Chairmen : 
A.  PHILIP  RANDOLPH 
Dr.  ALLAN  KNIGHT  CHALMERS 


Enclosed  is  my  contribution  of  $ for  your  work  toward  enact- 
ment of  the  Permanent  FEPC  Bill. 


Name    . . 
Address 


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149  . 


IHRRHMHHHMI 


Photographing  a 

ROCKET  at 

800  miles  an  hour 


Succession  pictures  taken  by  a  "ribbon  frame"  camera,  showing  a  wing  rocket  getting 

under  way  and  speeding  toward  the  enemy  at  about  13  miles  a  minute.   This  camera 

was  developed  by  Bell  Telephone  Laboratories. 


ONE  outstanding  weapon  of 
this  war  is  the  rocket,  now 
used  by  our  fighting  forces  on 
land  and  sea  and  in  the  air. 

Scientists  at  Bell  Telephone 
Laboratories  had  an  important 
part  in  the  technical  develop- 
ment of  this  American  weapon. 
One  of  their  contributions  was 
the  "ribbon  frame"  camera 
which  takes  1 20  pictures  a  sec- 
ond on  a  continuously  moving 
film.  It  has  proved  of  great 
value  in  studying  rockets  and 
shells  in  flight. 

The  ribbon  frame  camera  is 
only  one  of  many  Bell  Labora- 
tories developments  which  are 
being  turned  against  the  enemy. 

Our  Laboratories  are  now 
wholly  devoted  to  the  war. 
When  it  is  won,  they  will  go 
back  to  their  regular  job  — 
helping  the  Bell  System  give 
you  the  best  telephone  service 
in  the  world. 

BELL  TELEPHONE  SYSTEM 


The  Gist  of  It 


MAY  1945 


THE  BRITISH  AND  OURSELVES      VOL.  xxxiv  No.  5 


LAST   YEAR,    WE    THREW    IMAGINATIONS    FORWARD — 

in    our    Graphic   special,    "American    Russian  ™      ,    .            <(^ATTT».T/~    A 

Frontier,."    Ours  was  intrinsically  a  New  World  Te"th  m  °Uf  "CALLING  AMERICA"  Senes  of  Speaal  Number,  of  Surrey  Grafh.c 

approach  to  developments  in  the  Old.    It  was  Consultants:  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEWIS  S.  GANNETT,  FERDINAND  KUHN 

not  news  that  the  Soviet  Union  had  gathered  Coper:  Crossed  Flags  drawn  by   Winold  Reiss 

head  as  a  great  power  in  the  quarter  century      Foreword  by  JOHN  G.  WINANT,  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain  152 

between  the  two  world  wars.  What  we  brought 

out  were  the  common  ties  between  our  two  PART  !•  BETWEEN  FRIENDS 

peoples  found  in  following  the  trail  of  their  ,_, 

Our  Last  Great  Chance HERBERT  AGAR        153 

modern   pioneermg  -  a   century   after   ours  -  AMa.  E(M      h    ^      FM  ]55 

which  is  spannmg  two  continents.  Encampment  Entam:  Paintings  by  T/Sgt.  David  Lax 158 

This  year,  in  sequence,  our  tenth  "Calling      close-Up LEWIS  S.  GANNETT        159 

America"  number  of  Survey  Graphic  (see  in-  Getting  Acquainted:  Photographs 162 

side    front   cover)    interprets   another   of   the      American  Invasion HONORA  BRUERE  MC!VER        165 

Big  Three  from  an   approach  as   characteris- 
tically American.  Here,  we  have  dealt  not  only  PART  H:  WARTIME  TEAMWORK 
with  the  new  British  system  the  world  over,  How  Qne  partner  pHzed  AnQther                                      Tribute  by  WlNSTON  CHURCHILL        167 

but  with  things  of  the  spirit  which  have  am-  Prestdent  Roosevelt:  Portrait  bust  by  Jo  Davidson   169 

mated  English-speaking  peoples  everywhere  as  Common  Tasks  and  Common  Purposes           Testimony  borne  by  FRANKLIN  D.  ROOSEVELT        170 

pioneers  for  freedom.  Four  Freedoms  and  Atlantic  Charter JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL        172 

...  Two-Way  Lend-Lease:  Photographs 173 

The  Great  Partnership   .  .  PHILIP  D.  REED         178 

THIS     NUMBER     REACHES    OUR     SUBSCRIBERS    LATE.  ..Economjc  H|    h  Command"     .                                       .  .  WlLLIAM   L.  BATT  and   ROBERT   R.   MULLEN             181 

Spring  brought  tragedy  to  the  Great  Partner- 

ship  (page  167),  victory  in  Europe,  new  stress  pART  m.  SYMPOSIUM-BRITISH  VIEWPOINTS 

in     liquidating     the     war.      Even     more     we 

have    thrown    imaginations    forward,    beyond  Britain's  Heritage:  Wartime  Posters 

the  Golden   Gate   conference,   to   the  months      Twenty  Outstanding  Contnbutors   Introduce  by  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT 

when  the  hopes  of  the  world  may  hang  on  de- 

cisions  in  Congress,  Parliament,  the  legislatures  PART  IV:  AREAS  OF  TENSION 

of    the    self-governing    dominions. — To    times      Europe  and  the  Mediterranean VERA  MICHELES  DEAN 

ahead  which  call  for  new  courage  and  initia-      Palestine— As  a  Refuge  from  Fascism IRA  S.  HIRSCHMANN 

live;  for  social  and  economic  moves  to  rein-      The  Pacific  Basin  and  India • EDWARD  C.  CARTER 

force   plans   for    international    security.    And, 

through  it  all,  call  for  new  team  play  between  PART  V:  PORTRAITS  OF  A  NEW  ENGLAND 

"The  British  and  Ourselves."  The  V-Spirit  of  the  People:  Paintings 203 

Such   team  play   made  possible   this   newest       The  United  Kingdom  Since  Dunkirk Social  Etching  by  MALLORY  BROWNE 

adventure  of  ours'in  "common  understanding."  Britain  at  War;  Postwar  Planning:  Pictographs 

It  was  this  conception  which  enlisted  the  cast       Gin8er  in  the  British  Medicine  Chest   ...        X-ray  of  Chest  by  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 

,  ,       r                    „*,    •  What  the  British  Face                                       Economic  Forecast  by  DAVID  CUSHMAN  COYLE        213 

of  characters  in  our  table  of  contents.    Their  IUE«MIU«                         ..............  <- 

,  ,    ,  .      .        ,  ,  .  London  s  Burning:  Poem  by  Jan  Struther 2.\l 

forecasts  and  objectives  for  the  future  are  by  no  msed  cy//M  ^  Ahead.  Photographs  and  P!ans 218 

means  spun  out  of  thin  air;  but  are  grounded      when  the  Coalition  Ends Political  Scene  by  JOSEPH  BARNES        221 

on    research,    on    firsthand    observation,    and 

participation  in  what  is  afoot.  PART  VI.  SELF-GOVERNMENT  WITHIN  THE  BRITISH  COMMONWEALTH 

Northern  Neighbor JOHN  MACCORMAC 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT    SHOULD     BE    MADE    FIRST      Partners  in  the  South  Pacific ALLAN  NEVINS 

to  Ambassador  John  G.  Winant,  whose  strokes       Land — and  the  Union  of  South  Africa HUGH  H.  BENNETT        232 

of  insight  begin  and  close  the  number  (pages 

152    and    245)    and    to    the    Office    of    War  PART  VII:  FACING  AHEAD 

Information   which,  at  Washington,   London,  -p/ie  Common  Stream  of  Justice:  Murals  by  Boardman  Robinson 236 

New  York,  has  cooperated  up  to  the  hilt.  Espe-      Things  of  the  Spirit HENRY  STEELE  COMMAGER 

cially  to  Victor  Weybright  who,  as  managing       American  Choices WALTER   MILLIS 

editor  of  Survey  Graphic,  handled  several  in  President  Truman:  Drawing  by  S.  J.  Woolf 

our  earlier  "Calling  America"  series  and  was  Lincoln's  Statue  Stands  in  London                                              Address  by  JOHN  G.  WINANT 

Special  editor  of  THE  AMERICAS:  South  and  Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

North  (March,  1941).  It  was  he  who  initiated      — • ' 

the  project  on  a  trip  home  last  fall  from  his  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 
post  as  a  divisional  chief  of  the  OWI  in  Lon- 

Pubhcation  Office:   34  North   Crystal   Street,   East   Stroudshurg,    Pa. 

don,  and  thereafter  enlisted  overseas  contribu-  Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

tors — American    and    British    alike.     His    pro-  Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.;  vice-presidents, 

posal    Struck    fire   at   Staff   and    board   meetings  J°«"  P*LME*  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 

,                  ,                    _       .     ,  ,       ,  Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BII.UKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH    1J.  CHAM- 

and  at  a  conference  of  experts.  Our  indebtedness  BERLAIN,  EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN,  EARL  G.  HARRISON,  SIDNEY  HII.LMAN,   FRED  K.  HOEHI.ER,   BLANCHE  TTTLESON, 

runs    to    Ferdinand    Kuhn     deoutv   director    of  ALVIN    JOHNSON,    WILLIAM    W.    LANCASTER,    AGNES    BROWN    LEACH,    WILLIAM    M.    LEISERSON,    THOMAS    I. 

^Unn>    °  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIER,  WILLIAM   ROSENWALD,  BEARDSLEY  RUML,  EDWARD   L.   RYERSON,   RICHARD 

the  OWI,  who  functioned  creatively  as  liaison  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL  SHUMWAY,  HAROLD  H.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY  TEAD. 

throughout;   and   to  Lewis  S.   Gannett   (page  Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

,c-n\       <•     .      XT        ir     i     rj       jj  T   -L  Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AMIDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  B'UELL,  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN,  KATH- 

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British  Combine 


The  British  and  Ourselves 

Foreword  by  JOHN  G.  WINANT 

United  States  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain 


There  are  many  problems  confronting  the 
British  and  American  peoples  today,  some  of 
which  they  must  face  separately,  some  of 
which  they  must  face  together,  but  on  none 
of  which  an  exchange  of  views  and  experience 
can  be  other  than  beneficial  to  both. 

In  this  special  issue  of  Survey  Graphic,  the 
editors  have  endeavored  to  lay  before  their 
readers  some  part  of  the  experience  of  Ameri- 
can observers — journalists,  officials,  scholars 
— who  have  enjoyed  opportunities  of  studying 
Britain  and  the  British  Commonwealth  at 
close  range.  Such  observers  must  necessarily 
be  limited  in  number  but  as  long  as  men  can 
speak  and  write,  can  read  and  understand,  the 


numbers  who  can  profit  from  their  experience 
are  limitless. 

No  individual  is  reasonably  expected  to 
make  a  sound  judgment  unless  he  knows  the 
facts  and  their  meaning;  no  nation  can  hope 
to  judge  soundly  when  its  people  have  not  the 
facts  before  them. 

Here  American  views  appear  in  company 
with  British  opinions  on  our  relationships  in 
the  world  of  the  future.  Voices  are  to  be  heard 
from  all  sides  of  the  forum.  That  is  as  it  should 
be,  and  in  its  continuance  lies  the  best  insur- 
ance of  an  enduring  understanding  between 
the  British  Commonwealth  of  Nations  and  the 
United  States. 


URVEV 


GRAPHIC 


THE  BRITISH 

and 
OURSELVES 


Tenth  in 

CALLING  AMERICA 
Series 


Our  Last  Great  Chance 

Open  to  Americans  and  to  British  alike 
— to  help  shape  the  future  of  the  world. 


HERBERT  AGAR 


IT    IS    AN    IRONIC    FACT    THAT    ALTHOUGH    THE 

British  and  the  Americans  will  never  again 
go  to  war  with  each  other  they  may,  by 
failing  to  cooperate,  push  the  whole  world 
into  war  with  itself.  They  will  never  be 
positively  hostile,  but  they  may  be  nega- 
tively stupid.  Providence  punishes  the  sec- 
ond crime  as  cruelly  as  the  first. 

Most  people  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic 
agree  that  Britain  and  America  should 
work  together  for  their  own  good,  for  the 
world's  good,  for  the  sake  of  peace.  Yet 
few  seem  to  know  what  is  meant  by 
"working  together,"  except  on  the  field  of 
battle.  Unless  we  are  precise  about  what 
we  want  and  why  we  want  it,  we  are  likely 
to  find  ourselves  divided  by  issues  which 
might  have  been  circumvented — or  by  the 
plots  of  the  inveterate  enemies  of  good  will 
at  home  and  abroad. 

To  resist  such  divisions  or  such  plots  we 
must  clear  our  minds  of  confusion.  A 
good  place  to  begin  is  with  that  much- 
used  phrase,  "power  politics."  What  is 
power  politics?  Ever  since  the  Renaissance 
and  the  rise  of  nationalism  the  world  has 
contained  nations  which  are  obviously  great 
powers  and  nations  which  are  not.  The 
two  lists  change  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion; but  the  existence  of  great  and  lesser 
powers  does  not  change.  And  it  will  not 
change  at  the  end  of  World  War  II. 

I.     GREAT  POWER  SYSTEM 

Russia,  the  United  States,  and  the  British 
Empire  will  be  the  great  world  powers 
when  the  war  ends,  whether  they  want  to 
or  not.  Power  exists  where  it  exists,  and 


nowhere  else.  Power  cannot  be  bequeathed. 
The  United  States  cannot  give  ten  percent 
of  its  power  to  San  Salvador,  eighteen  per- 
cent to  Portugal,  twenty-five  percent  to  a 


— By  the  founder  of  Freedom  House 
(New  York).  London  correspondent 
(1929-34)  of  the  Louisville  Courier- 
Journal,  he  became  its  editor  in  1940. 
Seaman  and  chief  quartermaster  (World 
War  I),  he  is  a  lieutenant  commander, 
USNR,  on  leave  as  special  assistant 
to  the  American  Ambassador  in  London 
— and  director  of  the  British  Division  of 
the  (American)  Office  of  War  Infor- 
mation. 

A  native  of  New  York  State,  he  has 
degrees  from  Columbia,  Princeton, 
Southwestern,  and  Boston  Universities. 
Among  his  books  are  "Bread  and  Cir- 
cuses" (1930);  "The  People's  Choice" 
(Pulitzer  Prize  for  American  history — 
1933);  "Land  of  the  Free"  (1935); 
"What  Is  America?"  (1936);  "Pursuit 
of  Happiness"  (1938). 

His  "A  Time  for  Greatness"  (1942), 
has  gone  into  many  editions,  and  has 
contributed  to  American  thinking  in 
World  War  II.  An  advance  chapter  was 
published  in  "COLOR:  Unfinished  Busi- 
ness of  Democracy,"  Survey  Graphic, 
1942. 

Commander  Agar's  familiarity  with 
both  countries  in  the  Thirties  has  counted 
in  the  Forties  as  a  force  for  under- 
standing. He  was  one  of  our  early  coun- 
selors in  projecting  this  special  number. 


World  Court,  and  so  on.  But  it  can  use 
its  power  in  cooperation  with  its  neighbors 
to  help  secure  justice  and  opportunity  for 
San  Salvador  and  Portugal  and  to  back  the 
findings  of  a  World  Court. 

Also  power  cannot  be  stowed  away  in  a 
bank  and  left  idle.  It  may  be  used  wisely 
or  wickedly  or  just  plain  foolishly;  but  it 
must  be  used.  The  attempt  to  leave  it  un- 
used results  in  using  it  foolishly,  to  the 
injury  of  all  mankind,  as  America  discov- 
ered between  the  wars.  We  were  warned 
some  time  ago  that  it  is  not  wise  to  hide 
one's  .talent  in  the  earth,  or  to  keep  it  laid 
up  in  a  napkin.  When  the  day  comes  for 
the  nations  to  be  judged,  those  that  tried 
to  dodge  the  responsibilities  of  power  may 
find  themselves  set  on  the  left  among  the 
rueful  goats. 

If  these  things  are  true  there  is  no  use 
pretending  that  the  United  Nations,  or  any 
new  League  of  Nations,  can  dispense  with 
the  great  power  system  unless  it  is  pre- 
pared to  dispense  with  nationalism.  As 
Samuel  Grafton  said  in  the  New  Yor/( 
Post:  "Even  after  you  give  die  squirrel  a 
certificate  which  says  he  is  quite  as  big  as 
any  elephant,  he  is  still  going  to  be  smaller, 
and  all  the  squirrels  will  know  it  and  all 
the  elephants  will  know  it." 

Great  Powers  and  the  General  Good 

A  genuine  federation  of  the  world,  as 
successful  and  as  accepted  as  the  federa- 
tion of  the  United  States,  might  cancel  the 
distinction  between  elephants  and  squirrels. 
But  we  shall  not  have  a  genuine  federation 
of  the  world  at  the  end  of  this  war.  What 


153 


we  shall  have  is  an  attempt  to  use  the  power 
that  exists — primarily  the  power  of  the  three 
or  four  full-grown  elephants- — for  the  bene- 
fit of  mankind,  because  we  have  learned 
that  if  not  used  that  way  it  will  be  used 
for  the  destruction  of  mankind,  including 
that  part  of  mankind  which  possesses  the 
power. 

What  we  shall  have,  in  other  words,  is 
an  attempt  to  make  power  politics  serve  the 
general  good — not  an  attempt  to  abolish 
power  politics,  which  is  impossible  until 
the  whole  world  is  united.  If  the  elephants 
work  together,  consulting  the  needs  and 
wishes  of  the  squirrels  and  collaborating 
with  them  to  secure  justice  and  to  promote 
the  good  life,  there  is  hope  of  a  long  peace. 
If  the  elephants  fall  apart  either  by  a  two- 
way  or  a  three-way  division,  there  will  in- 
evitably come  into  being  rival  power 
groups.  The  rest  of  the  world  will  then 
begin  choosing  sides  for  the  next  war — 
the  third  World  War  since  the  turn  of  the 
century.  And  the  fact  that  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  must  once  more  be 
allies  in  that  war  will  not  excuse  either  of 
them  for  the  folly  of  allowing  the  war 
to  take  place. 

The  great  powers  can  stand  together  if 
they  choose  to  work  for  security  and  jus- 
tice; they  must  fall  apart  if  any  of  them 
chooses  to  work  for  domination.  The  task 
of  statesmanship  is  to  direct  power  to  the 
service  of  security  and  justice,  not  to  pre- 
tend that  power  does  not  exist,  or  that  it 
belongs  to  someone  who  does  not  possess 
it. 

What  we  want  is  good  power  politics 
rather  than  no  power  politics. 

In  his  message  to  Congress  on  Janu- 
uary  6,  1945,  President  Roosevelt  defined 
power  politics  as  the  misuse  of  power.  This, 
in  fact,  is  what  most  people  mean  by  the 
phrase — the  misuse  of  power,  as  in  the 
eighteenth  century  partition  of  Poland.  If 
we  accept  the  definition  we  must  still  find 
a  word  or  phrase  to  describe  the  proper  use 
of  power.  For  as  Mr.  Roosevelt  himself 
went  on  to  say: 

"We  cannot  deny  that  power  is  a  factor 
in  world  politics.  But  in  a  democratic 
world,  as  in  a  democratic  nation,  power 
must  be  linked  with  responsibility  and 
obliged  to  defend  and  justify  itself  within 
the  framework  of  the  general  good." 

We  have  been  fighting  to  destroy  the 
power  ot  two  nations  which  refused  to 
"link  it  with  responsibility,"  which  insisted 
that  power  is  its  own  justification.  In  the 
process,  we  have  set  up  a  United  Nations 
Organization;  but  we  must  remember  that 
such  an  organization  will  possess  power 
only  to  the  extent  that  the  elephants  col- 
laborate: it  will  be  powerless  to  the  extent 
that  the  elephants  disagree. 

What  the  Small  Powers  Know 

The  three  elephants  cannot  merge  into 
one  immense  elephant;  neither  can  they 
dissolve  into  a  thousand  squirrels.  Good 
will  between  the  elephants  is  a  prime  na- 
tional interest  of  every  peaceful  people. 

"It  is  impossible,"  wrote  Prof.  Carl  Beck- 
er, "to  transfer  political  power  from  the 
states  that  have  it,  to  a  league  of  fifty  or 
twenty  theoretically  equal  but  in  fact  very 


unequal  states  by  treaties  agreed  to  or  cove- 
nants adopted,  however  solemnly.  In  spite 
of  promises  or  good  intentions,  political 
power  will  remain  where  it  is,  chiefly  in  a 
few  great  states.  .  .  .  They  alone  can  use 
the  power  they  have,  they  alone  are  re- 
sponsible for  the  use  they  make  of  it.  ... 

"If  we  regard  things  instead  of  words,  it 
is  clear  that  the  term  'power  polities'  is 
what  the  grammarians  call  a  'redundancy.' 
The  simple  fact  is  that  politics  is  insepar- 
able from  power.  States  and  governments 
exist  to  exert  power,  for  the  maintenance  of 
order,  the  administration  of  justice,  the 
defense  of  the  community  against  aggres- 
sion— in  theory  always  and  solely  for  these 
good  ends.  But  the  power,  much  or  little, 
is  always  there,  and  will  always  be  used  for 
some  end,  good,  bad,  or  indifferent."* 

The  League  of  Nations  failed,  as  Profes- 
sor Becker  further  pointed  out,  not  because 
it  lacked  power  to  enforce  its  decisions,  but 
because  on  all  major  matters  there  were  no 
decisions  to  enforce:  the  great  peaceful 
powers  simply  did  not  act  as  if  they  had  a 
common  interest  in  security  and  economic 
progress  and  in  the  suppression  of  wars. 
They  seemed  to  think  they  could  each  pro- 
vide their  own  security  and  their  own 
prosperity  and  that,  in  this  progressive 
world,  wars  would  suppress  themselves. 

If  they  think  so  again  no  international 
machinery  can  preserve  peace;  if  they  have 
learned  to  collaborate,  any  machinery 
should  suffice — the  simpler  the  better. 

The  small  powers  know  these  facts  even 
if  some  of  the  great  powers  don't.  The 
small  powers  want  a  United  Nations  Or- 
ganization so  that  they  may  be  consulted 
about  their  own  needs  and  so  that  their 
experience  and  wisdom  may  be  used  in 


building  the  economic  life  of  an  interde- 
pendent world.  But  they  are  not  so  foolish 
as  to  think  such  an  organization  can  in- 
sure peace.  There  will  be  peace  if  the  great 
powers  stand  together,  and  not  otherwise. 
This  is  true  if  there  are  three  great  powers, 
or  four,  or  five,  or  any  other  number.  No 
one  can  provoke  a  large  war  without  the 
connivance  of  at  least  one  of  them.  No 
one,  and  no  organization,  can  prevent  war 
if  the  possessors  of  great  power  become 
rivals  and  not  collaborators. 

Some  day  we  may  have  a  federation  of 
the  world,  with  all  power  (and  therefore 
all  politics)  in  the  hands  of  a  government 
of  mankind;  but  we  merely  make  ourselves 
nuisances  if  we  think  we  can  have  this  to- 
day, or  if  we  refuse  to  work  with  our 
neighbors  on  terms  less  millennial.  The 
task  for  today  is  to  attempt  what  can  be 
done  today — a  task  set  at  San  Francisco. 

One  next  step  we  can  take  immediately 
is  to  show  that  the  English-speaking  powers 
can  collaborate — not  to  impose  their  selfish 
will  but  to  contribute  such  wisdom  and 
strength  as  they  possess  to  the  building  of  a 
more  stable  world. 

Working  in  separation,  eyeing  each  other 
with  grudging  friendliness  overlaid  by 
suspicion,  the  English-speaking  peoples  can 
do  little  to  promote  peace,  little  to  prevent 
the  world  from  returning  to  its  customary 
pattern  of  rival  power  groups,  each  sur- 
rounded by  its  own  satellites.  But  working 
together,  showing  that  great  powers  can 
have  a  genuine  trust  for  each  other,  those 
peoples  can  give  mankind  hope. 

If  two  great  powers  can  cultivate  such 
trust,  why  not  three?  Why  not  four? 
Perhaps  it  only  needs  a  beginning.  And 
where  better  can  the  stricken  world  begin? 


II.     BRITAIN  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 


All  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  espe- 
cially the  small  and  peaceful  nations  who 
have  so  much  to  contribute  to  civilization 
and  who  would  be  destroyed  in  a  time  of 
chaos,  are  looking  to  Britain  and  the 
United  States  for  a  sign.  They  know  that 
we  shall  never  fight  each  other;  they  pray 
that  we  shall  have  the  wisdom  to  take  the 
next  step  and  insist  on  a  closeness  of  col- 
laboration overriding  all  discords. 

There  is  one  fact,  apart  from  a  common 
culture  and  a  common  language,  which 
may  make  such  closeness  thinkable;  that 
the  last  truly  dangerous  struggle  between 
these  two  nations,  the  last  conflict  of  inter- 
est that  might  have  led  to  violence  was 
settled  amicably  at  the  turn  of  the  century. 

It  was  in  1895  that  Secretary  of  State 
Richard  Olney  announced:  "Today  the 
United  States  is  practically  sovereign  on 
this  continent,  and  its  fiat  is  law  upon  the 
subjects  to  which  it  confines  its  interpo- 
sition." Those  are  large  words.  That  was 
power  politics  indeed,  grim  and  undis- 
guised, but  not  therefore  wrong.  When 
Lord  Salisbury  accepted  Olney's  dictum 
and  agreed  to  arbitration  of  the  Venezu- 
elan boundary  dispute,  the  world  knew 
that  the  long  period  when  the  Monroe 


•"How  New  Will  the  Better  World  Be?"  (Knopf. 
$2.50) 


Doctrine  rested  chiefly  on  the  power  of  the 
British  fleet  was  drawing  to  an  end. 

Henceforth,  the  United  States  was  to 
establish  by  her  own  power  the  largest 
"sphere  of  interest"  ever  attempted — while 
reserving  the  reassuring  right  of  criticizing 
all  other  spheres  of  interest  as  immoral! 
Henceforth  Britain,  which  had  long  been 
the  only  great  power  with  major  interests 
in  every  continent,  was  to  accept  a  mark- 
edly secondary  position  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere. 

The  world  had  expected,  and  much  of 
the  world  had  hoped,  that  this  coming-of- 
age  of  America  in  her  own  sphere  would 
be  accompanied  by  an  Anglo-American 
war.  Instead,  the  eight  years  from  1895  to 
1903  saw  a  series  of  peaceful  accommoda- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  British.  As  Prof. 
William  T.  R.  Fox  writes}: 

"The  withdrawal  of  the  British  Caribbean 
squadron  to  waters  nearer  home,  the  dis- 
mantling of  fortifications  in  the  Caribbean 
and  in  Canada,  the  renegotiation  of  the 
Isthmian  Canal  question  to  permit  the 
United  States  to  build  and  operate  the  Pan- 
ama Canal  alone,  and  finally  the  sacrifice 
of  the  Canadian  claim  in  the  Alaskan 
boundary  dispute,  all  were  evidences  of 
(Continued  on  page  156) 

t"Super-Powers."    (Harcourt.   $2) 


154 


~ 


ATTILA 

Etching  by  Ralph  Fabri 


Courtesy  Modern  Art  Studio,  New  York 


Continued  from  page  154 

British  retreat.  Henceforth,  the  way  was 
open  for  Anglo-American  collaboration, 
especially  since  the  United  States  did  not 
challenge  British  interests  in  Europe  or 
other  parts  of  the  world." 

Henceforth,  also,  it  was  clear  that  the 
two  nations  would  never  fight  each  other, 
however  many  wars  their  obtuseness  might 
force  them  to  fight  side  by  side. 

Dynamics  of  Strength 

Paradoxically,  one  reason  Great  Britain 
had  been  willing  to  retreat  after  1895  was 
because  she  was  strong.  She  knew  her 
strength;  she  had  been  accustomed  for  a 
long  time  to  being  the  one  great  power 
with  interests  all  over  the  world.  She  felt 
no  need  to  prove  her  position  to  herself 
or  to  anyone  else,  so  she  was  free  to  act 
with  responsibility  .  and  restraint.  She 
might  well  have  been  beaten  if  she  had 
chosen  to  fight;  many  strong  nations  walk 
stupidly  into  contests  which  are  too  much 
for  them.  The  more  they  are  at  home  and 
comfortable  in  their  greatness,  the  less 
likely  they  are  to  overplay  their  hands  or 
to  assert  themselves  needlessly. 

What  might  have  been  a  major  clash — 
a  clash  for  which  the  Germans  were  praying 
because  they  thought  it  would  leave 
the  world  helpless  to  resist  their  domina- 
tion— ended  peacefully  because  the  British 
backed  down  from  a  conflict  which  could 
only  do  harm.  This  was  not  appeasement, 
which  is  a  policy  of  weakness;  this  was 
conciliation  and  temperateness,  which  is  a 
policy  of  strength. 

Now,  for  a  time,  the  United  States  will 
be  the  greatest  of  the  world  powers  with 
interests  in  many  continents.  She  will  have 
a  navy  twice  the  size  of  any  other,  the 
greatest  air  force,  the  greatest  industrial 


capacity.  She  will  also  have,  among  the 
mass  of  her  citizens,  a  sincere  and  tradi- 
tional desire  to  do  the  world  well.  She 
will  be  the  less  likely  to  betray  that  desire, 
and  to  give  way  to  blustering  or  harmful 
assertiveness,  the  more  she  is  aware  of  the 
solemn  fact  of  her  strength,  and  thus  of 
the  obligation  she  has  inherited. 

Also,  the  more  she  knows  her  strength 
the  more  likely  she  will  be  to  welcome  the 
strength  of  her  friends  and  to  admit  gladly 
that  this  strength,  in  the  future  as  in  the 
past,  is  of  benefit  to  her.  It  has  long  been 
true,  in  Professor  Becker's  words,  that: 

"Those  of  us  [Americans]  .  .  .  who 
think  that  we  are  a  nation  of  starry-eyed 
idealists,  who  have  been  twice  tricked  by 
the  British  into  a  European  war  in  order 
to  'pull  their  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire,' 
have  read  the  history  of  their  country  to 
little  purpose.  The  truth  is  rather  that  the 
existence  and  friendliness  of  the  British 
Empire,  and  the  power  of  the  British  fleet, 
have  for  more  than  a  century  enabled  us 
to  roast  our  own  chestnuts  at  leisure  and 
eat  them  in  security." 

That  is  the  background.  That  was  the 
situation  in  the  days  of  the  long  Pax 
Britannica.  Although  those  days  are  over, 
although  we  can  never  again  "roast  our 
own  chestnuts  at  leisure"  without  earning 
that  privilege  the  hard  way,  it  is  true  now 
and  for  the  future  that  American  security 
requires  security,  also,  for  the  worldwide 
and  friendly  British  Commonwealth  of  Na- 
tions. These  people,  with  whom  we  can 
never  again  imagine  fighting,  by  whose  side 
we  have  resisted  the  German  menace  twice 
in  a  generation,  must  remain  free  and  pros- 
perous if  America  is  to  remain  safe.  Con- 
versely, if  they  are  to  be  safe,  there  must 
be  a  friendly,  prosperous  and  world-minded 
America. 


III.     FROM  DOUBTS  TO  UNDERSTANDING 


All  this  seems  clear  today,  with  victory 
in  Europe  in  the  sixth  year  of  war;  yet  the 
world  is  wondering  whether  it  will  still 
seem  clear  to  the  two  groups  of  English- 
speaking  peoples  when  all  Axis  powers 
have  been  defeated.  Russia  is  wondering, 
and  was  hesitant  to  commit  herself  to  a 
foreign  policy  based  on  collective  security 
until  she  knew  the  answer.  France  and 
China — the  two  powers  who  seem  destined 
soon  to  stand  side  by  side  with  the  giants 
of  today — are  also  wondering.  And  so  are 
all  the  lesser  powers;  they  are  not  only 
wondering,  they  are  wretched  with  anxiety 
because  they  know  that,  if  this  easiest  of 
collaborations  fails,  war  will  not  fail  and 
"the  last  best  hope  of  man"  will  die. 

Why  so  much  doubt  and  worry,  if  the 
need  for  Anglo-American  unity  is  clear,  if 
the  possibility  of  Anglo-American  war  dis- 
appeared forty  years  ago?  Because  of  the 
difficulty,  which  is  by  no  means  restricted 
to  English-speaking  peoples,  of  putting  first 
things  first  and  keeping  them  there.  Al- 
though there  is  no  doubt  of  what  ought 
to  be  done,  of  what  must  be  done  for  sim- 
ple self-preservation,  there  are  many  prob- 
lems and  prejudices  which  may  be  allowed 
to  interfere  when  world  peace  returns. 

In     Professor     Fox's     book,     mentioned 


above,   these   problems  are   listed  and   an- 
alyzed. The  following  are  a  few  examples: 

(a)  Problems  of  trade  arising  from  such 
events  as  the  liquidation  of  British  foreign 
investments,    from    the    greatly    decreased 
American   need   for    Malayan    rubber   and 
tin,  from  the  threat  of  expansion  of  the 
American  merchant  marine  with  the  con- 
sequent contraction  of  Britain's  ability  to 
acquire  dollar  exchange  through  her  carry- 
ing trade. 

(b)  Problems  of  policy  on  such  matters 
as  Latin  American  investments  and  com- 
mercial  aviation.   The   British   fear  a  ten- 
dency on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to 
buy  good  will  in  South  America  by  sac- 
rificing the  "rights"  of  creditors;  and  they 
fear  a  tendency  to  seize  by  cut-throat  meth- 
ods a  dominant  position  in  world  air  traf- 
fic. 

(c)  Political  problems  in  such  areas  as 
India,  Burma,  and  the  Far  East. 

(d)  Irritations    based   on    the    long-con- 
tinued  American  feeling  that  British   for- 
eign policy  is  unduly  selfish  and  reaction- 
ary— or  on  the  long-continued  British  feel- 
ing that  American  foreign  policy  is  almost 
wholly  verbal  and  unreliable,  consisting  of 
fine  phrases,  lofty  lectures,  and  no  action. 


Some  of  these  items,  if  neglected,  might 
grow  into  a  major  clash  of  interests.  On 
the  other  hand,  every  one  of  them  can  be 
adjusted  by  give  and  take  and  mutual  help 
if  the  will  to  adjust  is  present.  The  follow- 
ing comments,  again  by  Samuel  Grafton, 
are  an  example  of  how  the  will  to  adjust 
can  smooth  the  way  to  understanding: 

"Many  influential  Britons,  liberal  as  well 
as  conservative,  feel  that  America  intends 
to  go  backwards  economically  after  the 
war.  They  feel  that  we  intend  to  take  all 
we  can  get  of  the  world's  commercial  air- 
ways, of  its  ocean  shipping,  of  its  com- 
munications services.  They  don't  sense 
much  live  and  let  live  on  our  part.  They 
feel  that  we  Americans  are  depending  too 
much  on  some  sort  of  rarefied  international 
organization  to  keep  the  peace,  a  kind  of 
unobtrusive  constabulary,  far  away  and  re- 
mote from  the  wrestling  that  goes  on  in  the 
dust  of  the  arena. 

"These  Britons  feel  that  we  Americans 
don't  really  want  to  live  with  them  as  al- 
lies; that  we  don't  propose  to  keep  the 
peace  by  being  friends,  but  that,  rather,  we 
propose  to  slug  it  out  with  them  while 
keeping  the  peace  through  a  gadget.  .  .  . 
They  suspect  us  of  hunting  for  some  world 
legal  arrangement  under  which  we  can 
compete  with  them  as  if  we  were  deadly 
enemies,  while,  somewhere  up  in  the  strato- 
sphere, a  formal  organization  dealing  with 
abstractions  serves  happily  to  prevent 
war." 

To  spread  understanding  of  what  is 
worrying  our  friends  is  worth  more  to 
peace  than  a  new  plan  for  a  world  society, 
because  the  first  step  toward  a  world  so- 
ciety is  that  a  few  powerful  nations  begin; 
believing  in  the  possibility  of  friendship.' 
There  are  many  similar  American  worries 
about  British  policy  which  the  British  in 
turn  must  teach  themselves  to  understand 
and  to  take  into  account.  As  President 
Roosevelt  put  it  in  his  fourth  inaugural 
address:  "We  have  learned  the  simple 
truth,  as  Emerson  said,  that  'the  only  way 
to  have  a  friend  is  to  be  one'." 

The  shepherds  on  the  Galilean  hills 
heard  voices  prophesying  peace  on  earth  to 
men  of  good  will.  They  did  not  hear  any 
nonsense  about  peace  on  earth  to  hard- 
faced  men  whose  answer  to  a  neighbor's 
troubles  is  a  shrug  and  a  "too  bad- — but 
business  is  business." 

The  Strength  of  the  Earth 

Strangely  and  reassuringly,  the  more  that 
we  learn  about  our  planet,  the  more  that 
science  explores  its  possibilities,  then  the 
more  grounds  we  have  for  believing  that 
the  hard-faced  men  are  unintelligent  as 
well  as  unmoral.  It  used  to  be  thought 
that  strife  must  be  the  rule  since  there  was 
not  enough  to  go  round  and  since  it  was 
unlikely  that  most  men  would  become 
saints.  We  now  believe  there  is  plenty  to 
go  round  if  we  can  bring  ourselves  to  help 
each  other  instead  of  treating  each  other 
as  predestined  adversaries. 

The  new  science  of  chemurgy,  for  ex- 
ample, making  possible  the  new  plastic  in- 
dustries, has  relieved  the  drain  on  the 
earth's  mineral  resources  and  conferred 


156 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


opportunities  for  wealth  on  the  agricultural 
countries.  This  might  lead  to  a  worldwide 
lessening  of  tensions  and  jealousies,  if  the 
plastic  industries  are  promoted  with  an 
eye  to  man's  welfare.  Or,  if  they  are  pro- 
moted by  people  who  still  think  it  is  smart 
to  play  beggar-my-neighbor,  the  result 
might  be  a  worldwide  collapse.  Kirtley  F. 
Mather,  professor  of  geology  in  Harvard 
University,  sums  up  a  detailed  study  of  the 
earth's  resources  with  the  exuberant  words: 
"Beyond  any  possible  doubt,  Mother 
Earth  can  provide  food  enough  and  to 
spare  so  that,  in  this  age  of  science  and 
far  along  our  vista  of  untold  millennia  to 
come,  every  member  of  the  worldwide  hu- 
man family  may  be  adequately  nourished. 
There  is  no  prospect  that  the  press  of 
population  will  ever  place  an  impossible 


burden  upon  the  available  sources  of  food 
or  of  the  organic  materials  required  in 
industry.  The  gloomy  prediction  of  Mal- 
thus  does  not  now  apply  and,  if  present 
trends  continue,  never  will  apply  to  man." 

This  is  what  a  geologist  believes  to  be 
possible  if  we  are  prepared  to  use  our  wits. 
But  Professor  Mather  warns  repeatedly  that 
in  order  to  falsify  "the  gloomy  predictions 
of  Malthus"  we  must  cooperate.  The  struc- 
ture of  the  earth,  so  far  from  imposing 
strife  upon  mankind,  imposes  what  he  calls 
"mineral  interdependence."  Science  can 
help  iis  to  obliterate  the  human  race  if  we 
insist  on  living  in  isolation;  but  science 
cannot  help  us  to  be  prosperous  unless  we 
are  prepared  to  live  as  friends. 

Cooperation  is  the  price  of  plenty.  It 
may  even  be  the  price  of  life. 


IV.     A  TEAM  OF  FRIENDS 


We  can  now  return  to  the  question  with 
which  we  began:  What  do  we  mean  by 
"working  together"  with  the  British?  Gen- 
eral Eisenhower's  headquarters  and  the 
Combined  Boards  dealing  with  transport 
and  supplies  have  shown  us  what  the 
words  mean  in  the  military  sphere.  Not 
only  have  the  high  commands  of  two  al- 
lied armies  been  welded  together  as  never 
before  in  the  world's  history,  but  supply 
problems  which  are  normally  subject  to 
business  rivalries  and  international  jealous- 
ies have  been  handled  with  a  good  will  and 
a  team-play  discouraging  to  our  enemies. 

What  will  "working  together"  mean  in 
peace? 

No  great  powers  have  ever  worked  to- 
gether except  temporarily  when  their  sel- 
fish interests  coincided.  But  the  time  has 
come  when  the  old  definitions  of  selfish 
interests  are  no  longer  reasonable.  The 
struggle  for  survival — both  negatively,  in 
the  avoidance  of  disaster;  and  positively,  in 
the  attainment  of  peace  and  prosperity — 
demands  worldwide  mutual  aid.  If  we 
want,  we  can  call  such  aid  "enlightened 
self-interest";  or  we  can  use  the  old-fash- 
ioned words  "morality"  and  "wisdom." 

The  era  of  collaboration  must  begin 
somewhere;  it  cannot  begin  everywhere. 
And  it  must  begin  among  great  powers; 
the  war-bewildered  world  will  not  renew 
hope  because  of  cordial  relations  between 
Russia  and  Bolivia.  The  obvious  great 
powers  to  set  the  fashion  are  the  British 
Commonwealth  of  Nations  and  the  United 
States  of  America.  But  that  means  trust — 
trust  and  good  will  so  great  that  they 
overshadow  disputes  and  compel  either  a 
settlement  or  a  compromise. 

It  is  silly -to  say,  "All  disputes  between 
us  must  be  settled,"  because  there  are  many 
problems  not  subject  to  such  peremptory 
treatment.  But  it  is  not  silly  to  say:  "All 
disputes  between  us  must  be  settled  or 
compromised,  since  we  value  friendship 
more  than  self-assertion."  Close  friends, 
husbands  and  wives,  have  made  this  resolve 
since  the  world  began.  Many  millions  of 
relationships  have  been  saved  thereby,  have 
been  made  rich  and  fruitful,  even  if  im- 
perfect. 

That  resolve  has  never  yet  been  made 
by  two  great  powers.  It  would  mean  that 


the  citizens  of  the  powers  would  talk  to 
each  other,  criticize  each  other,  read  and 
write  about  each  other,  compete  with  each 
other,  as  friendly  equals,  and  not  on  the 
assumption  that  they  were  planning  to 
cheat  or  undermine  each  other.  It  would 
therefore  mean  foregoing,  at  least  in  part, 
one  of  the  most  ancient  habits  of  man:  the 
habit  of  assuming  that  outlanders  are  un- 
trustworthy and  hostile.  It  is  this  habit 
which  sometimes  led  Americans  in  the 
United  Kingdom  to  listen  when  the  enemy 
whispered  that  Britain  was  cheating  on 
lend-lease  gasoline;  it  is  this  habit  which 
led  some  British  businessmen  to  listen 
when  the  enemy  whispered  that  America 
intends  to  seize  the  world's  trade,  brutally 
and  ruthlessly,  at  the  war's  end. 

It  may  be  fun  to  think  evilly  of  our  ally, 
but  it  is  a  form  of  fun  we  can  no  longer 
afford. 

Unless  we  highly  resolve  to  promote 
friendship  and  compromise  between  these 
two  powers,  as  a  basis  for  world  peace, 
then  we  do  in  fact  resolve  to  accept  war 
as  an  inevitable  doom.  If  two  nations  that 
have  come  to  learn  they  will  never  fight 
each  other  cannot  learn  to  work  together, 
who  can? 

Is  it  reasonable  to  expect  Russia  to  have 


confidence  in  either  of  us  if  we  cannot 
have  confidence  in  each  other?  And  with- 
out such  confidence  must  not  Russia  be 
driven  back  on  the  old,  vain  system  of 
negative  self-protection?  Then  the  smaller 
powers  must  gather  despairingly  about  one 
or  another  of  the  giants  for  support.  And 
so  the  game  begins  anew. 

What  "Working  Together"  Means 

When,  last  year,  General  von  Rundstedt 
broke  through  in  the  Ardennes,  with  ten 
panzer  divisions  and  some  fourteen  in- 
fantry divisions,  he  nearly  succeeded  in  his 
plan  to  reach  Antwerp  and  thus  divide 
General  Eisenhower's  armies  in  two.  Any 
jealousy,  any  sand  in  the  machinery  during 
those  days,  might  have  brought  a  serious 
defeat. 

But  Rundstedt  was  t'aced,  not  only  with 
superb  American  resistance,  but  with  an 
allied  command  new  to  history.  British  and 
American  generals  and  colonels  had  been 
living  and  planning  and  working  and  hop- 
ing and  poring  over  maps  together  for 
months;  some  of  them  for  years.  They  had 
forgotten  national  differences,  learned  unity 
in  the  service  of  one  commander  and  one 
cause.  So  they  went  to  work  smoothly — 
with  none  of  the  bickerings  and  recrimina- 
tions, and  the  petty  pleasure  at  seeing  the 
other  fellow  done  in,  which  are  usual  in 
allied  armies.  Eisenhower  and  Bradley  and 
Montgomery  had  been  companions  on  D- 
day;  they  were  companions  in  this  crisis. 
Cooperating  like  a  team  of  friends,  they 
broke  the  last  hope  of  the  Germans  in  the 
West. 

That  is  what  "working  together"  means 
in  war,  and  that  is  what  it  did  for  us.  It 
means  the  same  thing  in  peace,  where  the 
stakes  are  even  higher,  where  we  also  have 
one  cause  though  not  one  commander.  It 
means  a  team  of  friends,  who  wish  each 
other's  welfare,  who  can  disagree  with  each 
other  without  getting  suspicious,  who  can 
become  impatient  with  each  other  without 
getting  divided.  It  means  something  new 
in  history,  and  something  very  difficult; 
but  it  is  the  price  of  peace  and  nothing 
less  will  suffice. 


. 


IM\. 


British    Information    Services 
Two  sergeants,  two  nations — but  friends,  belonging  to  the  same  team 


MAY     1945 


157 


Farewell  to  England.  Off  to  a  rendezvous  with  D-day 


Courtesy  (Jrand  Central  Galleries,  New  York 


The  first  glimpse  of  England.  Troops  moving  from  ship  to  train 


ENCAMPMENT 
BRITAIN 

Paintings  by  T/Sgt.  David  Lax 


Sergeant  Lax  was  an  artist  in  America 
before  he  became  in  turn  an  army  MP, 
a  supply  sergeant  and  a  member  of 
the  Transportation  Corps.  In  the  latter 
capacity  he  painted  a  series  of  pic- 
tures showing  the  role  of  transporta- 
tion in  getting  our  troops  to  the 
United  Kingdom,  and  from  there  on 
to  the  continent. 

Here  are  paintings  of  arrival  and 
departure.  At  the  left,  troops  wait  in 
a  smoky  British  station  for  instruc- 
tions from  the  U.S.  Rail  Transporta- 
tion Officer.  Above,  trucks  roar 
through  the  land  of  left-hand  driving, 
and  English  children  wave  them  on 
their  way. 


The  Ocean  Shrinks 


1800 


1838 


to-day 


Each  way*  represent*  en*  day  of  travelling 
between  the    United  State*  and  Great  Britain 


ISOTYPE 


Chart  from  "Only  an  Ocean  Between,"  by  Leila  Secor  Florence.  Harrap  &  Company,  London 


Close-Up 


We  have  become  neighbors  in  foreshortened  time  and  space — hearing,  reading, 
speaking,  seeing,  much  the  same  movies,  broadcasts,  books,  news,  and  slang. 


JOHN  ADAMS,  SECOND  PRESIDENT-TO-BE  OF 
the  USA,  attended  his  first  Continental 
Congress  in  Philadelphia  in  1774.  In  a  let- 
ter to  his  wife,  he  complained  that  they 
were  "all  strangers,  not  acquainted  with 
each  other's  language,  ideas,  views,  de- 
signs." James  Madison,  our  fourth  Presi- 
dent, wrote  during  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1787  that  "Of  the  affairs  of 
Georgia  I  know  as  little  as  of  those  of 
Kamchatka."  Pierce  Butler  of  South  Caro- 
lina felt  himself  among  strangers  in  that 
assembly:  "The  interests  of  the  southern 
and  eastern  states,"  he  thought,  were  "as 
different  as  the  interests  of  Russia  and  Tur- 
key"— which  were  then  very  much  at  odds. 
England  and  the  United  States  today  are 
more  closely  united,  more  genuinely  one 
of  another,  than  were  Georgia  and  Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  when 
the  United  States  of  America  was  founded. 
But  we  don't  yet  face  the  fact. 

In  John  Adams'  Shoes 

When  the  New  England  Adams  com- 
plained of  the  strange  "language"  spoken 
at  Philadelphia  the  year  before  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution  he  probably  referred  rather 
to  the  language  of  ideas  than  to  accents, 
though  he  might  have  meant  either.  But 
a  farmer's  son  from  Puritan  Massachusetts 
undoubtedly  felt  as  ill  at  ease  with  the  gay 
Church  of  England  Virginians  of  his  time, 
as  any  G.I  on  his  first  leave  in  London  felt 


LEWIS  S.  GANNETT 

toward  the  British  Tommies  he  saw  walk- 
ing down  Whitehall  in  the  1940's. 

The  first  reaction  of  the  American  in 
England  today  is  likely  to  be  precisely  that 
of  John  Adams  a  hundred  and  seventy 
years  ago:  surprise  that  England  (like 
Philadelphia)  isn't  exactly  like  his  own 
America.  He  does  not  realize  how  much 


— By  the  editor  of  the  daily  column, 
"Books  and  Things,"  in  the  New  York 
Herald  Tribune,  who  reverted  to  type 
this  past  year,  serving  as  war  correspon- 
dent in  Britain  and  on  the  Western 
Front. 

Rochester-born  and  a  Harvard  gradu- 
ate, he  had  been  a  reporter  in  the  city 
room  of  the  old  New  York  World  before 
World  War  I.  Followed  work  for  the 
Quakers  and  the  American  Red  Cross 
in  France;  then  as  one  of  the  gifted 
younger  correspondents  at  the  Paris 
Peace  Conference — where  for  a  time  he 
represented  The  Survey. 

Later,  for  a  decade,  he  was  a  key 
member  of  the  staff  of  The  Nation — 
spending  some  time  as  a  roving  editor 
in  the  Caribbean  and  Europe,  and  in 
Asia  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  introduce 
Chiang  Kai-shek  to  American  readers. 

Here  he  reviews  new  pages  the  war  has 
written  in  the  field  of  communications — 
and  looks  ahead. 


he  expected  them  to  be  alike.  He  is — we  all 
are — mixed  up.  "England"  is  an  alien  land 
to  him,  but — and  this  is  important — not  at 
all  in  the  sense  in  which  France  and  Africa, 
Russia  and  China  are  alien. 

His  mixed  reactions  begin  with  street 
names.  He  looks  down  from  a  London  bus 
top.  The  signs  read:  Charing  Cross  Road, 
the  Strand,  Fleet  Street,  Threadneedle 
Street,  or  it's  Baker  Street,  Wimpole  Street, 
Berkeley  Square.  The  names  are  utterly 
familiar,  thrice-told  tales,  for  he  has  been 
brought  up  on  Dickens  and  Conan  Doyle 
or  on  movies  about  London.  But  the  streets 
don't  look  as  familiar  as  they  sound.  Some- 
times Americans  find  that  irritating;  some- 
times fail  to  grow  out  of  that  irritation. 

Usually  the  GI  has  started  in  by  feeling 
strange  in  London,  but  he  climbs  down 
from  his  bus  and  asks  in  a  tongue  which 
any  passer-by  can,  with  little  effort,  under- 
stand, how  to  get  to  Piccadilly,  to  Trafalgar 
Square  or  the  Tower  of  London.  He 
knows  their  names.  He  has  read  them  in 
books.  He  has  seen  the  movies.  He  has 
heard  the  radio.  He  may  be  homesick  still, 
but  for  that  matter  he  was  homesick  when, 
coming  from  his  familiar  hometown,  he 
first  saw  New  York's  skyscrapers.  He  may 
not  at  once  realize  that  it  is  the  same  sort 
of  homesickness.  But  as  on  Broadway  he 
was  homesick  for  Main  Street,  as  in  London 
he  was  homesick  for  New  York,  so,  when 
he  had  reached  the  continent,  he  was  likely 


159 


"/  sure  am  going  to  tell  the  jolfc  bac\  home  that  the  swellest  fart  of  England  is  Scotland" 


to  look  back  on  London,  as  he  had  not 
dreamed  he  would  look  back  on  it,  as  a 
part  of  his  home  country,  of  his  own  heart's 
land. 

To  many  a  GI,  Westminster  Abbey  has 
always  been  more  familiar  than  St.  Pat- 
rick's Cathedral  or  Trinity  Church  in  New 
York.  Oxford  Street  is  no  stranger  than 
Fifth  Avenue,  Buckingham  Palace  no  more 
romantically  exotic  than  Radio  City. 

In  any  town  on  the  continent  of  Europe 
— and  even  more  so  in  Africa  or  Asia — the 
GI  who  finds  himself  separated  from  his 
American  buddies  hails  any  "Limey"  as  a 
sure  friend.  They  speak  the  same  language. 
In  strange  lands  they  feel  the  same  instinc- 
tive strangeness,  and  they  can  accept  each 
other  as  they  find  it  difficult  to  do  in  cither's 
home.  The  sneer  too  often  present  in  the 
word  "Limey"  changes  to  a  warmer  defini- 
tion, just  as  the  Virginian's  use  of  the 


phrase  "Damyankee"  changes  when  he 
meets  New  England  Yankees  far  from 
cither's  home. 

Precisely  as  John  Adams  and  James 
Madison  knew  that  the  odd  "strangers" 
they  met  in  Philadelphia  were  fellow 
Americans,  so  the  American  soldier  in  Bel- 
gium, Burma  or  China,  feels,  always  and 
instinctively,  that  the  Englishman,  queer  as 
he  is,  belongs  to  an  undefined  common 
country.  He  feels  it  without  expressing  it, 
even  to  himself. 

Seven  League  Boots:  1945  Style 

That  feeling  has  a  significance  which  we 
seldom  fully  recognize.  It  has  always  been 
true  to  some  degree,  but  is  truer  today  than 
ever  before,  despite  all  the  new  frictions  to 
which  our  new  world  gives  new  opportuni- 
ties. The  airplane,  the  movie,  the  radio, 
television  and  teletype  are  conspiring  to 


THE  AMERICANS  AND  OURSELVES 

With  acknowledgment  to  that  witty  English 
institution,  Punch,  we  reprint  on  these  facing 
pages  four  amusing  cartoons  from  its  issues  of 
1944,  when  GI's  were  everywhere  in  Britain. 

foreshorten  the  old,  wide,  oceanic  frontiers, 
and  that  means  new  intimacies — possibly 
also  new  family  quarrels. 

I  flew  back  from  Scotland  to  Washington 
last  January  in  less  than  twenty-four  hours. 
Hundreds  do  that  every  day.  Once  the 
man  who  flew  the  Atlantic  was  a  pioneer; 
before  World  War  II  is  over,  hundreds  of 
thousands  will  have  flown  it. 

Think  of  that  figure,  and  remember  the 
familiar  schoolbook  stories:  That  it  took 
Jefferson  eighteen  days  to  ride  from  his 
home  at  Monticello  in  Virginia  to  attend 
the  Continental  Congress  at  Trenton,  New 
Jersey.  That  Benjamin  Franklin  was  two 
weeks  on  his  way  from  Pennsylvania  to 
Massachusetts  in  the  first  year  of  our  Revo- 
lution. 

London  is  far  nearer  New  York  today 
than  New  York  was  to  the  capitals  of 
Virginia  or  the  Bay  State  when  "strangers" 
met  to  form  a  federal  union  in  that  little 
hall  in  the  Quaker  City  of  Brotherly  Love. 

Mencken  was  wrong:  he  wrote  his  book 
"The  American  Language"  too  late.  Per- 
haps there  was  a  time  when  American  and 
British  tongues  were  parting  company, 
tending  to  become  separate  entities,  as 
Mencken  still  argued  in  1919.  But  that  was 
true  only  in  a  pre-airplane,  pre-movie,  pre- 
radio  age.  Mr.  Churchill's  accent,  if  any- 
thing, sounds  rather  more  homey  than  did 
Mr.  Roosevelt's  to  a  Californian,  and  cer- 
tainly it  is  clearer  to  a  Bostonian  than  that 
of  Senator  George  of  Georgia. 

Anyone  who  grew  up  west  of  the  head- 
waters of  the  Mohawk  River,  in  the  Amer- 
ica that  burrs  the  letter  R,  regards  neglect 
of  that  letter  as  a  bit  hifalutin;  but  such  an 
impression  applies  equally  to  a  President 
Conant  of  Harvard  and  to  a  Professor 
Laski  of  the  London  School  of  Economics. 

As  soon  as  any  bit  of  American  slang 
has  graduated  from  Hollywood  it  is  fa- 


"Officer,  how  do  we  get  to  the  native  quarter?" 


160 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


"Anyone  ELSE  in  the  class  a  gum-chum  of 
our  American  allies?" 

miliar  coinage  in  London,  as  it  is  in  Black- 
pool, Glasgow,  and  Belfast.  If  the  movies 
are  responsible  for  some  British  misunder- 
standings about  America,  they  also  serve  to 
make  the  language  one;  they  maintain  a 
transatlantic  unity  of  nutty  speech.  I  don't 
know  how  good  the  Spanish  and  Chinese 
translations  of  Walt  Disney  continuities 
may  be,  though  they  are  said  to  be  excel- 
lent and  the  Disney  movies  have  been 
hailed  as  one  of  the  greatest  factors  for 
world  unity  today.  The  significant  fact 
is  that  the  English  need  no  translation. 

Conversely,  the  GI  who  has  been  two 
weeks  ashore  in  Britain  is  already  talking 
of  being  "browned  off"  by  his  officers,  of 
whom  he  tends  to  take  a  "dim"  view.  Noth- 
ing so  binds  a  Tommy  and  a  Yank  as  a 
common  exploration  of  the  resources  of 
transatlantic  slang. 

What  the  radio  will  do  to  cement  or  to 
separate  England  and  America  is  a  wide 
open  question,  for  the  national  systems  dif- 
fer fundamentally,  and  each  is  still  a  bit 
chary  of  the  other.  Britain  is  proud  that 
her  wireless  is  completely  free  from  adver- 
tising; the  American  radio  man  is  proud 
that  his  microphones  are  free  from  govern- 
ment control.  There  are  advantages  in  both 
techniques.  The  British  programs  tend  to 
seem  "dull"  to  American  servicemen  over 
there,  though  after  the  United  States  en- 
tered the  war  the  BBC  conscientiously  went 
about  a  conservative  measure  of  American- 
ization. British  orchestras  have  learned  to 
play  jazz.  BBC  also  added  American 
voices  for  their  American  listeners — and  the 
British  continued  listening  in,  thus  adding 
in  turn  to  their  own  familiarity  with  our 
variant  usages. 

What  may  be  more  important  is  that 
some  millions  of  Americans  have  heard  the 
straight  programs,  the  intelligent  news,  the 
uninterrupted  continuity  of  BBC  programs. 
It  will  be  interesting  to  discover  whether, 
when  the  GI's  come  home,  the  sour-stom- 
ach-headache-and-sneeze  commercials  of  the 
American  radio  do  not  sound  as  nastily 
depressing  to  them  as  they  did  to  me  when 
I  returned  after  a  mere  six  months  divorce 


from    their    incessant,    meaching    interrup- 
tions. 

Certain  it  is  that  the  radio's  easier 
bridges  across  the  Atlantic  will  have  an 
effect  on  transatlantic  understanding  as 
great  as,  if  not  greater  than,  that  effected  by 
the  airplane's  speed.  It  will  be  interesting 
to  watch  the  development  of  such  two-way 
programs  as  Transatlantic  Call,  Atlantic 
Spotlight,  Transatlantic  Quiz,  and  Radio 
Newsreel,  in  which  the  BBC  and  American 
radio  chains  already  collaborate.  Will  our 
commercial  requirements  interfere  with  the 
evolution  of  such  collaboration  ?  Or  will 
the  community  of  the  air,  begun  in  war- 
time, continue  and  evolve?  At  any  rate,  to 
some  degree,  even  after  the  war,  millions 
in  England  will  nightly  listen  to  American 
voices,  and  millions  in  America  will  listen 
to  British  voices,  night  after  night  after 
night.  And  with  no  sense  of  studying  an 
alien  language. 

From  Basic  Slang  to  Books 

It  is  a  long  time  since  Sydney  Smith 
asked  Englishmen:  "Who  reads  an  Ameri- 
can book?"  For  our  part,  we  have  always 
been  quick  to  reprint  English  books  (once 
even  pirating  them  promptly),  but  today 
the  English  are  as  quick  when  it  comes  to 
reprinting. 

Last  summer,  when  I  had  turned  tempo- 
rarily from  book  reviewing  to  foreign  cor- 
respondence, the  editor  of  the  leading  Eng- 
lish book-trade  magazine  said  to  me: 
"Look  here!  You're  probably  more  familiar 
with  the  books  that  will  be  published  in 
England  this  autumn  than  any  man  in 
England;  write  us  a  piece  about  them."  He 
was  oddly  close  to  the  truth.  There  were 
more  than  a  hundred  books  on  the  forth- 
coming English  publishers'  lists  which  I 


had  reviewed  for  the  Herald  Tribune  be- 
fore I  left  New  York.  All  the  important 
American  books  were  appearing  in  Eng- 
land. Because  of  wartime  paper  and  print- 
ing difficulties,  some  important  English 
books  had  been  published  in  America 
which  were  still  to  appear  in  England. 

British  newspapers  look  odd  to  an  Amer- 
ican today — but  primarily  that  is  because, 
as  a  rule,  they  are  reduced  to  four  pages. 
Many  of  them,  curiously,  are  going 
through  a  typographical  evolution  com- 
parable to  that  in  many  of  our  own  news- 
papers several  decades  ago.  To  a  reader  of 
the  Denver  Post,  for  example,  the  English 
front  pages  must  look  more  natural  than 
to  a  reader  of  The  New  Yor/^  Times  or 
Herald  Tribune,  with  their  more  conserva- 
tive make-up.  And  in  the  London  Mirror 
the  GI  finds  a  whole  page  of  familiar 
American  comic  strips.  They  are  popular; 
they  make  for  circulation;  the  English  un- 
derstand them.  Their  success  in  the  British 
press  is  another — not  at  all  negligible — evi- 
dence of  the  instinctive  common  soil  of 
English  and  American  minds. 

On  the  one  hand,  the  British  have  a 
weekly  News  Review,  an  obvious  imitation 
of  the  American  magazines  Time  and 
Newswee)^.  On  the  other  hand,  when  paper 
restrictions  are  removed,  Time  and  News- 
wee}(  will  establish  their  own  British  edi- 
tions, and  they  will  be  only  two  of  a. dozen 
American  magazines  to  do  so.  The  London 
Daily  Mail  now  publishes,  for  American 
readers,  a  weekly  Transatlantic  Edition, 
and  the  London  Tjmes  has  a  thin-paper 
airplane  edition  for  American  distribution. 
After  the  war  The  New  Yor^  Times  will 
probably  have  a  London  edition,  compet- 
ing at  the  London  breakfast  table  with  the 
(Continued  on  page  246) 


"Say — can  I  give  you  boys  an  elevator?" 


MAY     1945 


161 


v*t 


I  :• 


British  Information   Sen 


Many  GI's  on  leave,  as  well  as  other  Allied  soldiers,  visited  Oxford  University   with  its  thirty-one  'colleges.   Volunteer  guides  con- 
ducted daily  tours.  Balliol  College  allotted  eighty  rooms  for  a  leave   course   that   lasted   a   week — with   lectures,   dance   and   tea   party 


Harris  and   EwinK 
Trying  something  new  the  moment  he  stepped  off  the  boat — a  lesson  in  playing  the  bagpipe 


GETTING. 
ACQUAINTED 

In  the  course  of  the  last  three 
years  the  British  have  had  in 
their  midst  a  large  cross-section 
of  Americans  "just  as  they  come" 
— something  very  different  from 
the  former  summer  vacationist, 
clutching  Muirhead's  Blue  Guide. 
In  a  thousand  villages  near  which 
our  flying  fields  and  troop  camps 
were  located,  run-of-the-mill  citi- 
zens of  both  countries  came  in 
close  contact  for  a  long  time. 

There  have  been  gripes  and 
there  has  been  good  will,  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  human  kind. 
That  there  have  been  thoughtful 
hosts  and  appreciative  guests, 
these  photographs  indicate. 

Hundreds  of  thousands  of 
Americans  and  British  have  come 
to  know  one  another. 


British  Information   Services  photos 

A  geography  lesson  with  a  living  textbook.  An  English  village  school  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  learn  about  the  USA. 
A    young   American   lieutenant   answered   hundreds   of   questions  having  more  to  do  with  movie  stars  than  rainfall  and  resources 


Tea  in  the  rectory  garden.  The  rector's  wife  wrote  letters  to  her  guests'  families  in  America  to  say  their  men  were  well 


British   Information   Services 
Convalescent  soldiers  from  an  American  military  hospital  in  Cambridgeshire  and  their  English  friends  at  a  picnic  on  a  nearby  river 


British  Information   Service* 


A  Yank  at  Christ's  Hospital,  English  public  school 


Harris  and    Ewing 
Tommy  has  taught  Joe  how  to  hit  the  bull's  eye  in  the  dart  game 


American  Invasion 

Out  of  wartime  give-and-take  between  Americans   in   Britain   and   their   hosts 
have  come  some  frictions,  countless  gains  in  understanding,  and  mutual  regard. 


THERE  HAVE  ALWAYS  BEEN  AMERICANS  HERE 
in  England  as  tourists,  of  course,  as  stu- 
dents, as  businessmen,  some  few  to  visit 
friends  and  families.  London,  Edinburgh, 
the  university  and  cathedral  towns  espe- 
cially, had  long  been  accustomed  to  a 
summertime  invasion.  Those  were  the  old 
days,  small  scale  things.  But  during  the  last 
three  years,  Americans  have  been  coming 
and  going  on  this  island,  in  every  season, 
in  their  hundreds  of  thousands. 

The  ultimate  effect  on  Americans  and  on 
America  of  this  large  scale  invasion  of  war- 
time Britain  is  hard  to  predict  now,  from 
this  side  of  the  water.  But  the  effect  on 
England  is  very  discernible.  England  has 
never  been  so  America-conscious.  It  would 
not  be  going  too  far  to  say  that  England 
is  really  conscious  of  America  for  the  first 
time  in  her  history,  and  not  merely  be- 
cause she  is  aware  of  our  present  strength, 
and  our  industrial  potentialities.  Interest  in 
America  is  not  confined  to  anxious  specula- 
tion about  postwar  competition  in  world 
markets,  or  to  measurement  of  our  inter- 
national policy.  That  fearful,  apprehensive 
side  does  exist  and  because  it  has  to  do 
with  spectacular  issues  it  finds  its  way  into 

I  the  press  and  public  consciousness  on  both 

j  sides  of  the  water. 

What  Americans  perhaps  do  not  realize, 

I  however,  is  to  what  extent  friendly  and 
eager  interest  in  the  American  way  of  liv- 
ing has  spread  throughout  Britain — interest 
in  our  houses,  in  our  schools,  in  our  taste  in 
food,  in  the  simple  things  that  next-door 
neighbors  talk  over  with  each  other.  And 
that  has  come  about  chiefly  not  because  we 
are  something  called  "the  most  powerful 

I  nation"  but  because  so  many  of  us  have 
dwelt  among  the  English,  walked  their 
streets,  talked  with  them  in  pubs  and  trains, 
drunk  their  beer,  shared  their  rations  and 
their  blackout,  D-day,  robots — victory. 

Problems  in  Relationships 

There   have   been   problems    in    relation- 
ships, some  of  them  magnified  out  of  all 
proportion  >to    their    real    significance,    by 
sensational  sections  of  the  press  and  busy 
talkers.  British  criticism  of  American  man- 
ners,  based  on  the  behavior  of  an  unruly 
Ifew,  stories   of  Americans   complaining   of 
Jthe   high   prices   charged   them   by   British 
Jmerchants  and  landlords,  the  British  retort- 
ing that  it  was  the  American  with  his  full 
Ipocketbook  who  had  sent  prices  up,  and  so 
Ion.  But  if  you  inquire  anywhere  in  Britain 
[except  in   a  few  areas  where   there   have 
'jbeen  special  problems  or  incidents,  you  will 
Jhear  nothing  but  praise  of  American  man- 
ners, and  if  you  inquire  of  Americans  who 
pave  circulated  at  all  in  this  country  they 
will   confirm   the   Englishman's   reputation 
ior  honesty.  As  for  the  amount  the  Amer- 
ican spends  in  this  country,  a  survey  taken 


HONORA  BRUERE  McIVER 

— By  a  writer  who  is  herself  a  happy 
symbol  of  British-American  relations. 
Daughter  of  Henry  Bruere,  president  of 
the  Bowery  Savings  Bank  in  New  York 
City,  educated  at  Bryii  Mawr,  the  Uni- 
versity of  London,  and  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Dramatics,  she  has  been 
since  1937  the  wife  of  an  Englishman 
who  is  now  a  captain  in  the  Canadian 
army. 

For  the  past  two  years,  Mrs.  Mclver 
has  been  "right  hand  man"  to  Victor 
Weybright  at  his  wartime  post  in  the 
British  Division  of  OWI  in  London. 


in  May  1944  showed  that  Americans  spent 
a  very  small  percentage  of  their  pay  in 
England,  something  like  26  percent,  and 
sent  the  rest  home  (though  one  has  to 
acknowledge  that  they  will  pay  high  prices 
for  what  they  want  when  they  want  it). 

There  have  been  many  little  sore  spots 
in  troop-civilian  relations,  but  it  is  my 
conviction  that  many  of  these  could  have 
been  erased  before  they  grew  contagious, 
through  an  enlightened,  sympathetic,  and 
determined  effort  on  the  part  of  our  own 
army  and  its  education  officers. 

When  They  Get  Together 

Where  the  effort  has  been  made  to  get 
soldiers  and  civilians  together — and  there 
could  have  been  more  such  efforts — there 
have  been  markedly  good  relations,  espe- 
cially in  the  areas  where  American  soldiers 
were  billeted  on  British  families,  or  where 
the  American  Red  Cross — often  more  con- 
cerned with  bringing  a  touch  of  home  to 
homesick  boys  than  giving  them  a  touch  of 
other  peoples'  homes — has  had  an  energetic 
hospitality  director.  In  some  areas  this  effort 
has  had  impressive  results. 

For  example,  as  against  500  in  1943  some 
4,500  American  servicemen  in  the  London 
area  alone  spent  last  Christmas  in  British 
homes.  And  these  were  only  a  proportion 
of  the  number  who  could  have  had  a 
British  Christmas.  The  London  head- 
quarters of  the  Red  Cross  report  that  in- 
vitations from  the  provinces  were  innumer- 
able— far  greater  than  the  number  of  ac- 
ceptances. To  anyone  who  has  spent  a 
Christmas  in  wartime  England,  and  knows 
what  a  struggle  it  is  getting  together  any- 
thing resembling  a  festive  meal,  with 
turkeys  scarce,  and  chickens  scarce,  and 
other  meat  available  in  no  greater  amount 
than  your  coupons  entitle  you  to,  it  was 
a  moving  manifestation  of  friendship  that 
so  large  a  number  of  English  people  were 
eager  to  share  this  peculiarly  "family"  oc- 
casion with  strangers. 

Such  strong  proof  of  friendliness  will 
surprise  all  those  whose  traditional  view 
of  British  aloofness  has  met  no  convincing 


counter-evidence.  And  it  is  true  that  British 
friendliness  is  not  everywhere  equal  in  de- 
gree, sometimes  from  special  causes,  some- 
times according  to  the  temperament  of  the 
region.  For  an  example:  East  Anglia,  on 
the  whole,  has  not  the  reputation  for  hos- 
pitableness  of  certain  parts  of  Scotland, 
particularly  Edinburgh.  That  is  perhaps 
partly  a  difference  in  regional  personality; 
the  responsive  friendly  manner  of  the  Scot 
leads  more  readily  to  a  sympathetic  under- 
standing than  the  less  easy,  more  reserved, 
ways  of  the  British  southerner. 

But  a  much  more  important  reason  is  that 
Edinburgh  is  a  leave-town,  and  all  but  a 
handful  of  American  soldiers  are  there  to 
enjoy  themselves,  unoppressed  by  restric- 
tions and  reminders  of  boredom — while 
the  Edinburghians  themselves  are  playing 
host  briefly. 

Brides  at  the  Embassy 

North  and  south  alike  have  given  many 
friends  to  Americans.  One  confirmation  of 
that  is  that  well  over  a  quarter  of  the  letters 
from  the  American  armies  in  Normandy 
during  the  first  month  after  D-day  were 
addressed  to  English  homes.  Nearly  20,000 
English  girls,  too,  have  become  the  wives 
of  American  soldiers,  15,000  of  whom  have 
applied  for  American  visas.  The  American 
Embassy  in  London  has  its  corridors  lined 
with  benches  where  English  girls,  occasion- 
ally with  their  husbands,  often  with  babies, 
wait  to  see  the  passport  officials. 

But  for  all  this,  it  has  been  harder  than 
otherwise  for  Americans  to  make  British 
friends.  There  have  been  many  impeding 
factors.  Perhaps  chief  among  them  is  the 
fact  that  a  large  number  of  American  camps 
have  been  out  of  reach  of  a  town  large 
enough  to  furnish  recreational  and  educa- 
tional facilities  which  might  draw  the  men, 
however  superficially,  into  English  life.  It 
has  been  hard  for  them  to  meet  British 
civilians  in  their  homes,  partly  because  of 
difficulties  that  nothing  but  the  most  iron- 
bound  determination  could  overcome — such 
as  isolation,  short  leaves,  lack  of  introduc- 
tions, and  sometimes  the  coolness  of  the 
local  population.  Occasionally  too,  there 
has  been  lack  of  enterprise  and  even  (gen- 
uinely!) shyness  on  the  part  of  the  com- 
manding officers. 

Difference  in  pay  has  been  a  barrier  as 
well,  in  two  ways:  This  has  prevented  equal 
association  between  American  and  British 
servicemen  because  the  Englishman  has 
not  been  able  to  order  meals  and  drinks 
of  the  kind  or  the  number  which  Amer- 
icans had  the  means  to  offer  him.  As  a  re- 
sult, one  rarely  sees  British  and  American 
soldiers  together  on  the  street  or  in  the 
pubs  in  any  British  town.  Then,  the  Amer- 
ican's extra  cash,  making  him  sometimes  a 
more  tempting  casual  escort  than  his  British 


165 


counterpart  (with  the  added  romantic  at- 
traction, of  course,  of  being  from  a  distant 
and  legendary  land)  has  laid  him  open  to 
the  accusation  of  taking  away  all  the  girls, 
and  has  made  for  some  prejudice  alike 
among  British  soldiers  and  civilians. 

As  the  British  See  Americans 

That  is  the  sort  of  prejudice  which  has 
been  ignited  and  hardened  by  circumstances 
to  do  with  the  war.  They  are  not  so  diffi- 
cult to  overcome  as  the  deep-rooted  ones, 
those  of  long  standing  on  both  sides, 
nourished  and  fortified  from  birth.  It  is 
commonplace  by  now  to  hear  that  the 
British  opinion  of  Americans  was  based 
upon  the  movies.  How  could  it  have  been 
otherwise?  It  was  not  surprising  to  me  to 
be  told  by  an  American  private,  as  late  as 
the  day  before  I  began  to  write  this  article, 
that  one  of  his  cousins  in  Glasgow  (he  was 
half-Scotch)  had  asked  him  whether  he 
carried  one  or  two  guns  in  peacetime.  His 
reaction,  unfortunately,  was  contempt  for 
the  ignorance  of  his  hapless  relative. 

For  me  it  was  renewed  proof  of  the  re- 
moteness from  reality  of  Hollywood,  of  its 
failure  to  recognize,  as  it  will  have  to  from 
now  on,  that  an  American  movie  in  a  for- 
eign country  is  not  only  entertainment,  it  is 
a  textbook,  too.  Average  opinion  and  ideas 
about  America  in  England  have  fed  almost 
exclusively  upon  the  movies.  The  substitu- 
tion of  real  Americans,  and  accurate  in- 
formation about  America  can  do,  and  has 
done  much  to  alter  the  distorted  picture. 

The  prejudice  among  the  more  educated 
English  people,  unless  they  had  ties  in 
America,  is  an  intellectual  prejudice  based 
more  on  ignorance  of  our  intellectual  and 
cultural  achievements — an  incomplete  rather 
than  distorted  idea  of  the  American  and 
his  civilization.  The  prejudice  of  this  class 
is  harder  to  dislodge,  the  more  so  now 
when  it  is  retained  as  a  matter  of  pride, 
something  clung  to  tenaciously  to  balance 
the  awareness  of  American  technical  and 
material  superiority.  There  are  minor  re- 
lated prejudices;  the  idea  of  the  American's 
uncouthness,  that  he  sets  values  only  in 
terms  of  money,  his  boastfulness,  his  faculty 
for  criticizing  others  but  not  himself. 

But  the  increasing  English  appetite  for 
information  about  the  United  States,  the 
obvious  desire  to  supplant  prejudice  with 
truth,  testify  to  a  determination  to  in- 
terpret the  American  accurately,  to  know 
what  in  his  history,  his  education,  and  his 
way  of  life  may  have  prompted  him  to 
speak  and  act  as  he  does.  I  think  the  Eng- 
lishman, then,  with  Americans  here  in  his 
front  yard,  and  in  his  back  yard,  has  truly 
extended  himself  to  understand  the  Ameri- 
can— partly,  of  course,  because  he  feels  he 
must. 

As  Americans  See  the  British 

American  prejudices,  on  the  other  hand, 
are  being  modified  in  a  less  wholesale,  a  less 
conspicuous  way.  The  American  soldier's 
attitude  towards  England,  when  it  is 
adverse,  and  usually  he  thinks  it  is,  is 
compounded  of  a  few  grievances,  a  few 
authoritative  sounding  catch-phrases  from  a 
half-remembered  history  course,  and  a  few 
conclusions  drawn  from  what  observations 

166 


he  has  made  here.  An  accurate  set  of  con 
elusions  could  scarcely  be  expected  of  him, 
either  from  the  little  chance  he  has  had  to 
observe,  the  little  reflection  he  has  given  the 
subject  before  arriving  in  the  country,  his 
nearly  totally  erroneous  conception  of  the 
nature  of  a  constitutional  monarchy,  par- 
ticularly the  British  one,  and  his  frequent 
lack  of  understanding  of  the  nature  anil 
extent  of  the  British  war  effort. 

Circumstances  have  induced  in  the  British 
an  anxiety  to  learn  about  us.  There  has 
been  no  corresponding  inducement  for  the 
American  soldiers  in  this  country. 

There  are  hundreds,  perhaps  thousands, 
of  exceptions  in  the  forces  to  the  picture 
I  am  giving,  especially  those  Americans 
whose  duties  bring  them  close  to  the  British 
home  or  community.  But  if  a  multitude  of 
reports  and  the  evidence  of  personal  ex- 
perience have  the  weight  they  appear  to, 
skepticism  at  best,  hostility  at  worst,  are 
still  prevailing  American  sentiments  to- 
wards the  British. 

One  cause  is  a  kind  of  idealism — devo- 
tion to  democracy  .  .  .  the  British  govern- 
ment'is  not  a  democracy  ("how  can  you 
have  a  democracy  with  a  king?") — ergo  the 
government  is  no  good.  If  you  press  on 
to  know  in  just  what  way  it  is  no  good, 
you  usually  hear  that  no  government  which 
is  a  good  government  would  permit  such 
"low  living  standards"  or  make  it  so  diffi- 
cult for  young  people  to  get  ahead. 

Another  annoyance  is  the  old  one:  "The 
British  are  getting  the  better  of  us  again." 
In  this  vein  it  is  commonly  held  that  the 
British  government  is  reaping  huge  benefits 
from  lend-lease.  These  benefits  are  naturally 
not  to  be  observed  among  the  ordinary 
people  since  the  "dukes"  were  the  ones 
who  got  them!  It  is  nearly  impossible  to 
convince  the  ordinary  GI  who  has  not 
stayed  in  England  more  than  a  few  weeks 
that  power  in  this  country  is  not  in  the 
hands  of  the  peerage. 

There  is  one  more  American  soldier 
prejudice  which  is  rather  in  a  class  by  itself, 
but  it  is  an  important  one.  He  does  not 
feel  that  he  or  his  fellows  are  appreciated 
by  the  British.  He  complains  that  the 
British  papers  give  very  negligent  attention 
to  the  exploits  of  the  American  soldiers. 
There  was  almost  a  feeling,  for  example, 
that  because  American  soldiers  out- 
numbered British  by  over  2  to  1  in  the  west 
of  Europe,  news  from  that  front  should 
have  been  reported  in  that  proportion. 

Newspapers  to  Lend  Lease 

A  sense  of  grievance  arises  from  the  fact 
that  the  American  soldier  in  England,  when 
he  reads  any  paper  at  all  besides  the  Stars 
and  Stripes,  is  likely  to  read  a  British 
paper  of  a  semi-sensational  sort  which  (like 
some  of  our  own  at  home)  has  a  talent  for 
narrow  patriotism,  and  gives  prominence  to 
the  British  forces.  In  consequence  the 
American  serviceman  has  this  sense  of  af- 
front. It  may  be  childish,  but  it's  all  the 
more  formidable  for  that,  because  it  won't 
subside  in  the  face  of  reasoning,  but  only 
in  the  face  of  evidence. 

For  British  papers  on  the  whole  give 
generous  accounting  of  the  deeds  of  the 


American  troops.  Indeed,  it  has  not  infre- 
quently been  my  experience  to  hear  Britons 
comment  on  the  space  given  to  American 
news  in  their  papers.  There  are  the  four 
national  dailies  which  regularly  carry  an 
American  column,  frequently  several  times 
a  week,  with  a  special  American  article  be- 
sides, for  example,  Robert  Waithman's 
feature,  "Inside  America,"  in  the  News 
Chronicle.  The  London  Times,  that  most 
influential  of  papers,  although  it  has  not  a 
daily  news  column  from  America,  gives 
more  space  to  news  and  comment  on  the 
United  States  (battlefront  and  homefront) 
than  any  other  paper  (it  has,  of  cour 
roughly  twice  the  number  of  pages).  For 
period,  the  Evening  Standard  ran  a  column 
of  news  exclusively  designed  for  Americans 
not  on  English  subjects,  but  about  Amer- 
icans and  written  by  an  American.  Thesi 
are  facts  for  the  most  part  unknown  to  the 
American  army  here. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Amerkan  soldie 
does  not  have  sufficient  respect  or  admira 
tion  for  his  Allies,  that  he  still  believes  he 
is  saving  other  people  from  the  consequent' 
of  blunders  that  could  have  been  avoided 
if  they'd  had  "democratic"  governments 
been  smart  people.  Some  official  steps  hav 
been  taken  to  correct  this.  An  hour  a  week's 
attendance  at  an  "Orientation"  lecture  wa 
made  compulsory.    The  subject  of  the  le 
ture  is  usually  at  the  discretion  of  the  edu 
cation  officer,  though  frequently  it  is  based 
on    the   text   of  one   of  the   "army   talks" 
namphlets    issued    fortnightly    by    Special 
Services.  One  enterprising  education  officer 
took    as    text   last    winter,    the    President's 
Report  to  Congress  on  Reverse  Lend-Lease 
from  the  British  Commonwealth,  and  in- 
geniously tabulated  the  comparative  costs  in 
England  and  in  the  United  States  of  a  num- 
ber of  articles  supplied  by  the  British  gov- 
ernment as  Reverse  Lend-Lease. 

Bicycles  had  cost  us  only  $20  to  $25  here 
as   against   $40   F.O.B.,   if   they    had   been 
purchased  at  home,  minus  shipping  cost! 
A    current    widely    circulated    rumor    tb 
American  planes,  making  emergency  lane 
ings  at  RAF  bases  were  obliged  to  sign  fo 
gasoline  at  an  exorbitant  rate,  was  rebutte 
by  explaining  that  the  imperial  gallon  wa 
1/5  larger  than  the  American  gallon,  that 
the    cost    of   gasoline    was    proportionately 
higher    in    Britain    because    it    had    to    be 
brought  from  great  distances,  that  it  was  all 
a  paper  transaction  anyway. 

However,  the  real  principle  of  lend-lease 
— that  it  is  an  account  held  in  suspense,  and 
not  a  system  of  gift-giving  without  return, 
has  certainly  never  been  made  clear  enoug' 
to  the  great  majority  of  our  men  in  ur 
form  in  Britain. 

Wartime  Bonds 

There  are  many  difficulties,  real  and 
tangible,  in  the  way  of  companionship  and 
understanding  between  Americans  and 
British  in  this  country.  But  there  are  many 
things  drawing  them  together,  too,  though 
these  are  less  well  publicized,  if  at  all. 

American   government   missions    in   this 

country    are    working    continually    in    the 

closest    sort    of    collaboration    with    every 

British  ministry.  The  Mission  for  Economic 

(Continued  on   page  257) 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


II.     WARTIME    TEAMWORK 


British    Information    Services 
Birthplace  of  Atlantic  Charter — (August  14,  1941) — off  Argentia,  Newfoundland 

How  One  Partner  Prized  Another 

Tribute  by  Prime  Minister     WINSTON   CHURCHILL,     House  of  Commons,  April  1945 


MY    FRIENDSHIP    WITH    THE    GREAT    MAN,    TO 

whose  work  and  fame  we  pay  our  tribute 
today,  began  and  ripened  during  this  war. 
I  had  met  him  but  only  for  a  few  minutes 
before  the  close  of  the  last  war,  and  as  soon 
as  I  went  to  the  Admiralty  in  September, 
1939,  he  telegraphed,  inviting  me  to  cor- 
respond on  naval  or  other  matters.  .  .  . 

Knowing  President  Roosevelt's  keen  in- 
terest in  sea  warfare  I  furnished  him  with 
a  stream  of  information  .  .  .  especially,  ac- 
tion of  the  Plate  River  which  lighted  the 
first  gloomy  winter  of  the  war. 

When  I  became  Prime  Minister  and  the 
war  broke  out  in  all  its  hideous  fury,  when 
our  own  life  and  survival  hung  in  the 
balance,  I  was  already  in  a  position  to  tele- 
graph to  the  President  in  terms  of  an  as- 
sociation which  had  become  most  intimate, 
and  to  me  most  agreeable.  This  continued 
through  all  the  ups  and  downs  of  world 
struggle  until  Thursday  last  when  I  re- 
ceived my  last  messages  from  him.  These 
messages  showed  no  falling  off  in  his  ac- 
customed clear  vision  and  vigour  upon 
perplexing  and  complicated  matters. 

I  may  mention  that  this  correspondence, 
which  of  course  was  greatly  increased  after 


the  United  States'  entry  into  the  war,  com- 
prised to  and  fro  between  us  over  1,700 
messages.  Many  of  these  were  lengthy  mes- 
sages, and  the  majority  dealt  with  those 
more  difficult  points  which  come  to  be 
discussed  on  the  level  of  heads  of  Govern- 
ments only  after  official  solutions  had  not 
been  reached  at  other  stages. 

To  this  correspondence  there  must  be 
added  our  nine  meetings — at  Argentia, 
three  in  Washington,  at  Casablanca,  at 
Teheran,  two  at  Quebec  and  last  of  all  at 
Yalta,  comprising  in  all  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  days  of  close  personal  contact 
during  a  great  part  of  which  I  stayed  with 
him  at  the  White  House,  or  at  his  home  at 
Hyde  Park,  or  in  his  retreat  in  the  Blue 
Mountains  which  he  called  Shangri-la. 
•»•  -f  •*• 

I  conceived  a  great  admiration  for  him 
as  a  statesman,  a  man  of  affairs,  and  a 
war  leader.  I  felt  the  utmost  confidence  in 
his  upright,  inspiring  character,  and  out- 
look; and  a  personal  regard — affection  I 
must  say — for  him  beyond  my  power  to 
express  today.  His  love  of  his  own  country, 
his  respect  for  its  constitution,  his  power 
of  gauging  the  tides  and  currents  of  its 


mobile  public  opinion  were  always  evident. 

But  added  to  these  were  the  beatings  of 
that  generous  heart  which  was  always 
stirred  to  anger  and  action  by  spectacles  of 
aggression  and  oppression  by  the  strong 
against  the  weak.  It  is  indeed  a  loss,  a 
bitter  loss,  to  humanity  that  those  heart- 
beats are  stilled  forever. 

President  Roosevelt's  physical  affliction 
lay  heavily  upon  him.  It  was  a  marvel  that 
he  bore  up  against  it  through  all  the  many 
years  of  tumult  and  storm.  Not  one  man 
in  ten  millions,  stricken  and  crippled  as  he 
was,  would  have  attempted  to  plunge  into 
a  life  of  physical  and  mental  exertion  and 
of  hard  ceaseless  political  controversy.  Not 
one  in  a  generation  would  have  succeeded 
not  only  in  entering  this  sphere,  not  only 
in  acting  vehemently  in  it,  but  in  becoming 
the  indisputable  master  of  the  scene. 

In  this  extraordinary  effort  of  the  spirit 
over  the  flesh,  the  will  power  over  physical 
infirmity,  he  was  inspired  and  sustained 
by  that  noble  woman,  his  devoted  wife, 
whose  high  ideals  marched  with  his  own 
and  to  whom  the  deep  and  respectful 
sympathy  of  the  House  of  Commons  flows 
out  today  in  all  fulness. 


MAY     1945 


167 


There  is  no  doubt  that  the  President 
foresaw  the  great  dangers  closing  in  upon 
the  prewar  world  with  far  more  prescience 
than  most  well  informed  people  on  either 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  that  he  urged 
forward  with  all  his  power  such  precau- 
tionary military  preparations  as  peacetime 
opinion  in  the  United  States  could  be 
brought  to  accept.  There  never  was  a  mo- 
ment's doubt,  as  the  quarrel  opened,  on 
which  side  his  sympathies  lay. 

The  fall  of  France,  and  what  seemed  to 
most  people  outside  this  island,  the  im- 
pending destruction  of  Great  Britain,  were 
to  him  an  agony,  although  he  never  lost 
faith  in  us.  They  were  agony  to  him  not 
only  on  account  of  Europe,  but  because 
of  the  serious  perils  to  which  the  United 
States  herself  would  have*  been  exposed  had 
we  been  overwhelmed,  or  the  survivors 
cast  down  under  the  German  yoke. 

The  bearing  of  the  British  nation  at  that 
time  of  stress  when  we  were  all  alone, 
filled  him  and  vast  numbers  of  his  coun- 
trymen with  the  warmest  sentiments  to- 
wards our  people.  He  and  they  felt  the 
blitz  of  the  stern  winter  of  1940-1941,  when 
Hitler  set  himself  to  rub  out  the  cities  of 
our  country,  as  much  as  any  of  us  did  and 
perhaps  more,  indeed,  for  imagination  is 
often  more  torturing  than  reality.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  bearing  of  the  British, 
and  above  all  of  the  Londoners,  kindled 
fires  in  American  bosoms  far  harder  to 
quench  than  the  conflagrations  from  which 
we  were  suffering. 

There  was,  also,  at  that  time  in  spite  of 
General  Wavell's  victories — all  the  more 
indeed  because  of  the  reinforcements  which 


were  sent  to  him  from  this  country — the 
apprehension — widespread  in  the  United 
States — that  we  should  be  invaded  by  Ger- 
many before  the  fullest  preparation  in  the 
spring  of  1941.  It  was  in  February  that  the 
President  sent  to  England  the  late  Wendell 
Willkie,  who  although  a  political  rival  and 
an  opposing  candidate,  felt  as  he  did  on 
many  important  points.  Mr.  Willkie 
brought  a  letter  from  Mr.  Roosevelt  which 
the  President  had  written  in  his  own  hand, 
containing  the  famous  lines  of  Longfellow: 

"Sail  on,  O  Ship  of  State! 

Sail  on,  O  Union,  strong  and  great! 

Humanity  with  all  its  fears, 

With  all  the  hopes  of  future  years, 

Is  hanging  breathless  on  thy  fate!" 

At  about  the  same  time,  he  devised  the 
extraordinary  measure  of  assistance  called 
Lend-Lease  which  will  stand  forth  as  the 
most  unselfish  and  unsordid  financial  act 
of  any  country  in  all  history.  The  effect  of 
this  was  greatly  to  increase  the  British 
fighting  power  and,  for  all  the  purposes  of 
the  war  effort,  to  make  us,  as  it  were,  a 
much  more  numerous  community. 

In  that  autumn  I  met  the  President  for 
the  first  time  during  the  war,  at  Argentia, 
in  Newfoundland,  and  together  we  drew 
up  the  declaration  which  has  since  been 
called  the  Atlantic  Charter,  and  which  will, 
I  trust,  long  remain  a  guide  for  both  our 
peoples  and  for  other  peoples  of  the  world. 

All  this  time,  in  deep  and  dark  and 
deadly  secrecy,  the  Japanese  were  preparing 
their  act  of  treachery  and  greed.  When 
next  we  met  in  Washington,  Japan,  Ger- 
many, and  Italy  had  declared  war  upon 


The  Atlantic  Charter 


The  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  Prime  Minister,  Mr. 
Churchill,  representing  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment in  the  United  Kingdom,  being 
met  together,  deem  it  right  to  make  known 
certain  common  principles  in  the  national 
policies  of  their  respective  countries  on 
which  they  base  their  hopes  for  a  better  fu- 
ture for  the  world. 

First,  their  countries  seek  no  aggrandize- 
ment, territorial  or  other; 

Second,  they  desire  to  see  no  territorial 
changes  that  do  not  accord  with  the  freely 
expressed  wishes  of  the  peoples  concerned; 

Third,  they  respect  the  right  of  all  peo- 
ples to  choose  the  form  of  government  un- 
der which  they  will  live,  and  they  wish  to 
see  sovereign  rights  and  self-government 
restored  to  those  who  have  been  forcibly 
deprived  of  them; 

Fourth,  they  will  endeavor,  with  due  re- 
spect for  their  existing  obligations,  to  fur- 
ther the  enjoyment  of  all  States,  great  or 
small,  victor  or  vanquished,  of  access  on 
equal  terms  to  the  trade  and  to  the  raw 
materials  of  the  world  which  are  needed  for 
their  economic  prosperity; 

Fifth,  they  desire  to  bring  about  the  full- 
est collaboration  between  all  nations  in  the 
economic  field  with  the  object  of  securing 
for  all,  improved  labor  standards,  economic 


advancement  and  social  security; 

Sixth,  after  the  final  destruction  of  the 
Nazi  tyranny  they  hope  to  see  established 
a  peace  which  will  afford  to  all  nations  the 
means  of  dwelling  in  safety  within  their 
own  boundaries,  and  which  will  afford  as- 
surance that  all  the  men  in  all  the  lands 
may  live  out  their  lives  in  freedom  from 
fear  and  want; 

Seventh,  such  a  peace  should  enable  all 
men  to  traverse  the  high  seas  and  oceans 
without  hindrance; 

Eighth,  they  believe  that  all  of  the  na- 
tions of  the  world,  for  realistic  as  well  as 
spiritual  reasons,  must  come  to  the  aban- 
donment of  the  use  of  force.  Since  no  fu- 
ture peace  can  be  maintained  if  land,  sea, 
or  air  armaments  continue  to  be  employed 
by  nations  which  threaten,  or  may  threaten, 
aggression  outside  of  their  frontiers,  they 
believe,  pending  the  establishment  of  a 
wider  and  permanent  system  of  general  se- 
curity, that  the  disarmament  of  such  na- 
tions is  essential.  They  will  likewise  aid 
and  encourage  all  other  practical  measures 
which  will  lighten  for  peace-loving  peoples 
the  crushing  burden  of  armaments. 

FRANKLIN  D.  ROOSEVELT 
WINSTON  S.  CHURCHILL 
August  14,  1941 


the  United  States;  and  both  our  countries 
were  in  arms,  shoulder  to  shoulder.  Since 
then  we  have  advanced  over  the  land  and 
over  the  sea,  through  many  difficulties  and 
disappointments,  but  always  with  a  broad- 
ening measure  of  success.  I  need  not  dwell 
upon  the  series  of  great  operations  which 
have  taken  place  in  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere, to  say  nothing  of  that  other  im- 
mense war  proceeding  at  the  other  side  of 
the  world.  Nor  need  I  speak  of  the  plan*, 
which  we  made  with  our  great  Ally  Russia 
at  Teheran,  for  these  have  now  been  car- 
ried out  for  all  the  world  to  see. 
•*•  +  •*• 

But  at  Yalta  I  noticed  that  the  President 
was '  ailing.  His  captivating  smile,  his  gay 
and  charming  manner  had  not  deserted 
him,  but  his  face  had  a  transparency,  an 
air  of  purification;  and  often  there  was  a 
faraway  look  in  his  eyes.  When  I  took  my . 
leave  of  him  in  Alexandria  Harbor,  I  must 
confess  I  -had  an  indefinable  sense  of  fear 
that  his  health  and  his  strength  were  on 
the  ebb.  But  nothing  altered  his  inflexible 
sense  of  duty.  To  the  end  he  faced  his 
innumerable  tasks  unflinching.  One  of  the 
tasks  of  the  President  is  to  sign  maybe  100 
or  200  State  papers  with  his  own  hand 
every  day,  commissions,  etc.  All  this  he 
continued  to  carry  out  with  the  utmost 
strictness.  When  death  came  suddenly  upon 
him,  he  had  finished  his  mail.  That  portion 
of  his  day's  work  was  done. 

As  the  saying  goes,  he  died  in  harness, 
and  we  may  well  say  in  battle  harness  like 
his  soldiers,  sailors,  and  airmen  who,  side 
by  side  with  ours,  are  carrying  on  their 
task  to  the  end,  all  over  the  world.  What 
an  enviable  death  was  his.  He  had  brought 
his  country  through  the  worst  of  its  perils 
and  the  heaviest  of  its  toils.  Victory  had 
cast  its  sure  and  steady  beam  upon  him. 
He  had  broadened  ...  in  days  of  peace  the 
foundations  of  American  life  and  union. 

In  war  he  had  raised  the  strength,  might, 
and  glory  of  the  great  republic  to  a  height 
never  attained  by  any  nation  in  history. 
With  her  left  hand,  she  was  leading  the 
advance  of  the  conquering  Allied  armies 
into  the  heart  of  Germany,  and  with  her 
right,  on  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  she 
was  irresistibly  and  swiftly  breaking  up 
the  power  of  Japan.  And  all  the  time  ships 
of  munitions,  supplies,  and  food  of  every 
kind  were  aiding  on  a  gigantic  scale  her 
Allies  great  and  small.  .  .  . 

But  all  this  was  no  more  than  worldly 
power  and  grandeur,  had  it  not  been  that 
the  causes  of  human  freedom  and  of  social 
justice,  to  which  so  much  of  his  life  had 
been  given,  added  luster  to  all  this  power 
and  pomp  and  warlike  might,  a  luster 
which  will  long  be  discernible  among  men. 
He  has  left  behind  him  a  band  of  resolute 
and  able  men  handling  the  numerous  inter- 
related parts  of  the  vast  American  war  ma- 
chine. He  has  left  a  successor  who  comes 
forward  with  firm  step  and  sure  conviction 
to  carry  on  the  task  to  its  appointed  end. 

For  us  it  remains  only  to  say  that  in 
Franklin  Roosevelt  there  died  the  greatest 
American  friend  we  have  ever  known  and 
the  greatest  champion  of  freedom  who  has 
ever  brought  help  and  comfort  from  the 
New  World  to  the  Old. 


168 


1882— FRANKLIN  DELANO  ROOSEVELT— 1945 

Portrait  bust  by  Jo  Davidson 


"The  greatest  American  friend  we  have  ever  known  and 
the  greatest  champion  of  freedom  who  has  ever  brought 
help  and  comfort  from  the  New  World  to  the  Old." 

WINSTON  CHURCHILL 


Common  Tasks  and  Common  Purposes 

The  Testimony  borne  by    FRANKLIN  D.  ROOSEVELT    to  a  Great  Partnership 


Britain's  Goal — and  Ours 

It  is  a  simple  statement  of  fact,  but  one 
which  cannot  be  too  often  affirmed,  that 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  have 
one  great  common  concern — the  preserva- 
tion of  peace  throughout  the  world.  While 
national  means  and  methods  of  contributing 
to  a  peace  more  secure  and  more  stable  may 
rightly  vary,  this  common  objective  stands 
ever  a  common  inspiration. 

Peace  may  not  be  won  with  asking,  but 
it  can  be  won  with  striving,  and  I  was  never 
mere  convinced  than  now  that  the  plain 
people  everywhere  in  the  civilized  world  to- 
day wish  to  live  in  peace,  one  with  another. 
— Coronation  Supplement,  Christian  Science 
Monitor.  April  10,  1937 

Quarantine  of  Aggressors 

The  peace,  the  freedom,  and  the  secur- 
ity of  ninety  percent  of  the  people  of  the 
world  are  being  jeopardized  by  the  remain- 
ing ten  percent  who  are  threatening  a 
breakdown  of  all  international  order  and 
law.  Surely  the  ninety  percent  who  want  to 
live  in  peace  under  law  and  in  accordance 
with  moral  standards  that  have  received  al- 
most universal  acceptance  through  the  cen- 
turies, can  and  must  find  some  way  to  make 
their  will  prevail. 

It  is  true  that  the  moral  consciousness  of 
the  world  must  recognize  the  importance  of 
removing  injustices  and  well-founded  griev- 
ances; but  at  the  'same  time  it  must  be 
aroused  to  the  cardinal  necessity  of  honor- 
ing the  sanctity  of  treaties,  of  respecting  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  others,  and  of  putting 
an  end  to  acts  of  international  aggression. 

It  seems  to  be  unfortunately  true  that  the 
epidemic  of  world  lawlessness  is  spreading. 

When  an  epidemic  of  physical  disease 
starts  to  spread,  the  community  approves 
and  joins  in  a  quarantine  of  the  patients  in 
order  to  protect  the  health  of  the  com- 
munity against  the  spread  of  the  disease.  .  .  . 

War  is  a  contagion,  whether  it  be  de- 
clared or  undeclared.  It  can  engulf  states 
and  peoples  remote  from  the  original  scene 
of  hostilities.  We  are  determined  to  keep 
out  of  war,  yet  we  cannot  insure  ourselves 
against  the  disastrous  effects  of  war  and  the 
dangers  of  involvement.  .  .  . 

America  hates  war.  America  hopes  for 
peace.  Therefore,  America  actively  engages 
in  the  search  for  peace. — Chicago.  October 
5,  1937 

The  Arms  Embargo 

The  enactment  of  the  embargo  pro- 
visions did  more  than  merely  reverse  our 
traditional  trade  policy.  It  had  the  effect  of 
putting  land  powers  on  the  same  footing  as 
naval  powers,  so  far  as  seaborne  commerce 
was  concerned.  A  land  power  which 
threatened  war  could  thus  feel  assured  in 
advance  that  any  prospective  sea-power 
antagonist  would  be  weakened  through  de- 


nial  of   its   ancient   right   to  buy   anything 
anywhere. 

This,  four  years  ago,  began  to  give  a 
definite  advantage  to  one  belligerent  as 
against  another,  not  through  his  own 
strength  or  geographic  position  but  through 
an  affirmative  act  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  Removal  of  the  embargo  is  merely 
reverting  to  the  sounder  international  prac- 
tice, and  pursuing  in  time  of  war  as  in 
time  of  peace  our  ordinary  trade  practices. 
— Message  to  Congress.  September  21,  1939 

Destroyers  for  Bases 

The  right  to  bases  in  'Newfoundland 
and  Bermuda  are  gifts — generously  given 
and  gladly  received.  The  other  bases  .  .  . 
have  been  acquired  in  exchange  for  fifty  of 
our  over-age  destroyers. 

This  is  not  inconsistent  in  any  sense  with 
our  status  of  peace.  Still  less  is  it  a  threat 
against  any  nation.  It  is  an  epochal  and  far- 
reaching  act  of  preparation  for  continental 
defense  in  the  face  of  grave  danger. — 
Message  to  Congress.  September  3,  1940 

The  Lend-Lease  Garden  Hose 

...  it  may  still  prove  true  that  the  best 
defense  of  Great  Britain  is  the  best  defense 
of  the  United  States,  and  therefore  that 
these  materials  would  be  more  useful  to  the 
defense  of  the  United  States  if  they  were 
used  in  Great  Britain  than  if  they  were  kept 
in  storage  here.  .  .  . 

Suppose  my  neighbor's  house  catches  fire 
and  I  have  a  length  of  garden  hose  four 
or  five  hundred  feet  away.  If  he  can  take 


The  Four  Freedoms 

In  the  future  days,  which  we  seek  to 
make  secure,  we  look  forward  to  a 
world  founded  upon  four  essential  free- 
doms. 

The  first  is  freedom  of  speech  and  ex- 
pression— everywhere  in  the  world. 

The  second  is  freedom  of  every  per- 
son to  worship  God  in  his  own  way — 
everywhere  in  the  world. 

The  third  is  freedom  from  want — 
which,  translated  into  world  terms, 
means  economic  understandings  which 
will  secure  to  every  nation  a  healthy 
peacetime  life  for  its  inhabitants  — 
everywhere  in  the  world. 

The  fourth  is  freedom  from  fear — 
which,  translated  into  world  terms, 
means  a  worldwide  reduction  of  arma- 
ments to  such  a  point  and  in  such  a 
thorough  fashion  that  no  nation  will  be 
in  a  position  to  commit  an  act  of  physi- 
cal aggression  against  any  neighbor — 
anywhere  in  the  world. 

.     FRANKLIN  D.  ROOSEVELT 

Annual  message  to  Congress 
January  6,  1941 


my  garden  hose  and  connect  it  up  with  his 
hydrant,  I  may  help  him  to  put  out  his  fire. 
Now,  what  do  I  do?  I  don't  say  to  him 
before  the  operation:  "Neighbor,  my  garden 
hose  cost  me  fifteen  dollars;  you  have  to  pay 
me  fifteen  dollars  for  it."  What  is  the  tran- 
saction that  goes  on?  I  don't  want  fifteen 
dollars — I  want  my  garden  hose  back  after 
the  fire  is  over.  All  right.  If  it  goes  through 
the  fire  all  right,  intact,  without  any  dam- 
age to  it,  he  gives  it  back  to  me  and  thanks 
me  very  much  for  the  use  of  it.  But  sup- 
pose it  gets  smashed  up- — holes  in  it — dur- 
ing the  fire;  we  don't  have  too  much  for- 
mality about  it,  but  I  say  to  him,  "I  was 
glad  to  lend  you  the  hose;  I  see  I  can't  use 
it  any  more,  it's  all  smashed  up."  He  says, 
"How  many  feet  of  it  were  there?"  I  tell 
him,  "There  was  150  feet  of  it."  He  says, 
"All  right,  I  will  replace  it."  Now,  if  I  get 
a  nice  garden  hose  back,  I  am  in  pretty 
good  shape. 

.  .  .  the  thought  is  that  we  would  take 
over  not  all,  but  a  very  large  number  of 
future  British  orders,  and  when  they  came 
off  the  line,  whether  they  were  planes  or 
guns  or  something  else,  we  would  enter  into 
some  kind  of  anangement  for  their  use  by 
the  British  on  the  ground  that  it  was  the 
best  thing  for  American  defense,  with  the 
understanding  that  when  the  show  was 
over  we  would  get  repaid  sometime  in  kind, 
thereby  leaving  out  the  dollar  mark  in  the 
form  of  a  dollar  debt,  and  substituting  for 
it  a  gentlemen's  obligation  to  repay  in  kind. 
—Press  Conference.  December  17,  1940 

The  Arsenal  of  Democracy 

Does  anyone  seriously  believe  that  we 
need  to  fear  attack  anywhere  in  the  Ameri- 
cas while  a  free  Britain  remains  our  most 
powerful  naval  neighbor  in  the  Atlantic? 
Does  anyone  seriously  believe,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  we  could  rest  easy  if  the  Axis 
powers  were  our  neighbors  there? 

If  Great  Britain  goes  down,  the  Axis 
powers  will  control  -  the  continents  of 
Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  Australasia,  and  the 
high  seas- — and  they  will  be  in  a  position  to 
bring  enormous  military  and  naval  reserves 
against  this  hemisphere.  It  is  no  exaggera- 
tion to  say  that  all  of  us,  in  all  the  Ameri- 
cas, would  be  living  at  the  point  of  a  gun 
— a  gun  loaded  with  explosive  bullets,  eco- 
nomic as  well  as  military.  .  .  . 

In  a  military  sense,  Great  Britain  and  the 
British  Empire  are  today  the  spearhead  of 
resistance  to  world  conquest.  They  are  put- 
ting up  a  fight  which  will  live  forever  in 
the  story  of  human  gallantry.  .  .  . 

We  must  be  the  great  arsenal  of  democ- 
racy. For  us  this  is  an  emergency  as  seri- 
ous as  war  itself.  .  .  . 

There  will  be  no  "bottlenecks"  in  our 
determination  to  aid  Great  Britain.  No 
dictator,  no  combination  of  dictators,  will 
weaken  that  determination  by  threats  of 
how  they  will  construe  that  determination. 
—Fireside  Chat,  December  29,  1940 


170 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Lend-Lease  Beginnings 

The  aid-to-clemocracies  bill  was  agreed 
o    by    both    houses    of    the    Congress    last 
Tuesday  afternoon.   I  signed  it  a  half  hour 
ater.    Five  minutes  later  I  approved  a  list 
of  articles  for  immediate  shipment.    Many 
of  them  are  on  their  way.    On  Wednesday, 
recommended  an  appropriation  for  new 
material   to   the   extent   of   $7,000,000,000; 
and  the  Congress  is  making  patriotic  speed 
D  making  the  appropriations  available. 

Here  in  Washington  we  are  thinking  in 
terms  of  speed,  and  speed  now. —  White 
'-louse  Correspondents  Dinner.  March  15, 
1941 

Supplies  After  Dunkirk 

In  June  of  1940  the  British  government 
received  from  our  surplus  stock  rifles,  ma- 
:hine  guns,  field  artillery,  ammunition,  and 
aircraft  in  a  value  of  more  than  $43,000,000. 
This  was  equipment  that  would  have  taken 
•nonths  and  months  to  produce  and  which, 
ijvith  the  exception  of  the  aircraft,  cost  about 
^300,000,000  to  produce  during  the  [first] 
World  War  period.  Most  of  the  materiel 
would  not  have  been  usable  if  we  had  kept 
t  much  longer.  The  equipment  arrived  in 
Britain  after  the  retreat  from  Dunkirk, 
where  the  British  had  lost  great  quantities 
>f  guns  and  other  military  supplies.  No  one 
an  appraise  what  effect  the  delivery  of 
hese  supplies  had  upon  the  successful  Bri- 
ish  resistance  in  the  summer  and  fall  of 
,940  when  they  were  fighting  against  such 
errific  odds.  .  .  . 

With  our  natural  resources,  our  produc- 
ive  capacity,  and  the  genius  of  our  people 
or  mass  production  we  will  help  Britain  to 
mtstrip  the  Axis  powers  in  munitions  of 
var,  and  we  will  see  to  it  that  these  muni- 
ions  get  to  the  places  where  they  can  be 
fiectively  used  to  weaken  and  defeat  the 
ggressors. — First  Lend-Lease  Report.  June 
1,  1941 

3ur  Goal — the  End  of  Militarism 

.  .  .  [this  war]  will  end  just  as  soon  as 
we  make  it  end,  by  our  combined  efforts, 
r  combined  strength,  our  combined  deter- 
ination     to     fight     through     and     work 
iugh  until  the  end — the  end  of  militar- 
in  Germany  and  Italy  and  Japan.  Most 
inly  we  shall  not  settle  for  less. 
This   is   the   spirit   in   which   discussions 
ive  been  conducted  during  the  visit  of  the 
ritish  Prime  Minister  to  Washington.  Mr. 
lurchill  and  I  understand  each  other,  our 
ives  and  our  purposes.    Together,  dur- 
g  the   past  two   weeks,   we    have   faced 
[uarely  the  major  military  and  economic 
iblems  of  this  greatest  world  war. — An- 
ual  Message  to  Congress.  January  6,  1942 

pond  the  Battle 

The  unity  achieved  on  the  battle  line  is 
eing  earnestly  sought  in  the  not  less  com- 
ilex  problems  on  a  different  front.    In  this 
in  no  previous  war  men  are  conscious  of 
:  supreme  necessity  of  planning  what  is  to 
ome  after — and  of  carrying  forward  into 
ace  the  common  effort  which  will  have 
ought  them  victory  in  the  war.  They  have 
ome  to  see  that  the  maintenance  and  safe- 


guarding of  peace  is  the  most  vital  single 
necessity  in  the  lives  of  each  and  all  of  us. — 
Report  to  Congress.  January  7,  1943 

Without  Formal  Agreement 

.  .  .  lest  there  be  any  question  in  Nazi 
or  Japanese  minds  that  we  are  wholly  one 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  to  a  complete 
victory  all  over  the  world,  the  Prime  Min- 
ister wished  to  make  a  formal  agreement 
that  if  Germany  should  be  conquered  be- 
fore Japan  all  British  Empire  resources  and 
manpower  would,  of  course,  join  with 
China  and  us  in  an  out-and-out  final  attack 
on  Japan.  I  told  him  that  no  formal  state- 
ment or  agreement  along  these  lines  was  in 
the  least  bit  necessary — that  the  American 
people  accept  the  word  of  a  great  English 
gentleman — and  that  it  is  obvious  and  clear 
that  all  of  us  are  completely  in  accord  in 
our  determination  to  destroy  the  forces  of 
barbarism  in  Asia  and  in  Europe  and  in 
Africa. — White  House  Correspondents  .  1s- 
sociation.  February  2,  1943 

Partnership 

You  have  heard  some  people  say  that 
the  British  and  the  Americans  can  never  get 
along  well  together — you  have  heard  some 
people  say  that  the  army  and  navy  and  air 
forces  can  never  get  along  well  together— 
that  real  cooperation  between  them  is  im- 
possible. Tunisia  and  Sicily  have  given  the 
lie,  once  and  for  all,  to  these  narrow-minded 
prejudices.  .  .  . 

The  dauntless  fighting  spirit  of  the  Brit- 
ish people  in  this  war  has  been  expressed  in 
the  historic  words  and  deeds  of  Winston 
Churchill — and  the  world  knows  how  the 
American  people  feel  about  him. 

Ahead  of  us  are  much  bigger  fights.  We 
and  our  Allies  will  go  into  them  as  we  went 
into  Sicily — together.  And  we  shall  carry  on 
together. — Radio  Broadcast.  July  28,  1943 

Landing  at  Salerno 

During  the  past  weeks,  Mr.  Churchill 
and  I  have  been  in  constant  conference  with 
the  leaders  of  our  combined  fighting  forces. 
We  have  been  in  constant  communication 
with  our  fighting  Allies,  Russian  and  Chin- 
ese, who  are  prosecuting  the  war  with 
relentless  determination  and  with  conspicu- 
ous success  on  far  distant  fronts.  And  he 
and  I  are  together  here  at  this  crucial  mo- 
ment. 

We  have  seen  the  satisfactory  fulfillment 
of  plans  that  were  made  in  Casablanca  last 
January  and  here  in  Washington  last  May, 
and  we  have  made  new,  extensive  plans  for 
the  future.  But  throughout  these  confer- 
ences we  have  never  lost  sight  of  the  fact 
that  this  war  will  become  bigger  and  tough- 
er, rather  than  easier,  during  the  months 
that  are  to  come. — Radio  Broadcast.  Sep- 
tember 9,  1943 

Birthday  Greetings  to  King  George  VI 

...  a  fitting  occasion  to  express  the 
deep  feeling  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  for  the  people  of  the  British  Com- 
monwealth. We  share  a  common  fortune 
as  brothers-in-arms,  and  a  common  task  in 
the  liberation  of  Europe.  The  spirit  which 
is  bringing  victory  must  be  a  spirit  in 


which  we  seek  to  establish  a  lasting  peace. 
The  friendship  between  our  peoples  has 
been  sealed  in  a  common  struggle.  It  will 
be  made  much  stronger  by  a  common 
achievement. — June  12,  1944 

Unity  in  Peace 

We  have  seen  our  civilization  in  deadly 
peril.  Successfully  we  have  met  the  chal- 
lenge due  to  the  steadfastness  of  our  Allies, 
to  the  aid  that  we  are  able  to  give  to  our 
Allies,  and  to  the  unprecedented  outpouring 
of  American  manpower,  American  produc- 
tivity and  American  ingenuity,  and  to  the 
magnificent  courage  and  enterprise  of  our 
fighting  men  and  our  military  leadership. 

What  is  now  being  won  in  battle  must 
not  be  lost  by  lack  of  vision,  or  lack  of 
knowledge,  or  lack  of  faith,  or  by  division 
among  ourselves  and  our  Allies. 

We  must,  and  I  hope  we  will,  continue 
to  be  united  with  our  Allies  in  a  powerful 
world  organization  which  is  ready  and  able 
to  keep  the  peace,  if  necessary  by  force. 

To  provide  that  assurance  of  international 
security  is  the  policy,  the  effort,  and  the 
obligation  of  this  Administration. 

We  owe  it  to  our  posterity,  we  owe  it  to 
our  heritage  of  freedom,  we  owe  it  to  our 
God  to  devote  the  rest  of  our  lives  and  all 
our  capabilities  to  the  building  of  a  solid, 
durable  structure  of  world  peace. — Broad- 
cast from  the  White  House.  October  5,  1944 

Working  Together 

We  hear  a  good  bit  about  differences 
between  the  United  States  and  Britain,  but 
perhaps  we  hear  less  about  how  really  ef- 
fectively they  are  working  together  in  win- 
ning the  war;  and  also,  in  meeting  the 
economic  problems  of  the  areas  they  liber- 
ate. .  .  . 

The  Combined  Boards  have  set  a  model 
for  economic  cooperation  between  the 
United  Nations  in  overcoming  excessive 
nationalism  and  in  gaining  cooperation  be- 
tween former  rivals  both  on  the  national 
and  the  international  plane. — Statement  on 
the  continuance  of  the  British-Canadian- 
American  Boards.  January  20,  1945 

"Let  Us  Move  Forward" 

We  as  Americans,  do  not  choose  to 
deny  our  responsibility.  Nor  do  we  intend 
to  abandon  our  determination  that,  within 
the  lives  of  our  children  and  our  children's 
children,  there  will  not  be  a  Third  World 
War. 

We  seek  peace — enduring  peace.  More 
than  an  end  to  war,  we  want  an  end  to 
the  beginnings  of  all  wars — yes,  an  end  to 
this  brutal,  inhuman,  and  thoroughly  im- 
practical method  of  settling  the  differences 
between  governments.  .  .  . 

Today  we  are  faced  with  the  preeminent 
fact  that,  if  civilization  is  to  survive,  we 
must  cultivate  the  science  of  human  rela- 
tionships—the ability  of  all  peoples,  of  all 
kinds,  to  live  together  and  work  together, 
in  the  same  world,  at  peace.  .  .  . 

The  only  limit  to  our  realization  of  to- 
morrow will  be  our  doubts  of  today.  Let 
us  move  forward  with  strong  and  active 
faith.— Speech  written  April  11,  \945,  for 
a  Jefferson  Day  broadcast. 


1945 


171 


Four  Freedoms  and  Atlantic  Charter 

Their   modern   challenge   to   the   English-speaking  peoples  to  win 
recognition  of  the  rights  of  all  men  "everywhere  in  the  world." 


IN    THIS    SOLEMN    HOUR    OF    THE    HISTORY    OF 

our  country  and  the  world,  it  is  fitting  to 
recall  two  statements  of  political  faith  which, 
in  spite  of  the  doubts  and  disillusionment 
of  wartime  thinking,  have  begun  to  assume 
the  character  of  a  creed  for  Americans  and 
for  all  other  peoples  of  good  will.  They  are 
The  Four  Freedoms*  of  Franklin  Delano 
Roosevelt  and  the  Atlantic  Charted  prom- 
ulgated jointly  by  him  and  by  Winston 
Churchill. 

Both  of  these  documents,  like  all  other 
great  statements  of  principle,  are  open  to 
criticism.  When  viewed  from  the  stand- 
point of  government,  they  are  both  incom- 
plete and  yet  at  the  same  time  too  far- 
reaching  for  immediate  attainment.  But 
history  will  probably  judge  that  the  critics 
are  wrong  and  the  people  are  right  in 
holding  that  these  are  statements  of  funda- 
mental purpose  which  must  be  realized  in 
a  new  era  yet  to  be  created. 

The  vitality  of  these  utterances  in  the 
thought  of  the  average  American  citizen 
was  made  sufficiently  clear  when  there  was 
nationwide  protest  against  a  seeming  tem- 
porary disregard  of  the  Atlantic  Charter  in 
the  high  politics  of  wartime.  So  strong 
was  that  protest  that  it  made  itself  heard 
at  the  Yalta  Conference.  At  San  Francisco, 
it  is  being  reckoned  with  in  the  structure 
of  the  United  Nations,  for  it  is  by  keeping 
these  freedoms  in  mind  that  the  world 
organization  can  escape  the  danger  fore- 
seen by  perfectionist  critics  of  the  Dum- 
barton Oaks  plan,  namely  that  it  might  be- 
come another  Holy  Alliance. 

The  strongest  guarantee  against  any  such 
development  lies  not  in  governments  but 
in  the  public  opinion  of  freedom-loving 
countries  and  more  especially  in  the  two 
most  powerful  of  them,  the  United  States 
and  the  British  Commonwealth  of  Nations. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  in  this  catas- 
trophic war,  the  entente  between  the  Eng- 
lish-speaking peoples  has  become  the  chief 
bulwark  of  freedom  in  a  modern  world. 
This  is  chiefly  due  to  the  fact  that  they 
share  a  common  heritage  and  have  en- 
shrined it  in  the  institutions  of  democratic 
government. 

But  it  is  also  due  to  the  fact  that  each 
country  contributed  great  leadership  to  the 
crisis.  President  Roosevelt  may  have  lacked 
something  of  that  touch  of  genius  which 
Prime  Minister  Churchill  shows  at  times 
in  the  high  poetic  quality  of  his  eloquence; 
but  Roosevelt's  statesmanship  had  a  wider 
reach  and  a  stronger  foundation  than  that 
of  the  champion  of  British  freedom  who 
has  never  been  able  quite  to  divest  himself 
of  the  conservative  outlook  of  world  em- 
pire. 


"Put   forward   by  our   late   President   in   his   mes- 
sage to  Congress,  Jan.  6,  1941.    [See  page   171.] 
tPromulgated   August    14,    1941.    [See   page    168.] 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


BRIDGES     TO     THE      FUTURE 

Fourth  in  a  series  of  monthly  articles 
by  the  historian  of  World  War  I;  chair- 
man of  the  [American}  Commission  to 
Study  the  Organization  of  Peace;  con- 
sultant at  the  Golden  Gate  conference. 

Professor  Emeritus  of  the  History  of 
International  Relations  (Columbia  Uni- 
versity), and  director  of  the  Division  of 
Economics  and  History  of  the  Carnegie 
Endowment  for  International  Peace,  he 
was  a  member  of  the  American  prepara- 
tory committee  for  Versailles  (1917-18); 
chief  of  the  division  of  history  at  the 
Peace  Conference  in  Paris  (1918-19). 

A  frequent  counselor  at  Washington 
in  the  Forties,  three  of  his  recent  books 
have  been  charged  with  special  pres- 
cience: "On  the  Rim  of  the  Abyss" 
(1936), "What  Germany  Forgot"  (1940), 
and  "The  Great  Decision"  (1944). 


The  Four  Freedoms  were  set  forth  as 
fundamental  rights  for  all  men  "every- 
where in  the  world."  This  quoted  phrase 
was  repeated  in  each  of  the  four  para- 
graphs. There  is  to  be  freedom  of  speech 
and  religion,  freedom  from  want  and  from 
fear  for  all  men  everywhere.  Nowhere  else 
in  literature  has  a  higher  note  been  struck 
than  that  resounding  in  the  pure  Anglo- 
Saxon  phrases  of  the  Atlantic  Charter: 

"That  all  the  men  in  all  the  lands 
may  live  out  their  lives  in  freedom 
from  fear  and  want." 

No  one  may  ever  be  able  to  say  which  of 
the  two  authors  of  the  Atlantic  Charter 
wrote  that  clause,  but  it  will  remain  as  an 
outstanding  expression  of  the  ideals  of  the 
English-speaking  peoples  as  long  as  Eng- 
lish is  spoken. 

Gaps  at  Dumbarton  Oaks 

This  basic  creed  of  freedom  received  no 
definite  guarantee  in  the  Dumbarton  Oaks 
Proposal  for  the  International  Organization 
of  the  United  Nations.  The  only  place 
where  freedom  was  referred  to  in  the  doc- 
ument was  a  rather  obscure  phrase  in  one 
of  the  closing  sections  of  the  text,  Chapter 
IX,  which  dealt  with  economic  and  social 
matters.  It  stated  that: 

"The  Organization  should  facilitate  solu- 
tions of  economic,  social  and  other  humani- 
tarian problems  and  promote  respect  for 
human  rights  and  fundamental  freedoms." 

This  phrase  was  the  sole  mention  of  the 
central  principle  of  civilized  life,  the  one 
for  which,  above  all  others,  this  war  has 
been  fought.  Yet  here  it  was  handled  almost 
like  an  afterthought  or  perhaps  rather  like 


. 


an   unwilling   concession   to   the   insiste 
of  some  uncompromising  champion  of  free- 
dom. History  will  probably  show  that  the 
latter  interpretation  is  correct. 

The  San  Francisco  conference  remedii 
this  situation  by  providing  for  a  Com: 
sion  on  Human  Rights  which  will  be 
equal  footing  with  the  other  great  int 
national  commissions  of  the  economic 
social  council  under  the  authority  of  the 
Assembly.  It  will  certainly  have  as  a  prime 
duty  the  elimination  of  those  infringements 
on  human  rights  which  endanger  the  peace 
of  the  world.  The  menace  of  Nazi  or  A 
oppression  is  to  be  dealt  with  at  the  s 
when  pacific  means  of  redress  are  s 
possible.  In  this  way  one  of  the  chief  cau 
of  war  will  be  removed.  The  competence 
this  commission  will  certainly  go  beyoi 
the  field  of  security,  for,  once  established, 
will  be  a  ready  instrument  for  the  devel 
ment  of  higher  ethical  standards  for  t 
behavior  of  governments  throughout  t 
world. 

This  amendment  to  the  Dumbarton  Oa' 
plan  providing  for  the  Commission  on 
Human  Rights  was  inserted  in  the  charter 
at  the  insistence  of  the  consultants  to  the 
American  delegation.  The  proposal  for  such 
a  commission  was  first  developed  by  the 
Commission  to  Study  the  Organization  of 
Peace  which  sponsored  it  in  a  nationwide 
campaign.  The  credit  for  the  final  achieve- 
ment of  it,  however,  goes  to  all  of  th< 
who  joined  together  to  ensure  its  suco 
and  not  least  to  the  eloquent  public  ad 
cacy  of  the  commission  by  John  W.  Davi 
and  by  Judge  Joseph  M.  Proskauer  in  t 
meeting  of  the  consultants. 

Thus,  the  proposal  for  the  internatioi 
guarantee  of  human  rights  has  entered  t 
field  of  world  statesmanship.  What  sup] 
will  it  have  in  the  United  Nations?  W 
it  would  be  invidious  to  draw  distinctio: 
in  this  regard  among  the  nations  assembled 
at  San  Francisco,  there  is  no  escaping  the 
fact  that  by  history  and  circumstance  the 
English-speaking  peoples  have  a  special  re- 
sponsibility to  make  sure  that  the  Charter 
of  the  Security  of  Nations  should  also  con- 
tain an  adequate  charter  of  the  Liberties  of 
Nations. 

A  Real  Law  of  Nations 

The  jurists  and  statesmen  of  today  hav 
in  this  regard,  a  larger  and  more  imp 
tant  task  than  has  yet  been  dreamed  of 
most   of  them.   It   is   the   development  of 
International  Law  into  a  real  Law  of  Na- 
tions. It  is  well,  therefore,  for  us  to  take  to  I 
heart  the  reality  of  these  great  principles  | 
of  life  and  government  as  they  have  been  I 
registered  in  the  history  and  policy  of  those  ! 
nations  which  have  cherished  them  mo 

The  oriflamme  of  freedom  for  the  Ame 
(Continued  on  page  260) 


172 


British  Information  Services  photos 

British  and  American  warships  side  by  side  at  Londonderry,  North  Ireland  naval  base.  This  important  base  has  typified  the  reciprocal 
nature  of  Anglo-American  aid.  Begun  to  help  the  British  before  the  U.S.  was  at  war,  built  by  American  technicians  and  local  workers 
with  equipment  from  the  USA,  this  base  with  its  barracks  and  200-bed  hospital  was  soon  completely  taken  over  for  our  own  forces 


Two -Way  Lend -Lease 

Since  March  1941,  we  have  furnished  over  thirty-eight 
billion  dollars  of  lend-lease  aid  to  our  Allies.  More  than 
30  percent  has  gone  to  the  United  Kingdom.  . 

Lend-Lease  has  meant  military  supplies,  raw  materials, 
factories,  industrial  equipment,  agricultural  products, 
shipping,  and  other  services. 

What  we  have  received  in  Reverse  Lend-Lease  is  not 
so  widely  known  to  Americans.  Here,  we  in  turn  have 
been  the  largest  recipient  of  Britain's  aid  to  her  Allies. 
Through  June  1944  the  United  Kingdom  had  transferred 
to  us  goods,  services,  capital  facilities,  raw  materials,  bulk 
foodstuffs,  and  other  supplies  amounting  to  more  than 
two  and  a  half  billion  dollars.  Reverse  Lend-Lease  from 
Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  India  is  not  included  in 
this  figure. 

These  British  categories  fitted  into  needs  from  Pearl 
Harbor  to  D-day — beginning  with  barrage  balloons  and 
anti-aircraft  guns  for  American  cities,  climaxing  with 
floating  docks  and  hospital  carriers.  Our  requirements 
have  ranged  from  troop  transports  to  bicycles,  from  oil 
for  ships  to  coal  for  camp  stoves.  They  have  included 
completely  equipped  airfields,  camps,  machine  shops, 
offices,  hospitals,  clubs  and  leave  centers  for  American 
troops  in  Britain;  great  quantities  of  food;  even  the 
largest  telephone  exchange  in  the  British  Isles. 


The  British  corporal  was  snapped  as  he  explained  to  the  Ameri- 
can how  to  work  the  English  equipment  he  was  handing  over 


One  of  the  early  bombers  to  reach  a  British  port  under    Lend-Lease.    Soon   bombers  were   to   arrive   by   air 
instead  of  by  ship.  Until  Pearl  Harbor  our  Army  Air    Ferry   Command   was   financed   by   lend-lease  funds. 

Below:  The   first   American-made  freight   engines  turned   over   to   the   British   Minister   of  War  Transport 


USA 

to 
Britaii 


British  Combine  photos 


U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agriculture 


Top:  Cases  of  evaporated  milk  being  lowered  into  the  hold  of  a  British 
freighter  for  lend-Iease  shipment  to  England  in  September  1941. 

Bottom,  right:  Unloading  U.S.   soy   flour  at  a   British  port,   in   1943. 

Below:  Prefabricated  house  erected  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  by  the 
Federal  Public  Housing  Authority — the  type  of  emergency  dwelling 
ibeing  shipped  to  Britain  in  1945  to  ease  the  housing  situation 


OWI 


British  Combine 


Britain 

to 
USA 


Left:  Planer  shipped  from  Britain  in 
the  early  days  of  Reverse  Lend-Lease 
to  help  produce  vital  ship  propulsion 
equipment  at  a  General  Electric  plant 
in  New  England.  Other  heavy  machin- 
ery was  sent  to  relieve  the  shortage  as 
the  U.S.  speeded  up  war  production. 

Below:  In  an  air  depot  in  England, 
British-made  gas  tanks  and  flame 
dampers  provided  for  American  planes 
of  the  U.  S.  Air  Corps 


British  Combr-e 


British  Information  Services 


Above:  British  candy,  stationery,  medicines,  toilet  articles  in  a  U.  S.  post  exchange  in  Britain.  Not  to  overlook  boxes  of  tissues 
long  missing  from  the  British  civilian  market  but  produced  for  American  soldier  needs.  British  supplies  were  given  as  Reverse  Lend- 
Lease.  The  money  paid  for  them  by  our  soldiers  went  to  the  U.  S.  Army  Finance  Department. 

Bottom,  left:  American  soldiers  checking  out  bags  of  sugar  supplied,  along  with  other  scarce  British  food  stuffs,  to  U.S.  Army  camps. 
Bottom,  right:  Spare  parts  for  car  engines,  made  by  a  well-known  English  manufacturer,  as  delivered  to  American  forces  in  Britain 


British  Information  Services  photos 


The  Great  Partnership 

How  two  sovereign  nations  achieved  working  relationships  closer  than  any  two  states  in 
our  American  Union. — An  appraisal  from  an  extraordinary  coign  of  vantage  in  London. 


FORTUNATELY,  BRITAIN,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE 
United  States,  are  alike  in  that  all  three 
can  claim  this  war  would  have  been  lost 
without  them.  Each  comes  to  the  peace 
table,  therefore,  confident  of  her  position 
but  with  real  respect  for  the  others. 

Perhaps  some  day  we  may  achieve  mass 
friendship  for  friendship's  sake,  with  all 
-hat  this  means  in  generous  impulse  and 
desire  to  serve,  but  history  suggests  that 
strong  nations  have  been  friends  with  one 
another  because  they  have  common  cause 
and  each  contributes  to  the  welfare  of  that 
cause. 

It  is  in  this  realistic  frame  of  mind  that 
I  approach  an  examination  of  the  unprece- 
dented wartime  partnership  between  Britain 
and  America.  My  principal  difficulty  is  that 
I  am  so  full  of  the  subject,  and  was  so  close 
to  it  during  my  four  years  in  government, 
that  I  find  myself  assuming  that  everyone 
knows  how  great  and  how  complete  that 
partnership  has  been. 

In  adapting  our  federal  government  to 
the  war  job,  a  great  many  additional  de- 
partments and  agencies  were  set  up  in 
Washington.  Supply,  in  the  broadest  sense 
of  that  term,  is  the  great  task  of  modern 
warfare.  The  needs  of  the  military  for 
goods  and  transportation  inevitably  outrun 
the  available  and  producible  supply  of  both. 
Temporary  wartime  agencies  were  there- 
fore required  to  increase  production  to  the 
limit  and  to  see  that,  in  addition  to  the 
needs  of  our  military  forces,  the  essential 
civilian  requirements  and  also  our  supply 
commitments  to  other  governments  were 
met. 

These  were  the  reasons  for  setting  up 
in  Washington  the  War  Production  Board, 
the  War  Shipping  Administration,  the 
Foreign  Economic  Administration,  the 
War  Food  Administration,  and  the  Petro- 
leum Administration  for  War. 

Economic  Integration 

Next,  because  our  own  national  effort 
had  to  be  geared  and  coordinated  with  that 
of  the  other  Allies,  it  was  both  necessary 
and  desirable  that  international  boards 
should  be  created  to  examine  and  deal  with 
these  problems  from  the  over-all  United 
Nations  standpoint.  To  that  end  the  Amer- 
ican President  and  the  British  Prime  Min- 
ister created  four  so-called  Combined 
Boards  to  handle,  respectively,  the  supply 
and  international  allocation  of  raw  mate- 
rials, food,  shipping,  and  production  facil- 
ities. The  seat  of  three  of  these  boards  was 
put  in  Washington.  The  exception  was 
shipping,  which  was  entrusted  to  combined 
organizations  in  both  capitals.  As  Great 
Britain  is  second  only  to  the  United  States 
in  war  production  capacity  and  has  large 
shipping,  raw  material,  and  food  require- 
ments>  it  was  essential  that  programing 


PHILIP  D.  REED 

— By  the  chairman  of  the  board,  Gen- 
eral Electric  Company — whose  wartime 
service  has  spanned  four  years:  first, 
with  the  Office  of  Production  Manage- 
ment and  the  War  Production  Board  in 
Washington  (1941-42);  next,  as  deputy 
chief  of  the  Harriman  Mission;  and  then 
as  chief  of  the  U.  S.  Mission  for  Eco- 
nomic Affairs  in  London  (1942-44). 

Milwaukee  born,  Mr.  Reed  earned  an 
engineering  degree  from  the  University 
of  Wisconsin  and  one  in  law  from 
Fordham  University.  Since  the  mid- 
Twenties  he  has  brought  both  trainings 
to  bear  in  General  Electric,  beginning  in 
the  legal  department  of  this  great  Ameri- 
can electrical  manufacturing  company 
with  its  main  plant  in  Schenectady;  its 
outlets,  worldwide. 

A  director  of  the  Bankers  Trust  Com- 
pany and  the  Metropolitan  Life  Insur- 
ance Company,  he  is  a  member  of  the 
governing  body  of  the  National  Indus- 
trial Conference  Board  and  of  the 
business  advisory  council  of  the  U.^S. 
Department  of  Commerce.  He  is  chair- 
man of  the  American  section  of  the 
International  Chamber  of  Commerce. 


by  our  two  countries  should  be  integrated 
in  the  closest  possible  way. 

Hence,  the  creation  of  the  United  States 
Mission  for  Economic  Affairs  in  London. 
The  Mission  has  been  the  official  represent- 
ative and  London  office  of  the  Washington 
agencies  mentioned  above  and  also  the 
United  States  side  of  Combined  Board  oper- 
ations there.  Personnel  from  all  the  depart- 
ments represented  were  then  assigned  to 
the  Mission  staff,  functioning  not  as  sep- 
arate units,  but  as  one  homogeneous  family 
under  the  direction  and  control  of  the  chief 
of  the  Mission.  With  headquarters  in  the 
American  Embassy,  the  Mission  has  worked 
in  constant  association  with  its  staff,  fre- 
quently handling  economic  affairs  for  the 
State  Department  and  the  Ambassador  as 
requested. 

During  my  tenure  as  chief  of  the  Mission 
for  Economic  Affairs,  there  was  scarcely  :i 
department  or  branch  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment that  my  associates  and  I  did  not 
work  with  on  the  closest  and  most  friendly 
terms.  It  was  part  of  our  job  to  know  all 
there  was  to  know  about  wartime  Britain. 
For  example,  it  was  our  business  to  keep 
abreast  of  the  number  of  men  and  women 
in  every  branch  of  the  armed  forces  and, 
also,  the  allocation  of  manpower  to  every 
war  industry  and  essential  civilian  activity. 
We  knew  Britain's  monthly  production  of 
every  important  item  and  the  stocks  of 
food,  raw  material,  petroleum  and  coal  she 
ha:l  on  hand  at  any  time.  We  knew  the 


tonnage  and  employment  of  the  British 
merchant  marine  and  the  handling  ca- 
pacity of  British  ports  and  inland  transpor- 
tation system.  We  knew  Britain's  need  for 
lend-lease  supplies  as  well  as  her  ability  to 
furnish  reverse  lend-lease  for  our  armed 
forces  in  the  area. 

To  know  these  things  required  quick  and 
complete  access  to  Britain's  most  intimate 
and  secret  records.  Never  was  there  a 
moment's  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the 
British  to  disclose  anything  and  everything 
we  requested,  and  a  great  deal  more  that 
we  did  not.  The  large  red  security  stamp 
"BRITISH  MOST  SECRET"  appeared  on  many 
papers  xvhich  reached  us  every  day. 

And  week  after  week,  month  on  month, 
few  subjects  of  importance  to  the  war  job, 
to  the  British  civilian  economy  or  to  the 
liberated  areas  of  Europe,  were  not  dis- 
cussed with  members  of  the  Mission  in 
order  that  the  British  government's  plans 
for  action  might  be  constantly  synchronized 
with  those  of  the  American  government, 
More  often  than  not,  the  programs  of  both 
were  formulated  at  joint  meetings  of  an 
almost  endless  number  of  combined  boards, 
committees,  and  subcommittees. 

It  would  astonish  and  then  bore  the 
reader  to  see  a  list  of  the  number  of  regu- 
larly constituted  Anglo-American  commit- 
tees which  transacted  business  on  literally 
thousands  of  subjects.  Military,  civilian,  and 
mixed,  these  groups  learned  how  to  present, 
consider  and,  if  necessary,  compromise  the 
views  of  their  governments  to  the  end  that 
our  manpower,  materials,  production  facil- 
ities, and  transportation  should  be  utilized 
with  maximum  efficiency  against  the  com- 
mon enemy. 

SHAEF 

No  finer  example  of  successful  integra- 
tion of  American  and  British  forces  can  be 
found  than  in  the  case  of  SHAEF,  which, 
as  you  know,  means  Supreme  Headquarters 
Allied  Expeditionary  Forces.  Headed  and 
magnificently  led  by  General  Dwight  D. 
Eisenhower  as  supreme  commander,  the 
alternation  of  American  and  British  per- 
sonnel from  level  to  level  and  job  to  job 
was  meticulously  and  uncompromisingly 
carried  out. 

By  personal  example,  by  everlasting  repe- 
tition in  his  talks  and  by  disciplinary  action 
where  necessary,  General  Eisenhower  made 
it  crystal  clear  that  the  military  partnership 
was  absolute  and  complete.  An  American 
officer  might  criticize  the  judgment  or  per- 
formance of  a  British  colleague;  he  might 
even  call  him  a  "bloody  fool";  but  to  call 
him  a  "bloody  British  fool,"  or  vice  versa, 
was  cause  for  discharge. 

Ours  was  thus  a  team  in  spirit  and  in 
fact,  and  history  will  picture  far  more 
clearly  than  we  can  see  today  how  im- 


178 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Press  Association 


Signing  reciprocal  lend-lease  agreements — the  Secretary  of  State  and  British  Empire  diplomats  in  Washington,  September  3,  1942. 
At  the  table,  left  to  right:  Sir  Owen  Dixon,  Australia;  Lord  Halifax,  Britain;  Cordell  Hull;  Walter  Nash,  New  Zealand 


measurable  the  benefits  of  that  teamwork 
have  been  in  terms  of  time  and  lives  saved. 

But  I  need  not  remind  the  reader  that 
this  did  not  happen  overnight,  either  on  the 
military  or  civilian  front.  Many  months 
were  required  to  build  the  confidence  and 
to  work  out  the  administrative  techniques 
needed  to  bring  two  sovereign  governments 
into  closer  and  more  intimate  working  re- 
lations than  any  two  states  of  the  American 
Union  have  had  occasion  to  achieve. 

This  partnership  has  overlaid  and  inte- 
grated the  complicated  executive  and  ad- 
ministrative organizations  of  both  govern- 
ments at  every  level  of  authority.  In 
England,  for  example,  Prime  Minister 
Churchill  himself  has  presided  at  meetings 
of  top-level  British  and  American  military 
and  civilian  officials  when  critical  aspects 
of  the  war  were  to  the  fore.  Other  joint 
committees  and  combined  boards  in  Lon- 
don have  had  as  chairmen  the  British  min- 
isters in  charge  of  those  departments  whose 
business  was  the  subject  of  discussion — the 
American  members  being  drawn  from  the 
corresponding  Washington  departments 
and  assigned  to  the  staff  of  the  Embassy 
or  that  of  our  Mission  for  Economic  Affairs. 

Other  committees,  headed  jointly  or 
alternately  by  members  of  both  govern- 
ments, thus  dealt  with  technical  problems 
involving  the  production  of  critical  items, 
requirements  programing,  research  activ- 
ities, economic  warfare  (including  analysis 
of  enemy  resources  and  selection  of  targets) 
conservation,  packaging  and  preservation, 
government  controls,  shipping  operations, 
and  so  on.  And  companion  committees  in 
Washington,  headed  by  corresponding 
American  officials  and  kept  in  close  touch 
through  efficient  secretariats,  functioned  in 
the  same  manner. 

In  addition  to  these  continuing  activities, 

MAY     1945 


hundreds  of  temporary  missions  have 
crossed  the  Atlantic  in  both  directions  to 
study  and  exchange  information  on  particu- 
lar subjects.  To  list  steel,  shipbuilding,  food, 
textiles,  aircraft,  coal,  petroleum,  electronic 
devices,  and  hides  merely  illustrates  the 
variety  and  scope  of  the  subjects  covered  by 
these  missions. 

An  interesting  and  useful  coordinating 
committee  was  set  up  so  that  the  top  officers 
of  SHAEF's  Civil  Affairs  Division  could 
sit  down  regularly  with  the  right  people 
of  the  British  government  and  of  the 
Mission,  review  SHAEF's  plans  for  meet- 
ing minimum  civilian  needs  in  liberated 
areas,  and  prepare  for  the  ultimate  transi- 
tion from  military  to  civilian  responsibility. 


Yes,  the  partnership  has  been  very  com- 
plete, and  with  it  there  came  the  personal 
friendships  and  attachments  so  natural  and 
important  to  this  kind  of  working  relation- 
ship. The  Prime  Minister  was  genuinely 
disturbed  when  President  Roosevelt  went 
out  in  the  rain  in  New  York  without  a  hat. 
The  late  President  was  equally  upset  when 
Mr.  Churchill  was  indisposed.  Completely 
informal  messages  soon  replaced  or  greatly 
reduced  formal  diplomatic  exchanges  of 
notes.  First  names  were  used  as  an  atmos- 
phere of  congeniality  spread  through  both 
government  organizations. 

There  have  been,  also,  irritations  and 
misunderstandings.  We  should  be  less  than 
normal  humans  were  this  not  so.  But,  with 


British  Combine 


At  the  SHAEF   offices,   London.   Left  to  right:   Air  Chief  Marshal   Sir   Arthur  Tedder; 
General  of  the  Army  Dwight  D.  Eisenhower;  Field  Marshal  Sir  Bernard  L.  Montgomer; 


179 


rare  exceptions,  anti-British  feeling  is  not 
found  among  Americans  who  have  come 
to  know  their  British  co-workers.  The  same 
is  true  the  other  way  around,  as  indicated 
by  the  Englishman  who  was  heard  to  say: 
"It  is  a  strange  coincidence,  but  the  only 
Americans  I  can  abide  are  the  ones  I  have 
met." 

London  Park  to  the  Western  Front 

About  a  year  ago,  seven  or  eight  of  the 
"boys"  of  the  American  Mission  for  Eco- 
nomic Affairs  (their  average  age  was 
around  thirty-five)  decided  to  join  the 
British  Home  Guard  and  volunteer  for 
anti-aircraft  duty  in  Hyde  Park.  This 
meant  spending  one  night  a  week  there, 
sleeping  in  a  shelter  except  when  an  "alert" 
required  them  to  be  at  their  rocket-gun 
stations. 

Their  service  was  comparatively  unevent- 
ful until  the  robot  bombs  started.  Our 
squad  was  not  on  duty  that  night  in  mid- 
June.  But  the  British  crews  who  were  had 
no  rest,  firing  almost  continuously,  for  this 
was  unlike  ordinary  bombing  which  rarely 
lasts  over  half  an  hour  at  a  time.  Next 
morning  a  call  was  sent  out  for  volunteers 
to  relieve  the  exhausted  gun  crews..  One  of 
the  "boys"  popped  his  head  into  my  office 
as  he  left  for  the  park  on  the  double. 
"Everything's  going  to  be  all  right  now," 
he  said  with  a  grin.  "They've  called  out  the 
first  team!" 

On  their  return,  they  were  full  of  the 
extraordinary  experiences  of  that  first  day 
of  robot  bombs.  This  was  before  London- 
ers were  as  yet  aware  that  these  deadly 
weapons  were  to  damage  or  destroy  16,000 
houses  in  the  metropolitan  area  every  day 
for  the  next  eighty  days — taking  thousands 
of  lives  in  the  process.  Hitherto,  most 
bombing  raids  had  occurred  at  night,  and 
this  new  activity  by  daylight  attracted  peo- 


pie  to  the  park.  As  my  friend  described 
it: 

"I  looked  around  during  a  lull  in  the 
firing.  To  my  amazement,  this  is  what 
I  saw:  A  band  was  playing  in  the  stand 
not  far  away.  Crowds,  largely  made  up  of 
women  and  children  in  Sunday-go-to-meet- 
ing clothes,  were  looking  on  and  milling 
about  just  outside  the  barbed-wire  enclosing 
the  gun  emplacement.  There  was  a  two- 
year-old  baby  who  crawled  under  the  wire 
to  come  up  and  join  me  and  the  boys. 
I  couldn't  help  thinking — What  a  people 
these  British  are!" 

The  teamwork  and  cooperation  carried 
forward  in  Britain  could  be  endlessly  il- 
lustrated. The  story  of  American  lend- 
lease  has  been  told  and  retold.  There  is 
little  doubt  that  it  saved  the  day  for  Britain, 
just  as  Britain  saved  the  day  for  us  by 
staying  in  the  war  against  overwhelming 
odds — alone.  Reverse  lend-lease  has  been 
furnished  by  the  British  wherever,  and  to 
the  full  extent,  that  it  was  desirable  to  di- 
vert their  manpower  from  other  essential 
war  work.  Millions  of  ship  tonnage  (our 
scarcest  commodity  at  one  time)  have  been 
saved  an  Atlantic  crossing  by  thus  supply- 
ing our  forces  with  many  items  from  Brit- 
ish production. 

In  addition  to  accommodations  furnished 
to  our  armed  forces  based  in  the  United 
Kingdom,  the  British  government,  at  our 
request,  set  aside  an  area  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  acres  in  England  for  the 
training  of  our  troops.  Many  towns,  vil- 
lages, and  farms  were  evacuated  for  that 
purpose;  the  coastline  adjoining  the  area 
was  used  for  assault  maneuvers;  emptied 
villages  were  destroyed  by  practice  gunfire 
and  aerial  attacks.  And,  in  addition,  town 
and  village  officials  in  the  adjoining  neigh- 
borhoods relinquished  their  official  jobs  to 
Civil  Affairs  officers  of  the  "invading" 


British   Combine 
General  Jacob  L.  Devers  and  Philip  D.  Reed  at  an  army-built  airfield  in  England 


army  so  that,  in  advance  of  D-day,  these 
could  get  firsthand  experience  in  the  prob- 
lems of  municipal  administration. 

The  subsequent  invasion  of  the  con- 
tinent and  the  massive  team  play  of  the 
armies  along  the  Western  Front  more 
than  demonstrated  the  greatness  of  our  war- 
time partnership.  But  what  of  the  post- 
war? Is  there  a  mutuality  of  interest  that 
binds  the  British  and  ourselves  to  one  an- 
other in  peace  as  in  war? 

Neighbors  in  the  Great  Peace 

Britain  is  our  neighbor  on  a  vast  intei 
national  highway  along  which  the  nations 
of  the  world  live  and  make  their  livelihood. 

Heretofore,  no  international  authority 
policed  that  highway  or  protected  the 
world  community  against  brigands  or  bul- 
lies. Each  neighbor  had  to  do  that  for 
himself.  No  international  body  kept  the 
highway  in  repair  so  that  goods  might 
flow  along  it  from  one  neighbor  to  an- 
other. Each  had  to  maintain  his  own  part 
of  the  road.  No  international  fire  squad 
stood  ready  to  stamp  out  aggression  before 
it  swept  the  world's  highway  like  a  forest 
fire. 

This  being  the  case,  let's  ask  ourselves 
two  questions:  Do  we,  in  our  own  inter- 
ests, want  to  continue  a  close  and  friendly 
relationship  with  Britain?  Do  we  want 
our  wartime  partner  to  be  a  weak  or  a 
strong  member  of  the  international  com- 
munity? 

A  neighbor  who  cannot  maintain  his 
house,  and  who  lets  his  share  of  the 
common  highway  become  full  of  pitfalls 
and  obstacles  is  surely  of  no  help  to  us. 
And  one  so  unprosperous  as  to  be  unable 
to  assume  his  share  of  the  responsibility 
for  maintaining  a  peaceful,  orderly  com- 
munity is  a  downright  handicap — forcing 
his  neighbors  to  carry  an  increased  load  in 
order  to  protect  themselves. 

Britain  will  emerge  from  this  war  more 
sorely  weakened,  in  comparison  with  her 
prewar  strength,  than  any  of  the  other 
great  powers.  She  neither  wants,  nor 
should  we  make,  any  contribution  on  that 
account.  But  for  us  to  exploit  her  tem- 
porary weakness,  for  us  to  block  her  efforts 
to  rebuild,  for  us  not  to  cooperate  to  the 
end  that  she  shall  have  full  opportunity  to 
reconstruct  her  house,  regain  her  position 
on  the  international  highway,  would  be  to 
injure,  not  to  help,  ourselves. 

Whether  we  like  it  or  not,  we  Americans 
have  become  citizens  of  the  international 
community.  We  are  a  very  great  power, 
and  with  that  power  comes  great  responsi- 
bility for  leadership.  We  can  discharge 
that  responsibility  well  or  badly,  but  we 
cannot  escape  it. 

The  world's  new  social,  political  and 
economic  design  for  living  is  now  in  the 
making.  In  its  pattern  and  structure  we 
shall  determine  whether  peace  or  war, 
a  better  life  for  all  or  mutual  self-destruc- 
tion, is  the  destiny  of  man.  God  grant  us 
the  qualities  of  greatness — the  wisdom, 
firmness,  restraint  and  understanding — to 
do  this  job,  above  all  others,  well.  Nothing 
ever  has  or  ever  will  be  so  important  to  us 
Americans — or  to  our  fellow  citizens  along 
that  highway  of  our  world. 


180 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


"Economic  High  Command" 

Some  exciting  assignments  of  the  Combined  Anglo-American-Canadian  Boards 
at  Washington — coordinating  production,  raw  materials,  food  and  shipping. 

WILLIAM  L.  BATT  and  ROBERT  R.  MULLEN 


IT  WAS  GENERAL  GOETHALS  OF  PANAMA 
Canal  fame  who  once  remarked  that  a 
board  is  "long,  stiff  and  narrow."  Some 
there  are  who  might  be  tempted  to  attach 
that  definition  to  the  "Combined  Boards." 
For,  among  others,  the  military,  UNRRA, 
governments  of  the  liberated  countries,  dele- 
gates to  San  Francisco  are  forever  bumping 
into  one  or  another  of  them. 

But  everyday  Americans,  Britons,  Cana- 
dians, should  know  more  about  what  might 
be  called  their  wartime  ABC's — about  the 
Combined  Production  and  Resources  Board, 
the  Combined  Raw  Materials  Board,  the 
Combined  Food  Board,  and  the  Combined 
Shipping  Board. 

When  Prime  Minister  Churchill  and 
President  Roosevelt  met  for  the  first  time 
after  Pearl  Harbor  it  was  abundantly  clear 
that  the  two  nations  must  have  more  than 
ordinary  liaison  between  their  military 
chiefs;  they  must  in  fact  coordinate  the  two 
top  commands  as  one.  Hence  the  creation 
of  the  Combined  Chiefs  of  Staff.  It  soon 
became  equally  clear  there  was  need  for  an 
equivalent  in  the  field  of  economic  oper- 
ations and  that  was  the  genesis  of  the 
Combined  Boards.  Their  place  in  the  war- 
time organization  of  the  United  Nations 
and  in  the  plans  taking  shape  for  the  re- 
construction period  is  at  once  vital  and 
simple.  They  function  below  the  top  level 
of  Allied  policy-making,  but  Business  Wee\ 
was  not  altogether  beside  the  mark  in 
identifying  the  boards,  taken  together,  as 
the  "Economic  High  Command." 

Franchise  of  the  Boards 

There  the  charter  of  the  Combined  Pro- 
duction and  Resources  Board,  which  is  per- 
haps the  key  setup,  is  illuminating.  After 
providing  that  the  board  should  consist  of 
chairmen  of  the  U.  S.  War  Production 
Board,  the  British  Minister  of  Production, 
and  the  Canadian  Minister  of  Munitions 
and  Supply,  it  stated  that  the  board  should: 

"Combine  the  production  programs  of 
the  United  States,  the  United  Kingdom, 
and  Canada,  into  a  single  integrated  pro- 
gram, adjusted  to  the  strategic  requirements 
of  the  war,  as  indicated  to  the  board  by 
the  Combined  Chiefs  of  Staff,  and  to  all 
relevant  production  factors.  In  this  con- 
nection, the  board  shall  take  account  of 
the  need  for  maximum  utilization  of  the 
productive  resources  available  to  the  United 
States,  the  British  Commonwealth  of 
Nations  and  the  United  Nations,  the  need 
to  reduce  demands  on  shipping  to  a  mini- 
mum, and  the  essential  needs  of  the  civilian 
population." 

So,  when  you  speak  of  effective  Anglo- 
American  economic  coordination  during  the 
war,  you  are  in  reality  speaking  of  the 
Combined  Boards.  These  boards  have  done 


— William  L.  Batt,  president  of  SKF 
Industries,  was  one  of  the  first  key 
American  industrialists  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington to  help  the  nation  re-arm.  He  has 
served  as  vice-chairman  for  international 
supply  of  the  War  Production  Board; 
and  as  American  deputy  for  the  Com- 
bined Production  and  Resources  Board. 

On  the  American-side,  the  direction 
of  the  Raw  Materials  Board  since  its  in- 
ception has  been  the  work  of  Mr.  Batt. 
"It  has  been  a  magnificent  job,"  said 
President  Roosevelt  early  this  year. 

Robert  R.  Mullen  of  The  Christian 
Science  Monitor  has  been  on  "lend- 
lease"  to  the  WPB  as  a  public  relations 
expert  in  the  field  of  international 
supply. 

impressive  things  in  the  past,  are  still  at  it, 
and  will  provide  avenues  for  useful  peace- 
strengthening  activities  in  the  period  of 
transition. 

Thus,  when  the  United  Nations  Relief 
and  Rehabilitation  Administration  was  in- 
augurated at  Atlantic  City  in  1943,  the 
Combined  Boards  were  designated  as  the 
agency  to  locate  sources  of  supplies  required 
by  UNRRA.  It  must  be  emphasized  that 
the  Combined  Boards  did  not  seek  this. 
There  simply  was  no  other  place  to  turn. 

When  last  January,  the  President  of  the 
U.S.A.  and  the  Prime  Ministers  of  Great 
Britain  and  Canada  outlined  the  future 
work  of  the  Combined  Production  and 
Resources  Board  they  specified  that  it  was 
to  coordinate  reconversion.  The  general  ob- 
jective was  to  exchange  information  so  that 
this  could  be  set  going  at  about  the  same 
time  and  at  about  the  same  rate  in  the  three 
countries  —  while  an  equitable  amount  of 
energy  is  devoted  to  the  war  against  Japan. 

We  Had  to  Have  Tin 

Let  us  see  how  the  boards  function. 
•  You  remember  in  the  early  days  of  the 
war  how  short  we  were  of  tin.  We  were 
asked  to  cut  out  both  ends  of  the  empty 
can  neatly,  step  firmly  on  the  center,  and 
save  for  the  Boy  Scouts  to  collect. 

There  may  not  be  much  glamour  in 
kitchen  scrap,  but  among  other  uses,  tin 
is  essential  for  coating  new  food  containers, 
for  the  navy's  bronze  fittings,  and  for  Bab- 
bitt metal  in  motor  bearings — all  sinews  of 
mechanized  war. 

Now  we  have  no  natural  tin  of  any  con- 
sequence in  the  United  States.  The  ancient 
British  mines  are  pretty  well  exhausted. 
Before  the  war,  43  percent  of  the  world's 
tin  came  from  Malaya  and  the  Dutch  East 
Indies.  Another  10  percent  came  from  Indo- 
China  and  Thailand.  Within  four  months 
after  Pearl  Harbor  the  Japanese  were  in 
possession  of  more  than  one  half  the  de- 


veloped tin  resources  of  the  world.  The 
principal  remaining  sources  were  in  South 
America,  notably  Bolivia,  and  in  Nigeria 
and  the  Belgian  Congo  in  Africa.  Together, 
these  secondary  sources  produced  about  27 
percent  of  the  world's  tin. 

That  is  the  story  of  the  ore  itself.  As  to 
the  actual  metal,  the  Allied  situation  when 
we  entered  the  war  was  even  more  acute 
because  the  output  of  tin  is  naturally  lim- 
ited by  smelter  capacity.  The  world's  largest 
smelters  in  Malaya  were  now  in  the  hands 
of  the  Japanese  and  the  great  smelters  of 
Belgium  and  Holland  were  held  by  the 
Nazis.  The  only  smelters  in  non-Axis  con- 
trol were  in  England  and  a  few  of  small 
total  capacity  in  the  Congo.  Here  in  the 
United  States  we  had  not  smelted  tin  in 
any  quantity  for  twenty  years. 

Moreover,  ore  en  route  to  England  was 
the  special  target  of  submarines.  British 
smelters  were  under  punishing  air  attack. 
The  Texas  smelter  the  United  States  had 
started  to  build  to  meet  such  an  emergency 
was  still  (in  the  early  spring  of  1942)  sev- 
eral months  short  of  completion. 

So  there  we  were  with  more  than  70 
percent  of  the  world's  vital  tin  supply 
fighting  for  the  enemy.  That  was  the  prob- 
lem handed  the  Combined  Raw  Materials 
Board.  In  a  matter  of  weeks  this  board  was 
able  to  issue  a  report  with  23  specific  rec- 
ommendations. Some  of  these  broke  with 
traditional  trade  practices.  Long  established 
markets  of  special  interest  to  owners  and 
traders,  were  thrown  overboard. 

The  board  agreed  that  the  Texas  smelter 
should  not  only  be  rushed  to  completion 
but  increased  75  percent  in  size.  It  was 
agreed  that  all  Bolivian  tin  concentrates, 
except  those  needed  for  direct  production  in 
Britain,  be  sent  to  the  United  States,  thus 
upsetting  the  old  Bolivian-British  tin  pat- 
tern. On  the  other  hand,  this  country  agreed 
to  deliver,  at  the  earliest  possible  moment, 
machinery  and  equipment  to  boost  output 
in  the  Belgian  Congo  and  Nigeria. 

This,  then,  was  the  background  against 
which  the  household  collection  of  used  tin 
cans  played  its  part. 

Here  and  now  we  can  make  the  dramatic 
assertion  that  in  no  respect  whatever  has 
the  war  program  of  the  United  States  or 
Great  Britain  suffered  for  the  want  of  tin, 
and  this  despite  the  fact  that  more  than 
one  half  of  the  world's  supply  has  been 
continuously  in  enemy  possession. 

But  the  question  of  tin  carries  over  into 
the  postwar  period.  Is  the  Bolivia-Texas 
tie-up  to  be  continued  or  will  tin  revert 
to  Bolivian-British  patterns?  And  what  is 
to  be  done  about  the  Dutch  and  Belgian 
smelters  which  were  very  important  to  the 
normal  prewar  economies  of  those  nations? 
We  do  not  suggest  the  answers  here,  but 
simply  point  to  these  as  typical  questions 


MAY     1945 


181 


T    «* 


Three  members  of  the  Combined  Production  and  Resources  Board,  through  which  their  countries  have  integrated  wartime 
output.     Left  to  right,  George  C.  Bateman,  Canada;  William   L.  Batt,  the  United  States;  Sir  Henry  Self,  Great  Britain 


which  will  be  left  in  the  wake  of  the  war — 
the  sort  of  questions  that  are  not  for  exclu- 
sive adjudication  in  the  United  States.  They 
require  United  Nations  cooperation. 

Coal — Today  and  Tomorrow 

Another  type  of  shortage  throughout  the 
war  seemed  progressively  harder  to  solve  as 
fighting  came  to  a  close  in  Europe.  Such, 
for  example,  is  coal. 

Coal  is  probably  the  toughest  nut  over- 
seas relief  people  are  trying  to  crack.  Coal 
is  basic.  It  not  only  warms  houses  and  fac- 
tories but,  in  wide  areas  of  Europe,  it  is  the 
source  of  the  electric  power  to  run 
machinery  and  carry  on  transportation.  Of 
all  international  shortages,  coal  certainly 
ranks  very  near  the  top  in  importance. 

The  situation  that  the  military  found  in 
Italy,  and  which  was  passed  on  to  the 
boards  to  wrestle  with,  illustrates  the  way 
Britain,  the  United  States,  and  Canada  have 
been  compelled  to  act  together.  Italy  had 
an  elaborate  prewar  hydroelectric  grid  based 
on  the  Alps.  It  ran  the  railroads  and  much 
of  the  modern  industry  up  and  down  the 
peninsula.  Italy  had  little  coal  of  its  own 
and  that  of  poor  quality.  To  supplement  its 
Alpine  water  power,  Italy  imported  about 
6,000,000  tons  of  coal  a  year  from  Britain 
prior  to  the  war,  and  about  5,000,000  tons 
from  Germany. 

As  the  Allied  troops  moved  up  the  Italian 
boot,  they  found  that  wherever  the  Ger- 
mans had  had  time,  they  had  wreaked  com- 
plete destruction  on  power-generation  and 
transmission  equipment.  Moreover,  their 
long  stand  just  above  the  Valley  of  the  Po 


blocked  off  the  Alpine  power.  Hence  trains 
could  not  run,  factory  wheels  could  not 
turn,  workers  could  not  get  jobs.  Potenti- 
alities of  civilian  unrest  mounted  and  to 
the  Combined  Boards  came  urgent  demands 
that  coal  be  found  for  Italy — at  once. 

The  international  picture  of  coal  require- 
ments that  confronted  the  board  was  this: 
We  could  estimate  what  probably  would  be 
needed  in  France  and  other  countries  as 
they  were  liberated.  We  knew  what  the 
demands  were  likely  to  be  both  in  Britain 
and  the  United  States  where  the  continuing 
high  level  of  war  production  made  for 
unprecedented  consumption  of  coal.  We 
also  knew  what  coal  would  have  to  be  sup- 
plied the  armed  forces  in  various  theaters. 

As  a  first  step,  the  Italian  needs  had 
to  be  balanced  against  the  world's  needs. 
Next,  reducing  Italian  requirements  to  a 
minimum,  we  had  to  decide  how  they 
could  be  met  most  logically.  For  exam- 
ple, could  the  coal  best  be  spared  by 
Britain?  By  the  United  States?  Or  could 
we  get  it  more  readily  from  the  Union 
of  South  Africa,  where  the  manpower 
situation  was  easier?  In  any  case:  How 
about  shipping? 

The  program  set  going  had  to  be  some- 
thing of  a  compromise.  We  speeded 
new  mining  machinery  and  equipment  to 
South  Africa,  and  boosted  production 
there  50  percent.  Regular  shipments  of 
coal  were  scheduled  from  Britain  to  Italy. 
It  cannot  be  said  that  the  problem  of  get- 
ting coal  there  was  solved  to  everybody's 
satisfaction,  but  the  point  is  that  it  could 
not  have  been  met  either  by  the  military 


or  by  the  resources  of  any  one  country  alone. 
The  emergency  not  only  required  global 
thinking  and  action,  but  spurred  moves 
we  had  under  way  to  increase  world  coal 
supplies.  The  most  dramatic  gains  were 
made  in  Britain  itself. 

Bulldozers  to  Britain 

In  prewar  days,  coal  accounted  for  about 
70  percent  of  British  exports  by  volume 
and  12  percent  by  value.  Despite  its  im- 
portance to  the  British  economy,  the  meth- 
ods employed  at  the  pits  were  traditional. 
One  American  miner,  with  power  cutter, 
automatic  loader,  and  an  electric  train, 
turns  out  four  times  as- much  coal  in  a  day 
as  a  British  miner  with  his  pick,  shovel, 
and  donkey  cart. 

Britain's  geographical  nearness  to  the 
European  centers  of  consumption  made  it 
good  sense  to  push  production  there  to  the 
utmost.  To  this  end,  the  Combined 
Boards  sent  over  a  mission  of  American 
experts  whose  conclusion  was  that,  while 
it  might  take  twenty  years  to  modernize 
underground  operations,  immediate  results 
could  be  had  by  resorting  to  strip-mining: 
that  is,  to  surface  mining  of  outcropping 
veins  of  coal. 

Whereupon  the  American  market  was 
scoured  by  WPB,  Army  Engineers,  and 
FEA  for  power  shovels,  draglines,  scrapers, 
tractors,  and  other  excavating  equipment — 
enough  of  such  machinery,  our  Coal  Com- 
mittee computed,  to  dig  another  Panama 
Canal.  Then,  as  a  grim  emergency  measure 
— like  the  British  sacrifice  of  forests  of  an- 
cient oaks  in  World  War  I — the  top  was 


182 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


torn  off  some  of  those  green  valleys,  and 
wide  areas  of  countryside  turned  into  work- 
ings resembling  gravel  pits.  [The  British 
have  "replaced  divots"  where  possible.]  And 
about  twelve  million  extra  tons  of  coal  were 
produced  by  strip-mining. 

This  was  all  the  more  important  because 
of  the  situation  faced  in  coal  fields  on  the 
continent.  Due  to  the  sensational  speed 
of  the  Allied  advance,  the  principal  coal 
mines  in  France  and  Belgium  had  escaped 
serious  damage.  But  we  found  that  in 
the  vital  Pas  de  Calais  area  production 
was  down  to  about  one  third  of  capacity. 
The  explanation  was  that,  although  neces- 
sary mine  timbers  were  neatly  stacked  and 
ready  for  shipment  in  the  Ardennes  For- 
est, no  transportation  was  available  to  get 
them  to  the  mines.  Railroads  and  bridges 
had  been  wrecked  by  the  retreating  Nazis; 
and  right  of  way  had  to  be  given  move- 
ments of  troops  and  supplies.  By  the  time 
civilian  transport  seemed  in  sight,  von 
Rundstedt  had  made  his  breakthrough  and 
transport  service  to  the  Western  Front  was 
more  imperative  than  ever. 

These  were  factors  entering  into  why 
there  was  virtually  no  coal  for  heating 
purposes  in  Paris  last  winter;  why  hot 
water  was  scanty;  why  there  were  few 
bright  lights  in  the  French  capital,  and 
many  closed  factories.  Considerable  civilian 
discomfort  and  unrest  were  the  inevitable 
result — especially  as  things  undeniably  had 
been  better,  so  far  as  coal  was  concerned, 
under  the  Germans. 

New  Patterns  of  Need 

This  French  coal  situation  has  been 
dwelt  upon  because  it  serves  to  set  the 
stage  for  some  of  the  surprises  that  await- 
ed the  British  and  Americans  in  France. 
Quite  understandably,  the  Allies  had  based 
their  anticipations  pretty  much  on  what 
was  encountered  following  the  last  war. 
That  is,  we  supposed  that  something  like 
the  Hoover  relief  administrations  would 
first  be  called  for.  We  thought  of  supply- 
ing food  and  clothing  in  areas  liberated 
by  our  advancing  armies.  And  the  Army 
decision  was  to  keep  responsibility  for  this 
for  the  first  six  months  not  in  the  hands 
of  UNRRA  but  of  the  occupying  military 
authorities. 

What  the  Allies  were  told  by  these  coun- 
tries, however,  was  that  the  people,  or  at 
least  the  governments  who  spoke  for  them 
in  France  and  Belgium,  were  prepared  to 
endure  temporary  hardships  and  pay  their 
way.  What  they  wanted  was  means  for 
putting  their  own  production  into  gear, 
so  they  could  make  their  own  shirts,  shoes, 
and  other  necessities;  and  so  that  their  own 
people  could  resume  wage  earning,  their 
own  economy  get  back  on  its  feet.  True, 
they  wanted  finished  shirts  and  shoes  for 
immediate  requirements,  but  even  more 
urgently  they  clamored  for  quantities  of  raw 
cotton,  for  hides  and  leathers. 

Naturally,  this  was  a  gratifying  front  on 
things  from  the  angle  of  the  Combined 
Boards.  Not  only  would  it  fulfill  the  old 
Talmudic  rule  that  the  best  charity  is  that 
which  helps  a  man  not  to  require  charity, 
but  it  also  meant  that  the  manpower  of 
these  countries  might  be  harnessed  to  our 


United  Nations  cause — and  manpower  has 
been  a  limiting  wartime  factor  in  both 
Britain  and  the  United  States. 

At  the  same  time,  this  changed  front 
raised  a  whole  new  set  of  problems.  It 
meant  expanding  our  attention  to  include 
food  and  clothing,  locomotives  and  pit 
props.  It  meant  resurveying  our  short  stocks 
of  such  critical  materials  as  hides,  leathers, 
and  raw  rubber.  It  presented,  in  addition, 
such  posers  as  the  fact  that  French  textile 
machinery  had  been  designed  mostly  for 
fine  goods  manufacture,  and  that  the  French 
made  requests  for  some  of  our  long-staple 
cottons — precious  for  war  uses  and  not  in 
abundant  supply. 

Wartime  tightness  in  the  manufacture  of 
cotton  textiles  has  been  largely  due  to  man- 
power shortage.  It  has  meant  the  strictest 
rationing  in  Britain,  where  only  one  family 
in  about  ten  could  purchase  a  new  pair  of 
sheets  a  year.  Cotton  textiles  have  not 
been  rationed  in  the  United  States,  but  the 
supply  is  limited.  Resumption  of  French 
production  is  therefore  obviously  to  every- 
one's interest. 

But  such  resumption  is  dependent  upon 
coal  and  transportation.  This  is  true  even 
of  food.  In  France — though  not  in  Belgium 
and  The  Netherlands  —  there  is  sufficient 
food  in  the  rural  areas.  The  difficulty  lies 
in  transporting  it  to  the  densely  populated 
urban  centers.  That,  in  turn,  is  partly  a 
problem  of  restoring  bridges  (and  the  army 
has  already  put  back  4,000  of  them),  of 
getting  new  trucks  and  repairing  old  ones 
(tires  and  batteries),  and  hoping  for  the 
day  when  the  military  can  release  more  rail 
facilities,  and  additional  landing  craft  for 
use  in  the  canals. 

That,  of  course,  is  still  an  oversimplified 
picture.  For  there  are  still  certain  European 
food  shortages  that  unfortunately  seem  to 
coincide  with  international  shortages  — 
meats,  fats,  oils,  and  sugar.  These  must,  if 
they  are  supplied  at  all,  be  imported  and 
that  raises  again  the  neat  question  of  ship- 
ping. Lumped  together,  these  are  the  sorts 
of  things  that  have  kept  the  Combined 
Food  Board  busy. 

Add  to  such  activities  as  these,  research, 
conference,  organization,  effort,  going  for- 
ward in  about  a  score  of  major  areas  of 
shortage,  and  you  will  arrive  at  a  working 
idea  of  what  the  Combined  Boards  have 
been  up  to. 

Screw  Threads — and  the  Machine  Age 

We  have  had,  also,  what  might  be  called 
sidebar  matters  to  handle.  Take  what  the 
Combined  Production  and  Resources  Board 
has  done  about  screw  threads.  Technically 
speaking,  these  are  helical  ridges  running 
around  bolts,  screws,  and  pipe  ends.  They 
are  the  chief  means  of  fastening  machine 
parts  together.  You  could  say  that  our 
whole  machine  age  economy  is  held  to- 
gether with  screw  threads. 

Yet  outside  the  engineering  profession 
and  machine  trades,  comparatively  few 
people  in  either  country  have  been  aware 
that  for  well  toward  a  century  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  have  gone  their 
own  ways  and  developed  two  distinct  pat- 
terns of  threading.  Still  less  do  most  peo- 
ple realize  what  this  development  means. 


To  go  back  to  the  beginning  of  indus- 
trialism in  Britain,  each  machine  shop 
evolved  its  own  screw  threads — and  utter 
confusion  resulted.  No  two  shops  could 
use  each  other's  bolts  or  screws.  Custom- 
ers were  constantly  in  trouble  to  get  new 
ones  that  fitted  the  machines  they  had  in 
use. 

About  1841,  Sir  Joseph  Whitworth  de- 
veloped some  standards  that  were  gener- 
ally adopted  and,  because  England  was 
the  principal  source  of  supply,  these  were 
adopted  pretty  much  throughout  the  world, 
including  the  USA.  In  non-technical 
terms,  the  principal  characteristic  of  the 
Whitworth  thread  is  that  it  has  a  hill  and 
dale  appearance:  that  is  to  say,  each  thread 
has  a  rounded  crest  with  rounded  grooves 
between.  .  .  .  And  three  cutting  tools  are 
called  for  in  shaping  them. 

Some  years  later  a  Philadelphian  named 
William  Sellers  discovered  he  could  cut 
threads  more  simply,  and  with  two  cutting 
tools  instead  of  three,  by  making  the  crests 
truncated  and  the  bottom  of  the  grooves 
flat.  In  1868,  the  U.  S.  Government  adopt- 
ed Sellers'  pattern  as  the  American  stand- 
ard. 

Over  the  years  this  divergence  in  screw 
threads  has  caused  no  end  of  inconvenience. 
For  example,  a  man  with  a  $20,000  Rolls 
Royce  might  be  held  up  for  two  weeks 
in  Dubuque  waiting  for  a  screw  from 
England,  which,  except  for  the  fit  of  the 
thread,  might  be  bought  at  the  nearest 
hardware  store  for  10  cents.  Exporters 
of  American  machines  ran  into  correspond- 
ing difficulties  abroad. 

The  disparity  proved  a  nuisance  to  Al- 
lied armies  in  World  War  I  and  in  suc- 
ceeding years  several  efforts  were  made  to 
work  out  a  common  standard.  Neverthe- 
less, the  British  and  ourselves  entered  World 
War  II  with  the  same  old  predicament  on 
our  hands.  The  results  were  extremely 
serious.  During  the  early  stages  of  the 
war,  Britain,  France,  and  other  countries 
placed  large  orders  here  and  required  the 
Whitworth  thread.  That  meant  a  scramble, 
as  American  manufacturers  tried  to  get 
new  taps,  dies,  and  gauges  to  produce  the 
unfamiliar  hill  and  dale  pattern  on  every 
pipe,  bolt,  and  screw  they  supplied. 

The  situation  was  aggravated  when  the 
larger  lend-lease  orders  were  placed.  It 
reached  acute  proportions  after  the  United 
States  entered  the  war  and  began  direct 
supply  to  armies  in  the  field.  Thus  a 
command  might  be  using  50-caliber  ma- 
chine guns,  some  made  in  England,  some 
in  New  England.  To  all  appearances  they 
would  look  identical,  but  their  screw 
threads  were  different.  Hence  their  parts 
were  not  interchangeable.  This  meant  that 
in  far-flung  war  theaters  duplicate  stocks 
of  replacements  had  to  be  kept  at  the  re- 
pair depots. 

The  huge  waste  involved  in  duplications 
and  delays  is  hard  to  estimate,  but  we 
were  able  to  trace  the  direct  cost  to  Amer- 
ican manufacturers  for  extra  taps,  dies,  and 
gauges  alone  to  a  figure  of  $100,000,000. 
To  this  must  be  added  time  lost  on  army 
orders  by  the  change — army  ordnance  re- 
porting that  it  took  three  times  as  long  to 
(Continued  on  page  262) 


MAY     1945 


183 


BRITAIN'S  HERITAGE 


"Other   occasions   of  the   nation's  high   purpose,"   as   recalled 
by  wartime  posters  of  the  London  Passenger  Transport  Board 


<p5  FRANCIS 
•  DRAECR- 


LORD  GOT >  i  •'  c/w-f  'tf  TfiY 

naf-  aatilf,  ywitM  ak<  fir  few  "Afit  a  iuf-  tit, 
if  agjftt.  tn&?  If  A-  tfOnxtfy  jikutat,  w4U  -vuttdir 
'••••\lmj.4f**  fttS  Of 


Endeavor  any  great  matter  until  it  be  thoroughly  finished — 
SIR  FRANCIS  DRAKE,  Cadiz,  1587 


May  humanity  after  victory  predominate  in  the  British  fleet — 
LORD  NELSON,  Trafalgar,  1805 


Attf  tb>fian\m  >-n.l./  ,-.•/,.  (.         .  rttal  a*  fmvtA*  at,t  anff  far  ttur  own  tv/fty,  bu 

,  .a  /«<*//*  tfus  ,',>->,r,  -,/ 
TV  Itt,  iim   WfU  1AM   Ft  fT, 


We  hold  out  prospect  to  nations  under  the  yoke  of  tyranny — 
WILLIAM  PITT,  the  younger,  1804 


We  shall  fight  on  the  beaches,  in  the  fields  and  streets — 
WINSTON  CHURCHILL,  June  1940 


III.    SYMPOSIUM:   BRITISH   VIEWPOINTS 


As  They  See  It 

The  Future  of  a  Great  Partnership  discussed  by  an  impressive  cross-section 
of  British  leaders  in  politics,  art,  education,  welfare,  industry,  and  labor 

Introduction  by  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT 

(See  contents  page) 


LAST   AUTUMN,   AFTER   SPENDING   TWO    AND  A   HALF    YEARS   ON 

a  wartime  assignment  in  Great  Britain,  I  returned  to  the 
United  States  on  a  brief  mission — and  while  home,  pro- 
posed to  my  old  friends  and  associates  on  the  board  and 
editorial  staff  of  Survey  Graphic  that  a  special  number, 
such  as  this,  would  be  tremendously  useful.  My  sugges- 
tion, in  the  course  of  preparing  a  preliminary  outline,  was 
that  it  be  written  preponderantly  by  Americans,  for 
American  readers. 

However,  it  was  agreed  that,  although  our  British 
friends  should  not  be  put  in  the  position  of  rationalizing 
on  the  whole  worldwide  British  system,  a  cross-section 
of  Britishers  should  be  invited  to  contribute  to  this  sym- 
posium. Hence  it  was  that,  back  in  Great  Britain,  I  in- 
vited the  contributors  who  responded  so  generously  in  the 
following  brief  comments  on  the  primary  political  and 
economic  relationships  developed  between  the  British 
and  ourselves  during  the  war. 

As  I  see  it,  the  outside  world  is  bound  to  rest  its  future 
decisions  on  our  demonstration  of  compatibility  and  prac- 


tical approaches  to  world  stability  and  reconstruction. 
Thus,  the  firmness  of  the  British-American  partnership 
may  be  potent  in  shaping  the  postwar  decisions  of  the 
world. 

The  intention,  of  course,  was  the  very  opposite  of  pro- 
moting any  sort  of  sentimental  "hands  across  the  sea"  or 
of  excluding  Soviet  Russia  and  other  Allies  from  con- 
sideration. Survey  Graphic  brought  out  a  distinguished 
special  number  on  American  Russian  Frontiers  over  a 
year  ago,  and  may  deal  with  China  and  Far  Eastern  af- 
fairs in  a  special  number  in  sequence  to  this  one. 

I  have  had  the  happy  privilege  of  being  identified  with 
the  work  of  Survey  Associates  for  a  number  of  years  and, 
as  in  the  past,  I  hope  this  special  number  will  have  a  wide 
influence.  So  active  is  the  interest,  so  keen  is  the  anxiety 
to  get  behind  the  British-American  scene,  that  it  is  not 
unthinkable  that  indirectly,  if  not  directly,  great  numbers 
of  Europeans  will  be  reached  by  this  editorial  project. 

To  all  contributors,  and  to  our  British  participants  in 
particular,  I  am  most  grateful. 


"The  day  we  separate 
we  shall  have  lost 
the  peace." 

SIR  WILLIAM  BEVERIDGE,  K.C.B.,  M.P. 
Chairman  of  Interdepartmental  Committee  on 
Social  Insurance  and  Allied  Services,    1941-2. 
Author  of  "Full  Employment,"  1944. 

THE     FIRST     THING     TO     SAY     ABOUT     ANCLO- 

American  relations  is  that  one  should  not 
take  too  seriously  what  from  time  to  time 
is  said  or  written  on  one  side  of  the  Atlan- 
tic in  criticism  of  the  people  on  the  other 
side. 

There  are  more  than  130,000,000  people 
in  the  United  States  and  about  45,000,000 
in  Britain,  every  one  of  whom  has  an  in- 
alienable right  to  shoot  off  his  mouth  as 
soon  as  he  becomes  capable  of  speech, 
whether  it  is  rational  speech  or  not.  The 
fact  that  he  speaks  in  Britain  or  America 
doesn't  make  him  the  voice  of  Britain  or 
America.  He  doesn't  become  that  voice, 
through  having  made  a  great  success  of 
selling  tabloid  news  or  comic  strips  on  one 
side  of  the  Atlantic  or  the  other,  or  even 
through  having  got  into  Parliament  or 
Congress. 

The  second  and  important  thing  to  say 
is  to  emphasize  the  need,  in  the  interests 
of  all  mankind,  of  keeping  the  United 
States  and  Britain  together,  not  merely  in 


their  general  outlook  on  world  problems 
but  in  the  practical  handling  of  these  prob- 
lems by  their  respective  governments. 

The  general  outlook  of  the  American 
and  British  peoples  is  largely  the  same.  In 
the  domestic  sphere  it  can  be  summed  up 
as  resolute  individualism,  an  effective  con- 
viction that  the  State  exists  for  the  indi- 
vidual citizen  and  not  for  itself  or  the  glory 
of  the  rulers.  In  the  international  sphere  it 
can  be  summed  up  in  a  desire  to  establish 
the  rule  of  law  in  place  of  the  rule  of  force 
between  nations  and  so  to  bring  peace  with 
justice  to  the  world;  and  in  a  growing 
recognition  that  this  responsibility  to  man- 
kind must  be  assumed  by  the  larger  na- 
tions. 

But  though  there  is,  I  believe,  this  funda- 
mental agreement  in  general  outlook  be- 
tween the  two  peoples,  the  handling  of 
every  practical  problem  when  it  comes  to 
carrying  out  this  agreement,  depends  on 
the  government  of  the  day  in  each  country. 
We  want  to  be  certain  that  however  the 
governments  of  the  two  countries  may 
change,  whether  they  are  Democratic  or 
Republican,  Conservative,  Labour  or  Lib- 
eral, they  will  all  regard  indissoluble  co- 
operation between  the  two  countries  as  an 
over-riding  duty — though  one  that  implies 
neither  hostility  nor  coolness  to  any  other 
nation,  great  or  small. 

I  cannot  do  better  than   repeat  what  I 


have  just  written  in  a  short  book  on  "The 
Price  of  Peace"  which  will  be  published 
shortly: 

"The  text  that  should  become  graven  on 
the  heart  of  every  American  citizen  and 
every  British  citizen  is  that  on  the  day  that 
we  Americans  and  Britons  separate,  we 
shall  have  lost  the  peace,  we  shall  have 
shed  our  blood  together  in  the  jour  quarters 
of  the  world  in  vain." 

"The  time  of  security 
without  effort 
is  gone." 

LORD  VANSITTART,  P.C.,  G.C.B., 

G.C.M.G.,  M.V.O. 

Formerly    Chief    Diplomatic    Adviser    to    the 
Foreign  Secretary,  1938-41. 
Author  of  "Black  Record"  and  "Roots  of  the 
Trouble". 

I  AM  SIXTY-THREE.  MY  GENERATION  GREW  UP 

under  the  shadow  of  a  German  war.  We 
got  it.  We  were  soon  in  the  shadow  of 
another.  We  got  it.  Had  our  countries  stood 
together  we  should  have  had  neither.  We 
might  have  enjoyed  life.  Belief  in  inevitable 
progress  would  not  have  been  broken;  for 
the  Victorian  optimism  would  not  have 
seemed  so  naive  but  for  two  World  Wars. 
During  the  interlude,  I  was  for  five  years 


185 


head  of  the  American  Department  of  the 
Foreign  Office.  I  enjoyed  them.  My  heart 
was  in  my  work.  But  it  was  obviously 
leading  nowhere  in  particular — nor,  in  time. 

Now,  at  last,  the  whole  horizon  is 
changed.  Something  worthwhile  is  in 
sight. 

I  am  asked  to  stress  "whatever  aspect 
of  our  relations  seems  most  important  to 
keep  in  mind  in  the  times  immediately 
ahead."  So  soon  as  you  define  you  begin, 
perhaps,  to  limit.  I  want  no  limit,  so  I 
hesitate  to  define.  The  opportunity  of  col- 
laboration will  continually  crop  up — for  ex- 
ample, in  promoting  fair  elections  in  Greece. 
Similar  needs  may  arise  elsewhere  in  Eu- 
rope. 

If  I  must  select  a  test  case,  I  take  one 
that  won't  be  popular.  I  hope  that  the 
United  States  will  stand  with  Britain  in 
the  occupation  of  Germany  for  a  period  to 
be  defined  by  experience  alone.  It  will  be 
long;  but  without  it  there  will  be  no  real 
reform  in  Germany  or  security  in  the 
world.  After  the  first  few  "massive"  years 
the  burden — if  shared  by  all  the  Allies — 
will  be  light;  perhaps  a  mechanized  divi- 
sion each.  The  time  of  "something  for 
nothing"  —  security  without  effort  —  has 
gone.  We  both  pursued  that  will  o'  the 
wisp,  and  it  duly  bogged  us.  This  time  let 
us  remain  on  firm  ground  together;  and 
if  we  are  not  together,  there  will  be  no 
firm  ground — for  either  of  us. 


"Long  term  investment 
of  the  resources  of 
America  and  Britain" 

SIR  HAROLD  HARTLEY,  K.C.V.O.    M.C., 
F.R.S. 

Vice-president  of  London  Midland  and  Scot- 
tish Railway  Company. 

Chairman,  International  Executive  Committee, 
World  Power  Conference. 

I     WRITE     WITH     THE     MEMORIES     OF     NEARLY 

half  a  century  of  American  friendship.  To 
the  generosity  of  all  those  friends,  to  their 
readiness  to  give  of  their  best  in  comrade- 
ship, wise  counsel  and  material  help,  I 
owe  much.  I  know  the  inevitable  difference 
in  our  make-up,  inevitable  from  our  dif- 
ferences in  tradition,  environment,  oppor- 
tunity and  the  influx  of  new  blood.  Dif- 
ferences that  are  the  more  apparent  because 
we  speak  the  same  language. 

And  are  not  those  very  differences  a 
source  of  strength?  This  war  has  proved 
it — just  as  the  strength  of  a  football  team 
depends  on  the  varying  physique  and  tem- 
perament of  the  forwards  and  the  backs 
along  with  their  common  purpose:  the  will 
to  win. 

What  is  the  goal  that  faces  America  and 
Britain  today?  Is  it  not  another  new  world, 
in  which  the  prospect  of  a  better  life  will 
give  men  hope  to  bend  their  efforts  to  a 
common  purpose?  Science  has  made  the 
world  so  small  and  yet  so  complex  that 
the  long  term  prosperity  of  one  nation  is 
inseparable  from  that  of  the  other's,  and 
all  are  dependent  on  a  common  use  of  the 
diversity  of  their  resources. 

The  strength  of  America  is  concentrated 


in  one  continent;  that  of  Britain  scattered 
in  her  farflung  Commonwealth.  Together 
they  can  give  the  world  the  leadership  it 
needs  so  badly. 

What  I  have  in  mind  is  no  Utopian 
dream,  but  a  united  effort  to  help  each  na- 
tion develop  gradually  the  full  use  of  its 
resources.  This  will  need  in  peace  even 
more  vision,  more  concentration  of  effort, 
and  clearer  strategy  than  in  war.  It  will 
demand  all  the  courage,  the  tenacity,  the 
patience  and  the  resourcefulness  that  made 
the  American  frontiersman.  Its  success  will 
depend  on  the  long  term  investment  of  the 
resources  of  America  and  Britain  to  give 
the  nations  a  new  pattern  of  production  and 
stability,  based  on  their  inevitable  com- 
munity of  interest. 


"Lasting  unity  of  culture." 

SIR  KENNETH  CLARK,  K.C.B. 
Director  of  National  Gallery 

IN    UNIVERSITIES    MODELED    ON    OXFORD    AND 

Cambridge,  under  porticoes  deriving  their 
style  from  the  architecture  of  Sir  Christo- 
pher Wren,  American  students  read  the 
classics  of  a  literature  which  is  their  own 
as  well  as  ours.  Conversely,  the  English 
writer  finds  it  hard  not  to  think  of  Walt 
Whitman  and  Henry  James  as  his  country- 
men; and,  for  both  peoples,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln is  the  greatest  hero  of  democracy  since 
the  seventeenth  century.  With  this  deep 
common  inheritance,  the  differences  which 
inevitably  disturb  the  surface  of  political 
and  economic  relationship  can  hardly  affect 
the  more  lasting  unity  of  culture. 


"Next  time"  the  Nazis 
would  need  only 
"rocket  sites." 

GEORGE  M.  TREVELYAN,  O.M., 

C.B.E.,  F.B.A. 

Regius  Professor  of  Modern  History 
Cambridge,  1927-40. 
Author  of  many  outstanding  books. 

TAKING  FIRST  THINGS  FIRST,  THE  FIRST  WILL 
be  to  prevent  the  starvation  and  complete 
collapse  of  the  nations  which  the  Nazis 
have  massacred,  starved,  and  smashed  to 
pieces  in  Europe;  I  suppose  there  will  be  a 
corresponding  task  in  China  and  the  East. 

The  next  thing  will  be  to  have  practical 
and  ever-ready  machinery  to  prevent  the 
Germans  or  Japanese  from  rearming.  This 
can  only  be  done  by  the  cooperation  of  the 
USA  and  Britain;  and,  so  far  as  Europe  is 
concerned,  their  friendship  with  Russia.  If 
we  fall  apart  again  and  give  the  Germans 
hope  of  rearming  they  are  certain  to  do  so. 
The  extreme  weakness  of  the  other  coun- 
tries of  Europe  in  face  of  German  aggres- 
sion, and  of  China  in  the  face  of  Japanese 
aggression,  has  been  demonstrated. 

Though  they  went  down  to  defeat  in  this 
war  the  Nazis  succeeded  in  part  of  their 
fell  purpose:  they  effected  physical  ruin 
among  all  the  populations  surrounding 
Germany.  And  in  almost  every  country 
there  is  a  potential  Nazi  party.  Any  weak- 
ness or  division  between  the  United  States, 


Britain,  and  Russia,  would  at  once  revive 
Nazi  plans  and  hopes  the  world  over. 

Moreover,  next  time  the  Nazis  would 
not  have  to  build  up  openly  a  great  army 
and  air  force,  as  we  so  foolishly  allowed 
them  to  do.  All  they  need  do  next  time  is 
secretly  to  prepare  rocket  sites.  My  scien- 
tific friends,  who  have  been  working  at 
these  things  throughout  the  war,  tell  me 
that  within  a  very  limited  number  of  years 
people  will  be  able  to  make  projectiles  of 
such  potency  as  to  destroy  all  life  within  a 
wide  area  around  the  explosion.  The  wars 
of  the  future,  if  we  permit  them  to  take 
place,  will  be  of  that  character.  An  in- 
spectorate in  Germany  to  prevent  such 
preparations  will  be  necessary. 

A  long  convalescence  will  be  needed  for 
the  world  after  this  war,  and  it  must  be 
protected  by  the  USA  and  Britain,  in 
friendship  with  Russia,  standing  ready  to 
crush  at  once  any  Nazi  attempt  at  rearma- 
ment. That  is  the  only  way  to  preserve 
peace  and  to  turn  the  thought  of  the  Ger- 
mans and  Japs  away  from  the  hope  of 
revenge  and  into  peaceful  channels. 


How  "use  the  years  in 
which  we  can  count 
on  peace." 

HAROLD  J.  LASKI 

Professor  of  Political  Science  at  the  London 
School  of  Economics. 

Acting  chairman  of  National  Executive  of 
the  Labour  Party  and  Labour  Party  Confer- 
ence, 1944. 

I   SEE  NO  REASON   FOR  ANY  CLASH  OF  INTEREST 

between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  that  is  not  also  a  reason  for  a  clash 
between  the  United  States  and  any  other 
great  power. 

The  critical  moment  will  come  when  the 
demand  for  consumers'  goods  has  been 
satisfied,  and  the  problem  becomes  one  of 
finding  markets  for  the  immense  produc- 
tion capacity  of  both  countries.  The  prob- 
lem is,  of  course,  soluble;  but  it  is  not 
soluble  if  the  economic  system  of  either 
country  is  an  expression  of  the  kind  of 
monopoly-capitalism  increasingly  character- 
istic of  both  our  countries.  For  the  natural 
political  expression  of  monopoly-capitalism 
is  some  form  of  corporate  state;  that  state, 
by  its  own  inner  logic,  is  driven  to  eco- 
nomic imperialism  in  order  to  market  its 
goods  profitably. 

On  a  rough  guess,  I  think  it  probable 
that  there  will  be  no  clash  of  interest  be- 
tween our  two  countries,  certainly  for  five 
years  and  perhaps  for  as  much  as  a  decade. 
But  the  part  of  wisdom  is  to  use  the  years 
in  which  we  can  count  on  peace  to  give  it 
the  permanent  basis  it  so  obviously  and 
urgently  requires.  That  involves  a  redis- 
tribution of  wealth  in  both  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  with  a  view  to  far 
greater  equality  of  income  as  between  citi- 
zens; and  it  involves  long  term  investment 
to  raise  the  standard  of  life  in  impoverished 
countries  like  China,  India,  Africa,  the 
Near  East. 

If  we  have  not  learned  from  this  war  the 
great  lesson  that  planned  production  for 


186 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


community  consumption  means  better 
health,  better  housing,  higher  wages,  a  full- 
er use  of  science  and  technology,  we  shall 
have  experienced  its  agonies  in  vain.  But 
if  we  have  learned  this  lesson,  there  is  not 
an  atom  of  ground  for  supposing  that  Brit- 
ain and  America  cannot  hold  the  great  ends 
of  life  in  common. 

On  these  terms,  we  might  enter  upon 
one  of  the  most  creative  epochs  in  the 
human  adventure. 


"Indispensable  part 
of  the  new  order 
of  things." 

EDITH  SUMMERSKILL,  M.P. 

Labour  Member,  and  Vice-president,  Socialist 

Medical  Association. 

LAST  YEAR   I    HAD  THE  PLEASURE   OF   VISITING 

the  USA,  and  once  more  came  away  with 
the  impression  that  although  our  ways  of 
life  may  be  different,  our  aspirations  for 
the  future  of  the  world  are  fundamentally 
the  same. 

The  people  of  the  USA  and  Britain  hate 
war;  we  loathe  the  waste,  the  destruction, 
the  bestiality  of  it  all.  Then  our  common 
aim  must  be  to  prevent  the  destruction  of 
another  generation  of  youth.  It  can  be 
done.  .  .  .  Nations,  like  individuals,  must 
be  subject  to  discipline,  and  a  world  or- 
ganization, with  judicial  power,  supported 
by  an  international  force  to  uphold  its 
decisions,  must  be  an  indispensable  part  of 
the  new  order  of  things. 

We  have  failed  in  the  past  because  we 
and  other  nations  have  put  expediency  be- 
fore morality.  This  time  we  must  not  be- 
tray those  who  have  died  and  suffered  that 
those  who  come  after  them  may  be  free. 
There  can  be  no  real  freedom  without 
security. 


"We  must  hold  together 
by  good  will  and 
mutual  duty." 

J.  ].  MALLON,  C.H.,  LL.D.,  J.P. 
Warden  of  Toynbee  Hall,  London 
Hon.   Treasurer,   Workers'   Educational    Asso- 
ciation. Member,  Economic  Advisory  Council. 
Governor  of  BBC. 

AFTER  FIVE  AND  A  HALF  YEARS  OF  WAR  WE 
in  London  were  still  under  the  shadow  of 
German  demonology;  of  offensives  not  far 
away;  of  rocket  bombs;  of  our  homeless 
tens  of  thousands;  and  of  the  knowledge 
of  the  want  and  misery  that  eat  at  the  heart 
even  of  the  liberated  peoples.  We  are  still 
under  the  shadow  of  fear  of  the  future 
that  now  overhangs  all  humanity — the  hu- 
manity which  Sacheverell  Sitwell  has  com- 
pared to  "an  epileptic  who  falls  into  the 
fire  and  cannot  learn  his  lesson  that  he 
will  be  burned." 

But  are  we  really  incurably  feckless  and 
dull-witted?  Really  powerless  to  avert  our 
doom?  We  shall  soon  know.  After  the  last 
war  France  and  Britain,  with  Europe  in 
their  keeping,  relaxed  and  fell  apart;  and 
whilst  they  slept  or  differed,  new  conspir- 


acies were  hatched  and  new  weapons 
fashioned  under  their  noses.  Mankind  can- 
not survive  another  such  catastrophe. 

My  deepest  belief  is  that  together  Amer- 
ica and  Britain  can  avoid  it;  but  we  must 
be  linked  by  considerations  deeper  than 
those  of  economic  or  political  interest.  We 
must  hold  together  by  good  will  (which 
abounds  in  London,  particularly  in  the 
stricken  districts  which  have  been  succored 
by  noble  gifts  from  America),  mutual  duty 
and  sympathy.  We  must  make  the  most  of 
similarities  which  are  so  easily  overlooked 
and  make  the  least  of  differences  which  are 
so  easily  magnified. 

Let  sane  Americans  and  sane  British  try 
so  to  unite  our  peoples  that  upon  their 
friendship  may  be  built  a  good  peace,  the 
maintenance  of  that  peace,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  a  new  world.  Whitman  inspires  me 
to  ask:  "Shall  we  stick  to  each  other  as  long 
as  we  live?" 


". . .  in  restoring  health 
to  a  stricken  world." 

ALLAN  CREECH  JONES,  M.P. 

Labour     member     for     the    West     Riding    of 

Yorkshire. 

FOR   THE   ACHIEVEMENT   OF   THE   FoUR  FREE- 

doms  and  the  realization  of  the  Atlantic 
Charter,  the  continued  cooperation  of  the 
United  Nations  in  peace  is  imperative.  .  .  . 
Economic  nationalism  and  policies  based 
on  restriction  choked  in  the  past  many 
channels  of  fruitful  collaboration  between 
the  nations.  Just  as  no  nation  can  now  se- 
cure its  own  defense  within  the  terms  of 
its  own  frontiers,  so  no  people  can  secure 
their  own  economic  prosperity  by  neglect 
of  the  prosperity  of  other  nations.  We  want 
expansionist  economics  and  good  social  ser- 
vices and  standards  of  living  built  up  every- 
where. 

My  recent  visit  to  America  convinces 
me  that  such  world  policies  will  only  be 
possible  insofar  as  there  is  an  appreciation 
and  sympathetic  understanding  of  one  an- 
other's problems.  Above  all,  Britain  and 
America  must  work  together  in  restoring 
health  to  a  stricken  world. 

That  cooperation  will  be  the  more  cor- 
dial if  Britain  understands  that  American 
interest  in  the  larger  world  is  not  merely 
a  material  one  and  if,  on  the  other  hand, 
America  understands  that  "British  im- 
perialism" is  undergoing  vast  changes,  is 
primarily  concerned  with  liberal  policies 
for  developing  the  social,  economic,  and 
political  well-being  of  dependent  peoples. 

"More  important  than 
the  identity  of 
language." 

CAPTAIN  THE  HON.  QUINTIN  HOGG, 

M.P. 
Active  Member  of  the  Tory  Reform  Group. 

PARTNERSHIPS  ARE  BASED  PARTLY  ON  UNITY 
of  sentiment  and  partly  on  community  of 
interest.  Bismarck  once  said  the  most  im- 
portant political  fact  in  the  world  was  that 


the  United  States  of  America  and  Great 
Britain  spoke  the  same  language.  This  I 
believe  to  be  true,  but  more  important  than 
the  identity  of  language  is  the  identity  of 
tradition  and  of  idealism,  which  separates 
the  Anglo-Saxon  nations  from  the  rest  of 
the  world  and  unites  them.  This  unity  is 
not  always  apparent  to  ourselves,  but  it  is 
very  apparent  to  everybody  else — which  is 
perhaps  more  important.  Add  to  this  that 
a  vast  number  of  young  Americans  have 
now  fought,  worked  or  lived  with  British: 
people  and  endured  common  experiences 
and  common  dangers;  and  that  the  same 
is  true  of  by  far  the  greater  number  of 
British  men  and  women.  Unity  of  senti- 
ment would  therefore  appear  to  be  capable 
of  attainment. 

Community  of  interest  should  not  be 
doubted.  Commercial  differences  are  on  the 
surface,  but  the  security  and  freedom  of 
our  two  countries  is  the  over-riding  interest 
of  both,  and  both  are  supremely  concerned 
with  the  future  peace  and  prosperity  of 
the  rest  of  the  world  without  which  neither 
can  itself  be  prosperous  and  safe. 

Stategically  and  politically  our  interests 
are  the  same.  If  we  permit  our  policies  to 
diverge,  the  interests  of  both  countries  will 
suffer.  This  is  the  business  of  the  partner- 
ship. 

Functional  interplay 
vs.  "wishy-washy 
sentiment." 

KENNETH  LINDSAY 
Independent  Member  of  Parliament. 

.    .    .    MY    OWN    ATTITUDE    TO    AMERICA    IS    SO 

simple  that  I  hesitate  to  advance  it.  I  like 
America  and  trust  Americans,  just  as  I 
dislike  Germany  and  distrust  Germans. 
From  the  moment  I  set  foot  in  New  York 
twenty-two  years  ago,  as  leader  of  the  first 
Oxford  debating  team,  I  have  been  in- 
trigued by  the  New  World. 

The  thing  which  challenges  my  peace  of 
mind  is  the  American  capacity  for  experi- 
ment, the  fundamentally  different  approach 
to  nearly  all  the  problems  that  interest  me. 
This  challenge,  this  experimental  attitude, 
is  the  supreme  need  of  Britain  and  Europe. 
We  are  an  ancient  people,  up  to  our  necks 
in  history.  Our  virtues  and  failings  derive 
largely  from  that  fact.  But  I  can  count 
scores  of  friends  on  either  side  of  the  At- 
lantic who  recognize  this  fact. 

Unless  British  and  Americans  can  mu- 
tually rejoice  in  our  differences,  no  lasting 
progress  in  understanding  is  possible.  I 
feel  certain  that  Roosevelt  and  Churchill 
grasped  this  elementary  fact  at  their  first 
meeting. 

Sameness  is  no  common  bond. 

But  the  best  way  of  appreciating  differ- 
ences is  to  "talk  shop."  Doctors  and  doc- 
tors, architects  and  architects,  teachers  and 
teachers,  journalists  and  journalists,  actors 
and  actors,  traders  and  traders,  civil  ser- 
vants and  state  officials.  To  understand  each 
other's  virtues,  it  is  necessary  to  rub  mind 
against  mind.  Vague,  wishy-washy  senti- 
ment is  the  worst  medium — indeed  it  is  a 
dangerous  vacuum. 


MAY     1945 


187 


Therefore,  I  would  like  to  see  the  greatest 
possible  functional  interchange  of  persons, 
ideas,  journals,  books,  and  research.  Compe- 
tition in  excellence  leaves  little  room  for  the 
tittle-tattle  of  petty  rivalry. 

Magnanimity  exists  in  such  large  meas- 
ure on  both  sides  of  the  water  that  it 
might  well  be  matched  by  comparable  and 
deliberate  organization.  I  think,  therefore, 
that  the  time  is  overdue  for  planned  co- 
operation at  every  level  among  as  many 
professions  as  possible.  It  is  hoped  to  start 
a  British-American  Education  Committee; 
the  ramifications  of  this  one  profession  are 
endless,  but  the  present  contacts  are  negligi- 
ble. Multiply  those  contacts  by  a  hundred, 
and  the  two  countries  are  knit  by  thousands 
of  personal  and  functional  ties. 

Only  by  these  humanistic  and  liberalizing 
influences  can  the  Atlantic  Community  be 
reborn.  To  some  of  us  it  is  not  so  much  a 
problem  as  an  adventure.  The  old  men 
see  everything  in  terms  of  problems.  I 
pray,  therefore,  that  each  country  will  now 
build  a  fresh  foundation  out  of  the  suf-  • 
ferings  and  common  aspirations  of  war. 
We  need  your  spirit;  perhaps  we,  too,  have 
something  to 'offer  you. 

"Two  hundred  million 
people"  and  their 
chance. 

GEORGE  GIBSON 

Member,    Lancashire    Industrial    Development 

Council. 

Former  chairman,  Trade  Union  Committee. 

IT  IS  BECAUSE  WE  SPEAK  THE  SAME  LANGUAGE 

that,  on  occasion,  we  are  so  disgracefully 
and  rudely  frank  with  one  another;  allied 
to  the  fact  that  in  the  family  circle  there 
are  a  few  who  either  twist  the  Lion's  tail 
or  disparage  Uncle  Sam. 

There  are  differences,  of  course,  in  our 
methods  of  approach  to  aims  and  aspira- 
tions that  are  fundamentally  the  same. 

Thus,  only  a  minority  of  Britons  appre- 
ciates that  the  United  States  consists  of 
forty-eight  separate  states,  each  with  a  large 
degree  of  self-government;  that  your  popu- 
lation has  trebled  in  seventy  years;  and  that 
yours  is  a  country  young  in  ideas,  cosmo- 
politan in  composition,  still  polyglot  in 
language;  virile,  direct  and  uncompromis- 
ing in  dealing  with  industrial  or  political 
problems. 

On  the  other  hand,  only  a  minority  of 
Americans  appreciates  how  Britain,  with 
its  ancient  traditions  and  a  comparatively 
small  population,  at  once  bears  strategic 
relation  to  the  continent  of  Europe  and  is 
a  focus  of  governmental  and  cultural  in- 
fluence for  approximately  one  quarter  of 
the  world's  peoples.  Nor  do  all  Americans 
realize  that  under  the  Statute  of  West- 
minster our  great  dominions  can  at  any 
time  declare  their  independence  from  all 
connection  with  Great  Britain. 

If  these  differences  are  appreciated,  and 
ff  we  but  realize  that  the  British  Common- 
wealth and  the  United  States  constitute 
the  two  greatest  liberty-loving  communities 
in  the  world,  then  .  .  .  the  two  hundred 
million  English-speaking  people  can  be  the 


most  important  force  capable  of  influencing 
world  development  in  the  direction  of  effi- 
cient democracy  allied  with  individual  free- 
dom. 


"The  Atlantic  Charter 
has  been  by-passed 
by  events." 

EMANUEL  SHINWELL,  M.P. 
Member,  Labour  Party. 

GRANTED  THAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLLABO- 
ration  in  international  affairs  is  indispens- 
able to  international  unity — but  whether 
this  can  be  achieved  depends  on  the  ambi- 
tions of  both  nations  in  the  Pacific  zone. 
So  far  the  U.  S.  and  British  governments 
have  not  disclosed  their  intentions.  Can 
anyone  say  what  these  are?  The  Atlantic 
Charter  is  no  answer.  It  has  been  by-passed 
by  events. 

It  would  be  helpful  if  both  parties  made 
a  declaration:  that,  subject  to  subsequent 
decision  by  an  International  Authority,  the 
end  of  the  war  in  the  Far  East  would  wit- 
ness a  return  to  the  status  quo. 

In  the  economic  sphere,  the  difficulties 
are  immense.  In  Britain  the  swing  is  in 
the  direction  of  the  "Left."  She  cannot 
escape  tl)e  consequences  of  present  trends 
in  Europe,  which  may  be  stimulated  by 
the  influence  of  Soviet  Russia  after  the  war. 
There  is  no  trace  of  progressive  thought 
in  the  speeches  of  public  men  in  the  United 
States,  with  perhaps  the  exception  of  Henry 
Wallace,  whose  interventions  appear  to  be 
resented. 

Moreover  a  policy  of  foreign  lending, 
which  means  the  supply  of  U.  S.  goods  to 
the  borrowing  countries,  may  have  serious 
repercussions  on  British  export  policy. 

Bretton  Woods  is  no  answer.  It  should 
have  been  preceded  by  an  economic  agree- 
ment, based  on  the  principle  that  export- 
ing nations  must  be  ready  to  import,  stimu- 
late home  consumption,  promote  full  em- 
ployment, and  assist  in  raising  the  living 
standards  throughout  the  world.  This  is 
the  basis  of  international  unity.  In  this 
matter  the  USA  and  Great  Britain  could 
take  the  lead.  Otherwise,  Goodbye  to  unity. 

American  failure  to  recognize  the  growth 
of  new  ideologies  is  disturbing. 

Worldwide  brotherhood 
in  "quest  for  life 
and  freedom." 

GEORGE  E.  HAYNES 

National  Council  of  Social  Service. 

.  .  .  LOOKING  BACK  TO  THE  DARK  DAYS  OF 
1939-40,  it  seems  miraculous  that  the  United 
States  and  the  British  group  of  nations 
should  have  this  chance  of  shaping  things 
to  come.  What  are  the  fundamental  con- 
ditions for  success  in  this  great  adventure? 

First,  both  countries  must  learn  (and 
that,  quickly)  to  see  world  problems 
through  the  eyes  of  other  peoples,  many 
of  whom  have  plumbed  depths  of  despair 
unknown  to  us. 

Second,  we  must  sharpen  our  insight  into 


the  respective  problems  of  our  two  coun- 
tries. ...  I  am  sometimes  alarmed  at  the 
extent  to  which  cooperation  has  turned 
upon  the  steady  nerve  and  restraint  of  the 
small  number  of  officials  responsible  for 
the  new  machinery  of  joint  action  and  con- 
sultation. There  must  be  far  more  widely 
diffused  understanding  of  what  the  con- 
tribution of  each  can  and  should  be. 

Social  workers  have  great  opportunities 
in  underpinning  the  efforts  of  statesmen, 
economists,  and  industrialists  in  creating 
new  instruments  of  cooperation.  Social 
workers  in  Britain  and  the  United  States 
have  much  in  common;  for  many  years 
we  have  had  fruitful  contacts.  To  strength- 
en and  extend  all  true  and  constructive 
social  activity  should  be  our  great  aim,  and 
in  its  fulfillment  we  can  work  beyond  and 
over  national  frontiers. 

Worldwide  distress  and  dislocation  will 
require  the  best  we  have  to  give  from  ex- 
perience gained  in  the  past  six  years.  The 
prime  condition  for  good  international  re- 
lations is  reciprocity  and  we  have  much 
to  receive  as  well  as  give. 

I  see  in  strengthened  American-British 
cooperation  the  core  of  a  worldwide  brother- 
hood of  all  who  serve  the  individual  in 
his  quest  for  life  and  freedom. 

"We  both  have  things 
to  unlearn  and 
adjust." 

THE  DOWAGER  LADY  READING, 
D.B.E.,  J.P. 

Chairman  of  Women's  Voluntary  Services  for 
Civil  Defense. 

DURING  THESE  YEARS  OF  WAR  I  HAVE  SEEN 
much  of  American  and  Briton,  side  by  side 
in  tragic  moments  of  attack  and  destruc- 
tion, and  have  never  failed  to  be  thrilled 
by  the  consciousness  of  real  values  which 
had  been  accepted  naturally  and  unself- 
consciously by  both  as  they  emerged  from 
the  ordeal. 

Cooperation  of  our  two  nations  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  the  sanity  of  the  world, 
and  its  most  important  aspect  is  this  mu- 
tual agreement  on  fundamentals.  Frills  and 
furbelows  are  apt  to  be  worn  and  altered 
to  suit  individual  tastes.  The  fabric  is  the 
important  base,  and  we  must  concur  on 
this  or  the  world  will  suffer. 

We  both  have  things  to  unlearn  and  to 
adjust.  We  British,  when  we  bring  with 
us  tradition,  worthwhile  and  rich,  must 
see  that  it  is  a  living  and  vital  force  and 
not  a  cloying  and  outmoded  habit.  We 
must  not  allow  our  national  inhibitions  to 
generate  tendencies  which  may  appear 
supercilious.  Equally  you,  on  your  side,  will 
know  those  things  which  have  made  bar- 
riers between  us  and  act  with  generosity 
of  spirit  for  which  your  generosity  of  pocket 
augurs  well. 

If  we  can  both  be  honest  enough  in 
mind  and  soul  to  acknowledge  and  agree 
on  the  fundamental  values  of  life,  every- 
thing else  will  be  a  matter  for  adjustment 
and  arrangement.  That  acceptance  will  call 
for  bigness  of  spirit  and  unselfishness  of 
motive  to  the  highest  degree.  .  .  .  Trade, 


188 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


commerce,  politics,  standards  of  living,  art 
—everything  that  makes  up  modern  life — 
must  be  based  on  a  surety  and  the  simpler 
that  base  is  and  the  easier  to  understand, 
the  better  we  shall  weave  and  the  finer 
will  be  the  fabric. 

Tragically,  the  privilege  of  suffering  has 
been  granted  to  countless  men  and  women 
who  through  their  despair  have  seen  and 
realized  true  values. 

"Understanding  of  the  people 
by  the  people." 

B.  E.  ASTBURY 

General  Secretary,  Charity  Organization 

Society,  London. 

FRIENDSHIP  BETWEEN  NATIONS  DEPENDS  LESS 
upon  agreement  between  their  statesmen 
than  upon  mutual  tolerance  among  their 
citizens.  Out  of  the  trials  of  war  have 
arisen  many  opportunities  for  deepened  un- 
derstanding between  the  peoples  of  the 
United  States  and  of  Britain.  The  efforts  of 
Americans  to  mitigate  the  hardships  of  the 
British  under  air  attack  and  conditions  of 
total  mobilization  have  been  met  by  keen 
desire  on  our  part,  and  especially  on  the 
part  of  young  people,  to  learn  all  they  can 
from  the  Americans  stationed  in  this  coun- 
try about  American  history,  education,  in- 
dustry, and  ways  of  living. 

Radio  discussions  between  groups  of 
Americans  and-  Britishers  on  all  kinds  of 
topics  have  often  resulted  in  mutual  re- 
gard. This  should,  I  suggest,  be  fostered 
by  still  wider  use  of  the  radio  for  free  and 
frank  discussions  between  ordinary  men 
and  women  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic 
on  subjects  of  mutual  interest  and — even 
more  important — on  subjects  of  possible 
disagreement;  for  examples — the  British  at- 
titude to  India  and  the  American  attitude 
toward  the  color  problem.  Also  by  the  in- 
terchange of  visits  not  only  between  pro- 
fessors, politicians  and  personnel  manag- 
ers, but  also  between  practical  social  work- 
ers, teachers,  mechanics,  students,  and 
housewives. 

This  understanding  of  the  people  by  the 
people  is,  I  am  convinced,  the  only  stable 
foundation  for  lasting  British-American 
partnership. 

Mutual  trust — 1*5  the 
great  thing  we  can 
fairly  ask. 

SIR  ERNEST  BARKER 

Professor     of     Political     Science,     Cambridge. 

Author  of  many  historical  and  political  books. 

IT    SEEMS    TO    ME    THAT    THE    CONDITIONS    OF 

Anglo-American  cooperation  are  much  the 
same  as  the  conditions  of  cooperation  be- 
tween husband  and  wife  in  marriage.  Tak- 
ing that  analogy,  for  what  it  is  worth,  I 
should  suggest  four  conditions: 

1.  A  husband  and  wife  will  do  well  if 
neither  tells  the  other,  day  in  and  day  out, 
what  the  other  ought  to  be  doing.  Each 
partner  is  apt  to  find  such  lectures,  even 
when  they  are  as  intimate  as  "Mrs.  Caudle's 


curtain  lectures,"  a  little  tiresome.  The  best 
thing  for  partners  is  for  each  to  be  con- 
stantly telling  himself  what  he  ought  to  be 
doing  himself,  and  especially  what  he 
ought  to  be  doing  to  help  his  partner. 

2.  A  husband  and  wife  will  do  well  if 
they  try  to  think  together  of  a  job  they 
can  do  together — some  piece  of  joint  social 
work,  some  holiday  they  can  share,  some 
interest  they  can  both  cultivate.  So,  with 
our  two  nations:  they  will  be  wise  to  think 
of  some  joint  work  which  the  two  of  them, 
with  their  complementary  gifts,  can  do  well 
and  truly  together  by   putting  their  gifts 
together. 

3.  A  husband  and  wife  must  keep  in- 
tellectual contact;  they  must  not  be  merely 
a  business  concern  for  household  arrange- 
ment, but  also  a  concern  of  the  mind,  with 
a  common  set  of  intellectual  interests.  So 
again  with  our  two  nations:  they  will  be 
wise  to  remember  and  promote  their  com- 
mon culture,  and  they  need  some  joint  in- 
tellectual institute — say,  an  Anglo-American 
Institute   of    Intellectual   Collaboration — to 
keep  them  united  together  as  a  joint  con- 
cern of  the  mind. 

4.  A  husband  and  wife  must  trust  one 
another,  believe  in  one  another's  good  in- 
tentions, and  give  one  another  the  honor 
of  mutual  confidence.  It  is  just  the  same 
with  our  two  nations.   Let  us  on  our  side 
not  be  thought  guilty  by  you  on  your  side 
of  power  politics;  and  let  us  on  our  side 
not  think  you  on  your  side  guilty  of  power 
economics,   or   a    desire   to   dominate   the 
world's  markets.  Mutual  trust  is  the  great 
thing,  and  that  is  the  thing  which  we  can 
fairly  ask  from  one  another. 


'Capital  resources' 
'underdeveloped 


and 


countries. 

W.  MANNING  DACEY 

Editor  of  The  Banker 

Financial  Editor  of  "The  Observer" 

AT    PRESENT,    THERE     IS    AN    ENORMOUS    DIF- 

ference  in  economic  philosophy  and  outlook 
between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  It  would  surely  assist  Anglo- 
American  relations  in  the  economic  field  if 
each  country  could  take  over  something 
from  the  economic  thinking  of  the  other. 

In  Britain,  both  the  general  public  and 
businessmen  tend  to  be  "slump-minded." 
This  leads  them  rightly  to  stress  the  need 
for  policies  to  maintain  full  employment, 
but  at  the  same  time  renders  them  unduly 
well-disposed  towards  monopoly  and  re- 
strictive practices. 

In  the  United  States,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  tradition  of  rugged  individualism  is  still 
strong.  This  leads  to  a  healthy  insistence  on 
competition  and  low  prices,  but  also  en- 
courages the  belief  that  the  economic  system 
can  run  on  an  even  keel  without  state  inter- 
vention to  maintain  effective  demand. 

If  British  public  opinion  could  be  induced 
to  take  a  more  realistic  attitude  towards 
monopoly,  and  the  American  public  a  more 
realistic  view  towards  full  employment  poli- 
cies, we  should  be  very  much  advanced.  In 


their  relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world, 
the  maintenance  of  a  high  national  income 
at  home  is  by  far  the  most  important  con- 
tribution that  our  two  countries  can  make. 

They  can  also  help  enormously  by  sub- 
scribing to  the  codes  of  international  be- 
havior laid  down,  for  example,  in  the  Bret- 
ton  Woods  agreements,  and  in  pressing  for 
the  gradual  removal  of  trade  barriers. 

Given  this  constructive  approach  towards 
internal  and  external  trade,  our  two  coun- 
tries could  go  far  towards  solving  one  of 
the  world's  basic  economic  problems. 

At  present,  some  areas  with  huge  popula- 
tions, such  as  India  and  China,  are  living 
on  the  verge  of  subsistence  for  lack  of  capi- 
tal to  develop  their  resources.  In  highly 
developed  countries  like  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  on  the  other  hand,  a  plethora 
of  savings  may  be  an  actual  danger,  leading 
constantly  to  the  threat  of  unemployment. 

If  Britain  and  the  United  States  can  co- 
operate in  building  the  kind  of  world  in 
which  their  capital  resources  can  be  made 
available  to  the  underdeveloped  countries, 
hopes  of  an  expanding  world  economy 
would  become  a  reality. 

Alternatives  to  "bombast, 

misunderstanding 

and  war." 

JOHN  M.  RYAN 
Editor  of  Scope  Magazine 

IF  THE  BRITISH  AND  AMERICANS  CANNOT  co- 
operate, what  hope  is  there  for  ...  the  pre- 
vention of  war?  If  peoples  with  the  same 
social  and  cultural  backgrounds,  the  same 
economic  and  trading  traditions,  and  above 
all  the  same  language,  cannot  cooperate, 
how  can  other  nations  divided  in  outlook 
and  language  hope  to?  The  perfectionist's 
dream  of  a  World  State  is  not  for  this  gen- 
eration, but  the  partnership  between  our 
two  nations  could  serve  as  a  model  of  col- 
laboration to  inspire  the  world  and  give  it 
stability. 

Thus  there  is  an  immense  responsibility 
on  today's  politicians,  teachers,  editors,  leg- 
islators, and  all  those  thinking  men  and 
women  who  influence  opinion  in  both 
countries.  Let  such  men  curb  the  first  angry 
rush  on  hearing  inflammatory  reports  from 
the  other  side.  Sober  reflection  usually  re- 
veals that  home  critics  and  political  oppo- 
nents say  worse  things  every  day. 

This  fiercely  assertive  nationalism  is  still 
the  greatest  source  of  bitterness  and  mis- 
trust between  the  countries.  Its  cure  is  tol- 
erance and  education  discarding  the  jingo- 
istic teaching  of  history — by  re-editing  the 
school  textbooks.  The  adolescent  belief  that, 
because  one  happens  to  be  born  into  it,  one 
nation  is  superior  to  another — morally  better 
and  more  courageous — is  the  foundation  of 
national  bombast,  of  international  misunder- 
standing and,  sooner  or  later,  of  war. 

The  idea  that  an  Anglo-American  part- 
nership is  more  favorable  to  one  nation  than 
the  other,  essential  to  one  and  optional  to 
the  other,  can  only  wreck  the  slender  hope 
that  the  agony  of  the  last  six  years  has  not 
been  in  vain  and  that  at  last  the  world 
begins  to  learn  its  lesson. 


MAY     1945 


189 


Therefor 
possible  f 
ideas,  jo 
tition  i' 
tittle-t 

M 
ure 
m; 


IV.     AREAS     OF     TENSION 

Europe  and  the  Mediterranean 

Britain  has  become  irrevocably  part  of  the  Continent.   By  abandoning  the  detachment 
we,  too,  no  longer  possess,  Americans  can  achieve  a  new  freedom — from  fear  of  attack. 


IN   SPEAKING   OF   A   NATION'S   FOREIGN   POLICY, 

we  are  apt  to  use  what  Walter  Lippmann 
calls  "stereotypes."  We  make  words  like 
Britain,  France,  Russia  do  as  shorthand  for 
that  multiplicity  and  variety  of  views  found 
among  any  people.  That  is,  we  expect  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  as  a  matter  of  course  at 
home — freely  and  sometimes  violently  ex- 
pressed. But  the  moment  we  discuss  an- 
other country,  we  tend  to  give  the  false  im- 
pression that  it  is  a  solid  monolith — with- 
out internal  fissures  or  shadings. 

This  variety  of  v^ews  holds  even  for  peo- 
ple living  under  dictatorship,  but  far  more 
among  those  given  to  democracy.  All  the 
more,  therefore,  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind 
that  the  British  by  no  means  think  alike 
among  themselves  on  controversial  issues. 
For  the  sake  of  winning  the  war,  all  parties 
have  loyally  supported  the  coalition  govern- 
ment of  Winston  Churchill.  But  Liberals 
and  Laborites  disagree  with  the  Prime 
Minister  on  many  fundamental  points;  nor 
do  Young  Tories  see  eye  to  eye  with  Old. 

Yet  there  is  an  underlying  unity  among 
political  groups  in  Britain  concerning  the 
main  objectives  of  British  foreign  policy — 
a  unity  springing  from  dangers  and  glories 
shared  in  common  over  the  centuries.  It 
would  be  a  mistake  to  assume  that  Neville 
Chamberlain  misrepresented  his  people  in 
1938-39 — by  his  policy  of  appeasement.  Be- 
fore Munich,  the  majority  of  the  British 
people,  like  ourselves,  wanted  peace — and, 
again,  like  ourselves,  were  not  aware  of  the 
steep  price  they  would  have  to  pay  for  it. 
Nor  does  Mr.  Churchill  today  give  an  alto- 
gether incorrect  picture  of  British  concern 
for  security,  when  he  refuses  to  "liquidate 
the  Empire." 

There  is  a  large  measure  of  agreement 
among  the  British  about  aims,  but  consid- 
erable divergence  about  methods  of  achiev- 
ing them. 

Let  us  not  forget,  too,  that  in  any  major 
decision  on  foreign  policy,  the  British  must 
consider  not  only  their  own  interests,  but 
also  the  desires  of  the  dominions  and  the 
interests  of  the  colonies  as  they  see  them. 
Moreover,  the  British  themselves  are  an 
unusually  homogeneous  people  far  less  af- 
fected than  we  by  special  attachments  to 
other  countries  such  as  influence  our  citi- 
zens of  Polish  or  Finnish,  German  or  Rus- 
sian, English  or  Italian  antecedents. 

Britain  and  the  Continent 

Unlike  Russia,  Britain  is  not,  geographic- 
ally, an  integral  part  of  the  continent;  and, 
with  a  population  of  less  than  50,000,000 
compared  to  Russia's  190,000,000,  cannot 
deploy  comparable  land  forces  or  mass- 
produced  war  equipment. 


VERA  MICHELES  DEAN 

— By  the  research  director  and  editor  of 
the  Foreign  Policy  Association  who  has 
served  as  expert  and  consultant  for 
United  States  and  international  agencies. 

Her  recent  Headline  Book  "After 
Victory — "  is  a  postscript,  charged  with 
new  prescience,  to  her  prophetic  volume 
in  1940 — "Europe  in  Retreat." 

In  the  interval,  she  has  written  or 
edited  both  FPA  Reports  and  Headline 
Books  which  have  been  keen,  vivid,  serial 
exhibits  of  the  war  years.  A  yeasty  force 
for  enlightenment  at  home,  these  are 
welcomed  by  diplomats  and  members  of 
the  armed  forces  throughout  the  world. 


Britain's  disadvantage  in  this  respect  was 
not  noticeable  during  the  century  of  relative 
peace  in  Europe  between  the  defeat  of 
Napoleon  and  the  outbreak  of  World 
War  I.  One  of  the  first  nations  to  feel  the 
impact  of  the  industrial  revolution,  Britain 
rapidly  expanded  production  of  manufac- 
tured goods  and  traded  throughout  the 
globe.  Tsarist  Russia  could  still  regard  her- 
self as  a  peer  of  Britain  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna,  but  failed  to  adopt  modern  indus- 
trial techniques  until  late  in  the  nineteenth 
century.  Hence,  in  1914,  Russia,  a  nation 
great  in  territory,  population,  and  potential 
resources,  lacked  the  weapons  to  defend 
herself  against  aggression  or  to  enforce  de- 
cisions on  others,  and  after  three  years  of 
war  with  Germany  reached  a  nadir  of 
weakness  at  Brest-Litovsk  in  1918. 

Since  then,  a  quarter  century  of  indus- 
trialization and  agricultural  collectivization 
under  the  aegis  of  the  Soviet  government 
has  profoundly  altered  the  relative  posi- 
tion of  Russia  and  Britain  in  Europe,  and 
this  change  has  affected  the  whole  range  of 
continental  problems  in  which  both  great 
powers  as  well  as  the  USA  are  concerned. 

Nor  can  Britain,  with  economic  resources 
at  home  and  abroad  drastically  reduced  by 
six  years  of  war,  challenge  the  supremacy 
acquired  in  this  same  period  by  the  United 
States  in  naval  power  and  merchant  marine, 
aviation,  and  finance. 

But  the  differences  in  the  positions  of 
Britain  and  the  United  States  with  respect 
to  the  continent  are  not  only  military  and 
economic;  they  are  also  political. 

As  late  as  1939,  Britain's  policy  toward 
Europe  still  bore  the  imprint  of  past  cen- 
turies, during  which  the  urge  to  explore 
and  colonize,  and  the  need  for  imported 
goods  not  available  in  the  British  Isles  plus 
the  need  for  markets  for  British  manufac- 
tures, had  made  London  the  nucleus  of  a 
far-flung  empire.  One  by-product  of  this 
absorption  in  overseas  affairs  was  that  the 


British  tended  to  regard  Europe  as  on  the 
periphery  of  their  national  interests.  Their 
chief  concern  with  the  continent  was  to 
make  sure  that  no  other  nation  should  be- 
come powerful  enough  to  dominate  it,  or 
to  form  a  coalition  directed  against  the 
British  Isles.  Whenever  such  a  prospect 
loomed  on  the  horizon,  the  British  promptly 
intervened — against  Louis  XIV,  against 
Napoleon,  against  the  Kaiser  and  Hitler. 

In  intervals  between  such  interventions, 
however,  Britain  tended  to  maintain  a  posi- 
tion of  "splendid  isolation,"  emerging  only 
occasionally  to  admonish  European  peoples 
when  their  conduct  shocked  the  British 
sense  of  justice.  And  again  and  again,  in- 
dividual Englishmen,  from  Byron  who  died 
for  the  glory  that  was  Greece  to  the  young 
men  and  women  who  in  our  day  made  the 
cause  of  the  Spanish  Republicans  their  own, 
fought  for  liberation  of  oppressed  peoples. 

Illusions  of  Isolation 

World  War  II  shattered  permanently  any 
illusions  the  British  still  retained  about  the 
possibility  of  isolation  from  Europe.  True, 
the  Germans  did  not  succeed  in  invad- 
ing the  British  Isles.  But  they  did  succeed 
in  carrying  the  war  right  into  Britain  with 
air  raids,  robot  bombs,  and  rockets.  If 
there  is  one  issue  on  which  the  British  are 
unanimously  agreed,  it  is  that  Britain,  for 
purposes  of  security,  is  now  irrevocably  part 
of  the  continent. 

This  realization  first  came  to  them  at  a 
moment  when,  by  a  peculiar  paradox,  the 
United  States  appeared  to  be  assuming  the 
role  toward  Britain  and  Europe  which 
Britain  had  so  very  recently  played  toward 
the  continent.  We  had.  intervened  in  Eu- 
rope ourselves  in  1917  to  prevent  the  dom- 
ination of  a  single  military  power  whose 
victory  held  a  threat  to  the  security  of  this 
country.  In  1941  we  did  this  again. 

Like  Britain,  in  the  interval  between  two 
great  interventions  in  this  century,  we  with- 
drew into  "splendid  isolation."  Again,  like 
the  British,  we  emerged  from  our  retire- 
ment only  occasionally  to  criticize  the 
actions  of  other  nations — without  assuming 
any  responsibility  for  the  fate  of  Europe. 

Just  as  France,  and  other  European  coun- 
tries, found  it  difficult  prior  to  1939  to  per- 
suade Britain  to  take  a  consecutive  and  con- 
structive interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  con- 
tinent, so  Britain,  after  the  outbreak  of 
World  War  II,  wondered  about  our  inten- 
tions. Once  the  United  States  had  entered 
the  war,  the  British  became  anxious  about 
the  next  step — asking  themselves  whether 
we  would  pull  up  stakes  the  moment  Ger- 
many was  defeated,  and  leave  them  to  face 
alone  the  problems  of  their  own  vastly 


190 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Press    Association 

At  Yalta  President  Roosevelt  gave  strong  intimation  that  the  USA   would  take  active  part   in  reconverting  Europe  from  war  to  peace. 
This   reassurance   checked,   temporarily   at   least,   the   trend   to   divide    the    continent    into    British    and    Russian    spheres    of    influence 


altered  relationships  across  the  Channel. 

Much  of  the  recrimination  between  Bri- 
tain and  the  United  States  over  specific 
issues  such  as  Greece  and  Italy  has  been 
due,  on  Britain's  part,  to  a  painfully  en- 
hanced apprehension  about  her  future 
safety  in  the  event  that  the  United  States 
should  resume  a  policy  of  isolation.  Much 
of  our  criticism  of  Britain  has  been  due  to 
our  failure  to  realize  that  we  can  not  shed 
all  responsibility  for  the  consequences  of 
Allied  military  operations  in  Europe  and, 
at  the  same  time,  publicly  censure  Britain 
for  any  "unilateral"  measures  she  might 
take  to  safeguard  her  interests  there. 

This  clash  of  views,  which  for  a  time 
threatened  to  obscure  the  indefatigable  and 
mutually  loyal  cooperation  developed  by 
Britain  and  the  United  States  during  this 
war,  was  materially  alleviated  at  Yalta  in 
1945.  Before  that  conference,  Britain  con- 
fronted the  dilemma  bluntly  pointed  out 
two  years  before  by  Prime  Minister  Smuts 
of  the  Union  of  South  Africa  when  he 
stressed  the  vast  power  Russia  and  the 
United  States  would  command  after  the 
\v:ir,  and  urged  Britain  to  strengthen  her 
position  on  the  continent  by  forming  a  coa- 
lition of  western  European  nations.  Other 
spokesmen,  notably  Lord  Halifax,  advocated 
consolidation  of  Britain's  relations  with  the 
dominions  to  offset  her  two  great  Allies. 

Yalta,  the  Turning  Point 

At  Yalta,  President  Roosevelt  made  it  as 
clear  as  it  is  possible  for  an  American 
President  to  do,  that  we  intended  to  carry 
our  share  of  responsibility  in  postwar  Eu- 
rope; that  we  would  implement  this  inten- 
tion by  cooperating  at  San  Francisco  with 


other   nations    in   assuring   world    security 
through  a  United  Nations  organization. 

The  American  President's  decision,  first 
publicly  stated  in  his  January,  1945,  message 
to  Congress,  expressed  the  growing  con- 
viction of  the  American  people  that  the 
United  States  must  use  its  influence  con- 
structively in  world  affairs — not  hide,  os- 
trich-like, behind  a  "hands-off"  policy. 
More,  that  in  this  shrunken  world  the 
British  Isles  are  our  first  line  of  defense 
against  threats  directed  at  us  from  Europe. 


In  the  perspective  of  history,  this  decision 
will  be  recognized  as  having  turned  the 
tide  of  events  for  Britain  and  the  continent. 
For  had  the  United  States  chosen  to  remain 
indefinitely  on  the  sidelines,  Britain  would 
have  had  no  choice  but  to  seek  such  security 
as  she  could  by  dividing  Europe  in  concert 
with  Russia  into  spheres  of  influence.  Since 
Germany,  presumably,  would  emerge  from 
the  war  politically  disorganized  and  eco- 
nomically shattered — no  longer  able  to  play 
the  role  of  "honest  broker"  favored  by  Bis- 


Rritish    Information    Services 


Soviet  Foreign  Commissar  Vyacheslav  M.  Molotov,  Foreign  Secretary  Anthony  Eden  of 
Great  Britain,  Ivan  M.  Maisky,  Russian  Ambassador  to  Britain,  after  the  signing  of 
a  twenty-year  treaty  between  Britain  and  Russia,  1942.  The  terms  of  the  treaty,  how- 
ever, expressly  provided  for  later  integration  with  a  collective  system  of  security 


MAY      1945 


191 


marck  and  sought  by  Stresemann — Britain 
might  have  tried  to  dominate  Europe  west 
of  Germany,  leaving  Europe  east  of  Ger- 
many to  Russia.  This  could  only  have 
meant  constant  danger  that  the  Reich  itself 
would  become  a  bone  of  contention  between 
London  and  Moscow. 

On  the  eve  of  Yalta  this,  in  fact,  was  the 
situation  that  was  developing  in  Europe. 
Americans  had  denounced  as  "power  poli- 
tics" and  "unilateral  decisions"  the  trend 
toward  division  of  the  continent  into  Brit- 
ish and  Russian  spheres  of  influence.  This 
trend  was  checked  by  President  Roosevelt's 
strong  intimation  at  Yalta  that  the  United 
States  would  take  an  active  part  in  the  re- 
conversion of  Europe  from  war  to  peace. 

Yet  Britain  could  not  be  sure  that  the 
check  would  prove  more  than  temporary. 
Suppose  the  United  States  Senate  should 
later  be  reluctant  to  support  the  Yalta  un- 
dertakings? Or  suppose  the  politburo  should 
later  pull  the  Soviet  Union  out  of  the 
United  Nations  group,  in  spite  of  or  be- 
cause of  developments  at  San  Francisco? 

Then  Britain,  once  again  faced  with  in- 
security, would  have  to  consider  anew 
ways  and  means  of  mitigating  her  relative 
weakness  as  compared  with  the  United 
States  and  Russia.  Yet  no  policy  except  that 
of  participation  in  a  strong  international 
organization  has  offered  her  much  prospect 
of  security — and  the  British  are  clearly 
aware  of  this. 

For,  it  is  obvious  that  Britain  can  no 
longer  achieve  safety  through  isolation 
from  Europe,  or  through  alliances  with 
Russia  and  France,  or  through  a  western 
European  bloc;  through  closer  ties  with  the 
dominions  or  through  absorption  in  the 
affairs  of  the  British  Empire.  Each  one  of 
these  relationships  is  possible — but  each  is 
only  a  small  piece  of  the  machinery  Britain 
needs  for  postwar  security.  Each  of  the 
small  pieces,  by  its  very  existence,  alarms 
other  nations.  Unless  carefully  integrated 
into  the  scheme  of  the  United  Nations,  each 
might  block  its  enduring  establishment. 

At  the  same  time,  just  as  Britain's  po- 
sition in  Europe  is  challenged  by  the  rise 
of  an  industrially  and  militarily  powerful 
Russia,  so  Britain's  position  throughout  the 
world  is  challenged  by  the  vastly  enhanced 
influence  of  both  Russia  and  the  United 
States,  coupled  with  the  growing  demand 
of  colonial  peoples  for  independence — a  de- 
mand to  which  Moscow  and  Washington 
are  each  in  its  own  way  sympathetic. 

Balance  of  Power — the  Old  Recourse 

The  underlying  situation  is  not  new. 
Often  unrecognized,  it  has  existed  since  the 
consolidation  of  the  German  Empire  in 
1870,  which  reached  out  not  only  for  land 
power  on  the  continent  but,  with  the  pass- 
ing of  Bismarck,  tried  to  cross  British  prows 
on  the  high  seas.  To  meet  this  potential 
threat,  Britain  joined  hands  with  France 
and  Russia  at  the  turn  of  the  century  in  the 
Triple  Entente. 

Following  the  defeat  of  Germany  in 
1918  (which  left  the  Germans  uncon- 
quered),  Britain  might  have  sought  to  as- 
sure the  stability  of  Europe  against  German 
resurgence  by  vigorously  supporting  the 
League  of  Nations  and  accepting  France's 


Strait  of  Gibraltar     TUNISIA 


JPICTOGRAPH  CORPORATION 


concept  of  collective  security  backed  by 
force  of  arms.  Instead,  with  the  United 
States  rejecting  the  League,  came  a  fresh 
attempt  to  achieve  a  balance  of  power  on 
the  continent.  But  Britain,  estranged  from 
Russia  by  the  Bolshevik  revolution,  opposed 
France's  policy  toward  the  Weimar  Re- 
public as  intransigent,  and  herself  facili- 
tated German  economic  recovery.  (This,  by 
and  large,  was  also  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  before  Hitler  came  into  power.)  And 
when  France,  having  failed  to  obtain  guar- 
antees of  aid  against  future  German  threats 
from  either  the  United  States  or  Britain, 
tried  to  bolster  herself  by  alliances  with 
the  small  nations  of  western  and  eastern 
Europe,  Britain  frowned  on  this  develop- 
ment, fearing  that  these  alliances  would  in- 
volve the  French,  and  hence  the  British, 
in  another  war. 

Thus,  during  the  years  when  Washing- 
ton remained  aloof  from  Geneva,  and  Lon- 


don  was  unable  to  call  the  tune  in  Europe 
unaided,  the  British  were  reluctant  to  ac- 
cept any  kind  of  commitments — either  col- 
lective commitments  under  the  League,  or 
regional  commitments  under  systems  of 
alliances.  True,  Prime  Minister  Baldwin 
went  further  than  any  other  British  spokes- 
man between  the  two  wars  by  declaring,  in 
July  of  1934,  that  Britain's  frontier  lay  on 
the  Rhine;  but  even  after  that  date,  Britain 
viewed  developments  east  of  the  Rhine  with 
detachment. 

Thus,  during  Hitler's  rise  to  power, 
London's  attitude  of  non-intervention  in 
the  affairs  of  eastern  Europe  was  on  all 
fours  with  the  policy  of  political  non-inter- 
vention professed  by  the  United  States  to- 
ward Europe  right  up  to  Yalta. 

Only  when  the  seizure  of  Austria  and 
Czechoslovakia  had  furnished  incontro- 
vertible evidence  of  Hitler's  expansionist  de- 
signs on  the  continent  did  Britain  give 


192 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


iLONG  THE  BRITISH  LIFELINE 


IS.S.R. 


guarantees — which  were  to  prove  imprac 
tical  of  fulfillment — to  Poland  and  Greece. 
The  only  great  power  which  could  have 
protected  the  countries  of  eastern  Europe 
and  the  Balkans  against  German  conquest 
was  Russia.  On  the  eve  of  Hitler's  invasion 
of  Poland,  Chamberlain  and  Daladier  felt 
it  impossible  to  achieve  working  agreement 
with  Stalin  whose  terms,  which  included 
Russian  occupation  of  the  Baltic  states,  were 
not  acceptable  to  them.  The  breakdown  of 
their  negotiations  with  Moscow,  followed 
by  the  conclusion  of  the  Soviet-German 
non-aggression  pact  of  August  1939,  left 
Hitler  free  to  attack  Poland.  Which  he 
did  forthwith. 

In  fulfillment  of  its  guarantee  to  Poland, 
Britain  entered  the  war  against  Germany, 
but  was  physically  unable  to  give  the  Poles 
tangible  aid  at  that  critical  hour.  Nor  was 
Britain,  following  the  collapse  of  France 
in  1940,  in  any  better  position  to  make 


good  her  guarantee  to  Greece  when  that 
country,  in  turn,  was  conquered  by  the 
Nazis  in  the  spring  of  1941.  It  was  only 
when,  after  Pearl  Harbor,  the  British  and 
Americans  had  pooled  their  resources,  that 
their  successful  campaign  in  North  Africa 
became  possible,  and  the  counter-invasion 
of  Italy  opened  the  way  for  the  liberation 
of  France,  Belgium,  and  Greece,  and  the 
conquest  of  Germany. 

If  British  miscalculations  during  the 
inter-war  years  seem  obvious  to  us  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  we  have  little  reason 
to  claim  greater  omniscience,  or  to  boast  of 
more  constructive  action. 

Sea  Power  and  Land  Powers 

The  record  of  the  past  half-century  shows 
that  Britain  was  not  seeking  ascendency  in 
eastern  Europe.  She  was  interested  in  trade 
in  that  area,  and  in  certain  raw  materials, 
notably  in  the  oil  of  Rumania,  but  she 


was  not  prepared  nor  concerned  to  defend 
by  force  a  region  which  she  would  have 
found  difficult,  for  geographic  reasons,  to 
reach.  This  relatively  aloof  attitude  of  a 
maritime  nation  toward  landlocked  coun- 
tries squeezed  between  two  great  land 
powers,  Germany  and  Russia,  helps  to  ex- 
plain why  Britain  has  so  far  accepted  fairly 
philosophically  Russia's  growing  influence 
in  eastern  Europe. 

While  there  is  no  doubt  that  both  British 
and  American  materiel  told  mightily  in  en- 
abling the  Soviets  first  to  withstand  and 
then  to  throw  back  the  Nazi  invasion  of 
Russia,  that  invasion  in  June  1941  was 
like  a  miraculous  reprieve  to  the  British, 
hard-pressed  as  they  were.  And  since 
then  they  have  been  in  no  mood  to  contest 
Moscow's  demand  for  postwar  security,  in 
many  respects  similar  to  their  own.  Some 
among  them — mostly  Conservatives — have 
questioned  Russia's  methods,  notably  in  Po- 
land; just  as  others — mostly  Laborites  and 
Liberals — questioned  more  vigorously  the 
methods  of  their  own  government,  notably 
in  Greece.  But  such  crossfires  of  criticism 
have  not  so  far  thwarted  Britain's  efforts  to 
cement  her  wartime  alliance  with  the 
Soviet  Union. 

In  1942,  to  reinsure  herself  against  the 
possible  failure  of  plans  for  a  world  or- 
ganization, Britain  did  what  she  had  hesi- 
tated to  do  between  1919  and  1939.  She 
reverted  to  her  pre-1914  policy  by  conclud- 
ing a  twenty-year  alliance  with  Russia.  It 
should  be  noted,  however,  that  the  terms 
of  this  treaty  expressly  provided  for  later 
integration  with  a  collective  system  of  se- 
curity. 

Britain's  altered  relations  with  Russia 
also  affect  her  attitude  toward  Germany. 
From  1870  on,  Britain  had  found  herself 
challenged  by  Germany  in  world  markets 
— as  an  industrial  producer;  on  the  high 
seas — as  a  naval  power. 

Today,  with  the  destruction  wreaked  on 
the  Reich  by  Allied  invasions  from  east  and 
west,  most  of  Germany's  key  industries 
have  been  reduced  to  rubble.  For  years  to 
come,  Britain  will  have  little  to  fear  from 
German  competition  —  however  much  it 
may  have  to  fear  from  that  of  the  United 
States. 

At  the  same  time,  the  decline,  and  even 
the  possible  disintegration,  of  the  Reich 
will  create  a  sort  of  political  vacuum  on  the 
continent  which  both  Russia  and  Britain 
may  seek  to  fill.  There,  again,  the  British 
government  has  appeared  to  favor  a  division 
of  influence. 

Mr.  Churchill  supported  Russia's  proposal 
that  Poland  should  be  compensated  for  the 
loss  of  eastern  territory  by  the  acquisition  of 
East  Prussia  and  Upper  Silesia — a  proposal 
sanctioned  at  Yalta,  with  the  proviso,  joint- 
ly pressed  by  the  United  States,  that  the 
new  Polish  government  should  be  broadly 
representative — the  proviso  that  became  a 
moot  point  at  San  Francisco. 

Nor  has  Britain  registered  public  objec- 
tions to  Russia's  claims  for  German  terri- 
tory on  the  Baltic,  including  Koenigsberg. 
Under  new  circumstances  the  British  Prime 
Minister  made  no  demand  for  restoration 
of  the  Baltic  states,  whose  incorporation 
into  the  USSR  was  resisted  to  the  limit  in 


MAY     1945 


193 


1939  by  both   Chamberlain  and  Daladier. 

Meanwhile,  however,  some  leading  or- 
gans of  British  opinion  had  long  opposed 
partition  or  dismemberment  of  the  Reich, 
fearing  that  such  measures  would  merely 
fan  the  desire  for  a  war  of  revenge  among 
the  Germans  and,  at  the  same  time,  make 
Poland  peculiarly  dependent  on  Russia  for 
protection  against  a  resurgent  Germany. 

Taking  the  long  view,  Britain's  future 
security  seems  to  depend  not  so  much  on 
what  may  be  done  to  weaken  Germany,  as 
on  what  is  done  to  strengthen  the  rest  of 
Europe  and  the  world. 

If  Britain  was  thus  ready  to  acknowledge 
Russia's  predominance  in  eastern  Europe 
(preferably  within  the  framework  of  a 


United  Nations  organization  of  which  the 
United  States  would  be  an  active  member), 
she  is  clearly  not  prepared  to  relinquish 
her  influence  in  areas  strategic  to  her  own 
security  as  a  nation  peculiarly  dependent 
for  her  very  existence  on  overseas  trade, 
and  therefore  on  sea  routes.  Let  us  take  a 
look  at  the  map  on  the  preceding  pages. 

Along  the  British  Lifeline 

Britain  must  have  the  collaboration  of 
Belgium  and  Holland  for  protection  of  the 
English  Channel;  yet  neither  of  these  coun- 
tries wants  to  be  confined  exclusively  with- 
in a  British  sphere. 

Britain  needs  also  a  strong  France  for 
the  defense  of  vulnerable  points  in  Europe 


lirilish     Imornialion    Services 


"The  Rock" — Britain's  fortified  gateway  to  the  Mediterranean  at  Gibraltar 


British  sentries  watch  a  ship  pass  through  Suez,  bound  for  the  Orient 


and  Africa  fronting  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
and  for  defense  of  the  Mediterranean, 
through  which  runs  the  "lifeline"  of  the 
Empire,  linking  the  British  Isles  with  both 
Near  and  Middle  East  and  with  the  Orient 
through  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar  and  the 
Suez.  Yet  France,  too,  does  not  want  to 
rely  solely  on  Britain  for  its  security,  and 
has  already  concluded  an  alliance  with 
Russia — which  General  de  Gaulle  hoped  at 
the  time  would  give  her  an  automatic 
guarantee  of  Russian  aid  irrespective  of  any 
future  international  organization.  A  bloc 
of  Britain  with  the  Low  Countries  and 
France,  has  seemed  feasible  only  as  a  part 
of  the  United  Nations  organization. 

Next,  a  look  at  the  Mediterranean.  The 
British  must  have  friends  all  along  the 
shores  of  that  strategic  sea.  We  know  our- 
selves how  precarious  was  our  position  and 
that  of  the  British  in  our  joint  North  Afri- 
can invasion  as  long,  as  a  hostile  Italy,  allied 
with  Nazi  Germany,  controlled  its  coasts, 
along  with  bases  in  Sicily  and  Sardinia,  and 
some  of  the  Greek  islands.  We  can  under- 
stand Britain's  policy  in  that  area  better 
today  than  we  did  before  1941. 

With  Portugal,  Britain  has  maintained  an 
alliance  since  the  fourteenth  century — an 
alliance  that  has  not  been  visibly  shaken  by 
Portugal's  determination  to  remain  neutral 
in  the  war.  In  spite  of  strong  public  sym- 
pathy for  the  Spanish  Republicans  during 
the  civil  war,  and  the  announced  deter- 
mination of  the  United  Nations  to  further 
democracy  in  Europe,  Britain  had  found  it 
expedient  to  remain  on  officially  good  terms 
with  the  fascist  regime  there.  So  had  the 
United  States.  In  Britain's  case,  this  course 
was  influenced  not  only  by  the  military 
necessity  of  protecting  Allied  operations  in 
North  Africa,  but  also  by  her  need  for  raw 
materials  produced  by  Spain,  notably  iron. 

While  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
the  present  British  government  has  ap- 
proved Franco's  policies,  it  has  given  the 
impression  that  as  an  alternative  it  would 
prefer  the  reestablishment  of  the  throne 
there  rather  than  of  the  republic.  This  pre- 
dilection for  limited  monarchies  in  Europe, 
which  Mr.  Churchill  has  candidly  admitted 
— although  it  is  not  shared  by  his  political 
opponents — threatened  for  a  time  to  jeopar- 
dize Britain's  relations  with  Italy,  Yugo- 
slavia, and  Greece,  all  of  which  are  in  the 
throes  of  internal  change,  and  all  of  which 
play  a  strategic  role  in  Britain's  security 
plans  in  the  Mediterranean.  To  avert  im- 
pending crises,  however,  Mr.  Churchill  fi- 
nally pressed  both  King  Peter  of  Yugoslavia 
and  King  George  of  Greece  for  decisions 
permitting  the  establishment  of  regencies 
in  both  countries. 

Heritage  of  Colonialism 

The  cumulative  liberation  of  the  Italian 
peninsula  eases  the  situation  there.  The 
British  have  not  forgotten  their  hard  cam- 
paigns in  Africa  and  Mr.  Churchill  has  de- 
clared that  Italy  must  "work  its  passage 
back."  In  the  long  run,  however,  an  im- 
poverished, demoralized  peninsula  would 
be  a  liability  to  the  British  and  it  is  to 
their  interest  that  Italy  should  recover  as 
(Continued  on  page  254) 


194 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


PALESTINE 

-as  a  Refuge 
from  Fascism 


How  European  fugitives  have  been  caught — 
between  the  Black  Sea  and  a  White  Paper — 
in  their  quest  for  safe  harbor  and  good 
fortune  in  an  old  and  newly  Promised  Land. 

IRA  A.  HIRSCHMANN 


ON  DECEMBER  17,  1941,  THE  SS  Struma, 
400  tons,  totally  unseaworthy,  and  flying  a 
Panamanian  flag,  steamed  down  the  Black 
Sea  from  Constanza,  Rumania,  and 
through  the  Bosporus  to  Istanbul.  Built 
years  before  to  accommodate  100  passen- 
gers, it  carried  769  ...  all  Jewish  exiles 
from  death  traps  in  Bulgaria  and  Rumania. 

For  many  weeks  the  ship  languished  in 
these  waters  off  the  historic  port  city  so 
long  known  as  Constantinople.  Efforts  of 
passengers  to  leave  the  boat  were  unavail- 
ing. 

Deaf  ears  were  turned  to  sympathetic 
intermediaries  who  importuned  the  author- 
ities to  permit  it  to  dock.  Turkish  officials 
would  not  authorize  it  to  land  anywhere 
in  Turkey;  nor  British  officials  give  per- 
mission to  do  so  in  Palestine. 

Two  months  later,  despite  warnings  that 
the  Struma  was  in  such  condition  that  it 
would  go  to  pieces,  the  Turks  ordered  its 
captain  to  put  to  sea.  In  desperation  the 
passengers  painted  a  large  sign  across  the 
ship  which  read  "SAVE  US" — in  full  view 
of  the  milling  throngs  of  Istanbul  and  of 
the  diplomatic  corps  of  the  various  nations 
stationed  there.  The  sign  went  unheeded 
and  the  vessel  steamed  out  of  the  harbor 
without  food,  water  or  directions — without 
even  a  pilot. 

Five  miles  north  of  the  Bosporus  the 
Struma  was  blown  to  bits.  It  sank  immedi- 
ately, carrying  men,  women  and  children 
to  the  bottom  of  the  Black  Sea.  One  man 
survived. 

The  Struma  Became  a  Symbol 

Innumerable  other  stories  had  reached 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic  which  set  new 
precedents  for  persecution  and  barbarity. 
The  public  had  become  partly  callous  to 
tales  of  horror,  but  the  dramatic  sinking 


United   Palestine  Appeal 

The    first   boat   to   travel    the   Mediterranean   with   refugees  from 
Nazi  terror  after  war  began,  brought  754  to  a  haven  in  Palestine 


of  the  Struma  sent  a  twinge  of  conscience 
around  the  civilized  world. 

Young  Palestinians  at  Istanbul  had  been 
risking  their  lives  in  getting  a  trickle  of 
refugees  out  of  the  Balkans.  The  fate 
of  the  Struma  did  not  dissuade  them  from 


— By  an  American  businessman  who 
spent  the  better  part  of  1944  as  special 
representative  in  Turkey  of  the  War 
Refugee  Board  created  by  President 
Roosevelt. 

His  is  a  fresh  approach  to  Palestine. 
Himself  a  Jew,  not  hitherto  interested  in 
Zio.iism,  he  helped  break  down  barriers 
tp  a  place  where  refugees  are  welcomed 
and  freely  incorporated  in  a  new  land 
of  pioneering. 

This  followed  earlier  visits  to  Euro- 
pean capitals  as  representative  of  anti- 
Nazi  organizations;  participation  in  the 
Evian  Conference;  and  wartime  service 
with  the  War  Labor  Board  and  the 
Smaller  War  Plants  Corporation. 

A  trustee  of  the  University  in  Exile 
and  member  of  the  Board  of  Higher 
Education  in  New  York,  Mr.  Hirsch- 
mann  has  been  in  turn  vice-president  of 
Saks  Fifth  Avenue  and  Bloomingdale's, 
New  York.  Earlier  with  L.  Bamberger  8i 
Company  (Newark),  he  helped  develop 
Station  WOR;  and  recently  has  initi- 
ated Metropolitan  Television,  Inc.,  and 
FM  Station  WABF — subsidiaries  of 
Federated  Department  Stores.  These  are 
experimenting  both  in  ultra  high  fre- 
quencies and  in  lifting  program  stand- 
ards in  education  and  music. 

This  article  is  drawn  from  chapters 
of  a  forthcoming  book  dealing  with  the 
full  span  of  his  rescue  work  for  refugees 
in  the  Middle  East. 


continuing  what  were  clandestine  tasks  of 
mercy.  On  the  contrary,  it  sharpened  their 
determination  to  break  through  the  vicious 
conspiracy  against  life  and  liberty.  And 
14,000  miles  away  in  the  United  States, 
itself  a  nation  born  of  fugitives  from 
oppression,  the  ship  came  to  signify  a 
general  and  official  obliviousness  to  the 
human  stakes  in  what  was  afoot.  The 
New  Yorf^  Times  observed  in  an  editorial: 

"There  is  evidence  that,  in  other  in- 
stances, Nazis  have  taken  diabolical  pleas- 
ure in  presenting  the  British  with  such 
problems.  It  may  be  difficult  to  say  what 
the  answer  should  have  been.  But  no 
matter  what  policies  fall  by  the  wayside, 
not  one  of  those  lives  should  have  been 
endangered." 

With  wider  popular  backing,  numerous 
organizations — church,  peace,  Jewish,  civil 
liberty,  and  others — made  themselves  felt 
in  Washington.  They  pressed  the  question 
home:  How  could  our  old  hot  struggle 
for  human  freedom  be  reconciled  indefi- 
nitely with  a  cold  disregard  of  mass 
slaughter?  We  did  nothing  to  open  our 
own  doors  to  refugees,  but  sentiment 
finally  crystallized  behind  the  Gillette 
Resolution  which  reached  the  verge  of  pas- 
sage by  the  U.  S.  Senate.  This  recom- 
mended a  Presidential  Commission  to 
"effectuate  plans  of  immediate  action  de- 
signed to  save  the  surviving  Jewish  people 
of  Europe  from  extinction  at  the  hands  of 
Nazi  Germany." 

There  was  recent  history  back  of  the 
apparent  helplessness  with  which  Allied 
and  neutral  governments  looked  at  this 
macabre  spectacle  in  the  Bosporus;  and 
back  of  the  feebleness  of  their  attempts 
to  use  the  weight  of  official  power  and 
moral  indignation  to  call  a  halt  to  its  like. 

War  between  nations  is  one  thing.  With 


MAY     1945 


195 


!.«.  To  the  concentration  camp.  Lashed  by  guards,  the  line  grew  at  every  village 


Behind  barbed  wire.  Here  there  was  always  filth,  cold,  hunger  and  cruelty 


End  of  the  road.  Each  day  carts  left  the  camp  piled  high  with  dead  bodies 


CHILDHOOD  MEMORIES 

"A  reminder  of  what  my  eyes  saw  over  there  in  Transdniestria,"  wrote  Avigdor,  now 
fifteen  and  in  his  own  words  "extremely  happy"  in  Palestine.  His  drawings  depict 
the  Rumanian  concentration  camp  where  he  spent  two  years,  and  where  his  father  died 


its  modern  air  arm,  it  spills  tragedy  as 
never  before  over  into  civilian  life  where 
women,  the  aged,  and  children  dwell.  But 
during  this  war,  and  the  years  before  it, 
civilization  has  confronted  something  more 
intimate  and  excruciating  in  the  Nazi  ter- 
ror and  in  the  resulting  trek  of  fugitives 
from  fascism. 

A  Ten- Year  Lag 

Back  in  1933,  James  G.  McDonald, 
then  chairman  of  the  (American)  Foreign 
Policy  Association,  had  been  appointed  by 
the  League  of  Nations  as  High  Commis- 
sioner for  Refugees  from  Nazi  Germany, 
but  finally  withdrew  disheartened  by  gov- 
ernmental inaction. 

In  1938,  President  Roosevelt  sought  con- 
certed action  from  a  fresh  angle.  Thirty-two 
governments  responded  to  his  invitation  to 
attend  a  conference  at  Evian,  France;  but 
efforts  there  to  substitute  planned  migra- 
tion for  chaotic  dispersal  failed  to  lead 
their  representatives  to  open  doors  and 
work  out  a  solution.  On  that  front  the 
conference  came  to  a  dead  end.*  In  1943, 
an  Inter-Allied  Conference  on  Refugees, 
held  at  Bermuda,  also  failed  to  accomplish 
anything  so  drastic  as  to  block  wholesale 
murder. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  Evian  conference 
(which  I  had  attended  as  a  consultant), 
the  chance  offered  to  visit  Vienna.  This 
was  after  the  Nazi  Anschluss;  the  old  Aus- 
trian capital  was  already  an  armed  camp. 
There  I  saw  Austrian  Nazis  in  a  frenzy 
of  animal  enthusiasm  that  sounded  like 
the  rumblings  I  had  heard  from  a  blood- 
thirsty posse  as  prelude  to  a  Negro  lynch- 
ing in  our  own  South.  These  had  been 
isolated  excesses;  in  Vienna  I  was  to  wit- 
ness them  wholesale. 

Ultimately,  an  altogether  new — and  this 
time,  American — instrument  was  forged 
when  in  January,  1944,  President  Roose- 
velt set  up  the  War  Refugee  Board.  There 
|  were  cynics  who  discounted  it  as  a  po- 
litical expedient,  another  futile  gesture;  but 
to  me  it  was  an  answer  to  the  cry  of  count- 
less forgotten  "little  people."  Composed 
of  the  Secretaries  of  State,  War,  and  Treas- 
ury, the  board  provided  direct  access  to 
top  levels  of  administrative  decision  and 
was  empowered  to  take  action  for  the  im- 
mediate rescue  of  "as  many  as  possible  of 
the  persecuted  minorities  of  Europe,  racial, 
religious,  or  political  and  all  civilian  vic- 
tims of  enemy  savagery.  .  .  ." 

Thus,  the  great  War  Powers  of  the 
American  President  were  geared  for  action 
to  save  lives. 

John  Pehle  was  appointed  executive  di- 
rector of  the  new  board  and  was  to  make 
a  brilliant  record  as  such.  In  my  assign- 
ment as  its  representative  in  the  Middle 
East,  I  can  bear  witness  to  his  insight  and 
swift  backing  at  every  stage.  I  was  to  go 
as  a  special  attache  to  the  American  Embas- 
sy at  Ankara,  and  before  setting  out  I 
met  with  him  and  his  group  of  young, 

*  For  an  authoritative  appraisal  of  the  present 
situation,  past  moves  and  measures,  and  postwar 
needs,  see  "Without  a  Country,"  by  Joseph  P, 
Chamberlain,  Survey  Graphic,  March,  1945.  Under 
the  administration  of  Sir  Herbert  Emerson,  the 
Intergovernmental  Committee,  originated  at  Evian, 
has  recently  shown  activity  and  it  may  be  hoped  will 
count  for  more  in  the  postwar  period. 


196 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


energetic  assistants  in  Washington.  Mr. 
Pehle  showed  me  a  large  wall  map  and 
pointed  to  "Transdniestria,"  a  section  then 
occupied  by  the  Rumanians  between  the 
Bug  and  Dniester  Rivers.  "This,"  he  said, 
"is  the  notorious  'Death  Valley.'  The  Ru- 
manians concentrated  175,000  Jews  from 
their  major  cities  here.  It  is  disease-in- 
fested and  only  75,000  remain  alive.  See 
what  you  can  do  about  it."  Only  today 
I  came  across  the  entry  in  my  notebook 
in  a  businessman's  shorthand:  "Transdnies- 
tria— Pehle  says  break  it  up."  But  that  is 
another  story. 

From  Washington  to  Ankara 

What  was  my  first  army  transport  plane 
took  off  from  Miami  with  a  group  of  young 
officers  (from  twenty  to  twenty-four  years 
old)  who  had  been  drilled  for  jobs  in 
far  corners  of  the  earth.  As  each  got 
aboard,  he  was  handed  a  sealed  envelope; 
and  this  was  the  moment  when  "the  finger 
was  to  point"  to  a  funny  name  on  the  map 
— to  a  little  dot  where  life  and  death 
would  be  at  stake  for  him.  First  there 
was  silence.  Then,  beginning  with  a  ruddy- 
faced  captain  next  me,  the  word  "Delhi" 
was  repeated  up  and.  down  the  plane. 
As  we  roared  over  the  water  my  fellows 
stared  into  space  with  set  faces.  Then  came 
restlessness,  then  murmurs,  then  a  wise- 
crack. Within  five  minutes  they  were 
on  the  floor  in  a  circle,  pouring  out  of  their 
pockets  miscellaneous  varieties  of  choco- 
lates, cakes,  and  cigarettes  which  became  a 
"commonwealth."  They  were  back  in  their 
stride — on  a  road  very  different  from  that 
of  refugees  plodding  over  pitch  black  Bal- 
kan hills — but  a  road  nonetheless  on  the 
danger  list  of  the  same  world  war. 

My  first  sight  of  Palestine  was  from  a 
plane  which  the  Royal  Air  Force  had  cour- 
teously provided  at  the  Heliopolis  Airport 
at  Cairo.  We  had  started  at  sun-up.  The 
Sinai  Desert  exhaled  dry  and  skulking 
winds.  The  Egyptian  land  of  Goshen, 
though  the  fattest  Joseph  could  offer  his 
brethren,  looked  barren  and  abandoned. 
Heat,  height,  and  sand  blotted  out  the  toy 
figures  far  below  of  men  and  camels  and 
herds.  ...  It  was  after  we  had  flown  for 
hours  over  this  Bible  country  between  the 
Nile  and  the  Dead  Sea  that  fresh  signs  of 
green  were  an  exciting  reminder  of  the 
Land  of  Promise. 

My  fellow  travelers  were  two  hatless  en- 
gineers with  large  blueprints  under  their 
arms  en  route  to  Teheran  on  an  oil  mis- 
sion. They  passed  their  time  by  sketching 
impromptu  designs  on  the  back  of  en- 
velopes. "We  could  save  half  the  steel  on 
this  plane,"  I  heard  one  yell  to  the  other 
above  the  roar  of  the  motors.  Americans, 
of  course;  also  bent  on  wartime  pilgrimage. 
Before  we  landed  a  storm  caught  us  up 
in  its  clouds;  the  plane  circled  and  bumped 
until  the  pilot  found  a  hole  to  dive  down 
into  the  modern  airport  at  Lydda.  This 
is  hard  by  the  equally  modern  seaport 
of  Tel  Aviv. 

One  of  the  surprises  that  greets  a  vis- 
itor is  the  new  seafaring  aspect  of  the 
Jewish  development  in  Palestine.  From 
the  start,  communication  and  transport  with 

MAY     1945 


the  outer  world  have  been  crucial  to  its 
success.  One  who  knew  that  well  was  the 
Mufti  of  Jerusalem,  who  himself  was  to 
become  a  wartime  refugee  later  in  the  Nazi 
capital  of  Berlin.  A  thorn  in  the  side  of 
the  British  over  the  years,  he  had  unmis- 
takably proved  his  prowess  in  provoking 
Arab-Jewish  friction.  The  way  he  insti- 
gated a  strike  and  closed  the  old  port  of 
Jaffa  is  a  matter  of  history  in  this  new 
chapter  in  pioneering.  Almost  overnight 
the  Jews  built  a  new  port  at  Tel  Aviv 
and  it  is  apparent  that  they  will  develop 
not  only  agriculture  and  industry — but 
maritime  trade  as  well. 

From  Lydda  we  rode  by  automobile  to 
Jerusalem — an  hour  and  a  half  up  through 
steep  hills  where  both  Holy  Writ  and  chap- 
ters in  the  long  history  of  civilization  have 
been  written.  You  could  scarcely  fail  to 
sense  links  between  past  and  future  in  the 
gray  olive  trees  that  bordered  the  winding 
road  and  then  the  massive  patches  of  green 
that  were  orange  groves. 

Sitting  with  me  in  the  BOAC  car  was 
a  British  lieutenant,  wounded  in  the  battle 


of  El  Alamein,  who  told  of  how  Rommel 
had  out-maneuvered  their  tank  artillery 
with  an  end-run  play.  His  own  tank  had 
caught  fire  and  he  knew  nothing  until 
he  woke  up  in  a  hospital  with  burns  and 
a  leg  fracture.  Later,  given  his  choice 
of  an  area  in  which  to  do  intelligence 
work,  he  picked  Palestine.  Why?  "Be- 
cause there's  no  place  in  the  world  so 
inspiring,"  he  answered.  "Once  anyone 
has  been  here,  somehow  he  always  wants 
to  return." 

Said  in  English — and  in  Hebrew 

That  was  the  first  time  I  heard  this  said 
from  such  a  source.  On  my  next  visit 
to  Cairo  a  British  general  used  almost  the 
same  words.  (No,  he  was  not  being 
polite;  he  was  giving  me  a  rugged  vest- 
pocket  lesson  in  riding  camel-back!)  In 
the  course  of  my  work,  I  was  to  hear  the 
sentiment  repeated  in  a  score  of  English 
versions  compounded  of  friendliness,  in- 
sight, and  zest.  Good  to  remember  when 
contrary  views  were  expressed  in  other 
quarters,  as  in  the  case  of  a  British  staff 


Palestine  and  Its  Neighbors 


Courtesy  of  Hadassah 


197 


After  six  months  of  good  care.  Part  of  a  group  of  nearly  1,000  brought  from  Teheran 
to   Palestine,  these  orphans  had  wandered  from  Poland  through  Europe  and  Siberia 


nesses  and  frustrations,  the  discrimination 
and  persecution,  experienced  by  newcom- 
ers among  them  from  lands  long  under  the 
fascist  heel.  This  was  true  also  of  farmers, 
bankers,  and  craftsmen,  no  less  than  social 
workers,  teachers,  and  journalists  with 
whom  I  talked.  As  they  spoke  I  could 
see  in  their  mind's  eye  barren  soils  trans- 
formed into  meadows  and  fields,  denuded 
hills  turned  into  vineyards  and  orchards, 
factories,  schools,  hospitals,  temples  verit- 
ably built  on  rocks.  These  things  had 
been  done.  And  others  after  them! 

Meanwhile,  the  multitude  of  their  prob- 
lems, economic,  political,  and  racial,  are 
turned  around  in  a  thousand  facets  of 
never-ending  discussion  among  long  time 
residents  and  new.  But  they  are  most 
often  turned  over  with  the  confident  side 
up.  An  eighty-year-old  American  and  an 
eighteen-year-old  Viennese  spoke  to  me 
with  the  same  light  in  their  faces. 

With  irrigation  and  industrialization, 
new  waterpowers,  fertilizers,  crops;  new 
health  measures  and  new  patterns  for  co- 
operative effort,  some  among  them  forecast 


Ha.iassah     an   absorptive  capacity   in  Palestine  of  "a 


million — a  million  and  a  half — two  mil- 
lions. .  .  ."  These  figures  on  the  cuff  of 
a  great  hope  are  debated.  But  no  one  speaks 
of  a  ceiling  for  immigration. 

Much  less  do  they  accept  as  final  the 
limitations  of  the  British  White  Paper 
which  in  1939  prohibited  further  Jewish 
immigrants  beyond  a  total  of  75,000  to  be 
admitted  over  the  next  five  years.  Today, 
that  rigid  quota  is  practically  exhausted; 
the  time  limit  is  up.  Even  the  immutable 
laws  of  the  ancient  Medes  and  Persians 
were  written  on  tablets  of  clay,  and  have 
mostly  turned  to  dust.  And  modern  Jews 
know  the  grievous  human  costs  exacted  by 
this  wartime  quarantine  against  their  own 
flesh  and  blood. 


Arab  women  and  children  with  the  district  doctor  at  one  of  the  fifty  child  welfare 
stations  set  up  in  Palestine  by  Hadassah,  Women's  Zionist  Organization  of  America 


officer  who,  when  we  were  flying  from 
Algiers  to  Oran,  volunteered  that,  "We 
shall  never  forgive  Lord  Balfour  for  get- 
ting us  into  this  mess." 

What  that  wounded  British  tank  lieu- 
tenant felt  about  getting  back  to  Palestine 
is  something  the  Jews  there  today  chime 
in  with— regardless  of  the  fact  that  their 
own  "return"  to  this  "homeland"  has  come 
hundreds  of  years  after  the  migrations  to 
Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages  in  which  their 
ancestors  took  part. 

Many  of  the  newcomers  may  be  thought 
of  as  saying  it  in  a  score  of  tongues  and 
dialects  spoken  in  the  countries  which  they 
left  under  fascist  duress,  saying  it  all  the 
more  because  of  agonies  gone  through  in 
the  process;  and  in  spite  of  the  tough  work 


Organizatii 

they  have  since  shouldered  on  their  new 
frontier,  the  intimate  griefs  that  stab  them, 
the  uncertainties  ahead  in  their  venture. 

What  is  more  significant  as  a  cultural 
bond,  they  are  saying  it  in  the  Hebrew 
language.  Hebrew  signs  catch  the  visitor's 
eye  on  every  hand  in  Jerusalem,  but  it  is 
even  more  arresting  to  hear  the  clear  articu- 
lation of  this  speech  and  sense  its  identi- 
fication with  the  people. 

Jerusalem  is  high,  its  pure  air  stimulat- 
ing. Coming  from  areas  of  war  stress,  the 
spirit  of  the  Palestinian  people  was  like  a 
fresh  breeze  to  me.  Here,  in  a  land  rooted 
deeply  in  historic  tradition,  was  inspiring, 
confident  positivism. 

Fortitude,  abiding  faith  in  the  future, 
take  the  place  of  doubts  and  fears,  of  sad- 


Trie  Young  Palestinians 

On  my  arrival  in  Ankara,  I  made  the 
rounds  of  the  various  Embassies  at  the 
Turkish  capital — not  only  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  envoys  but  to  learn  the 
reasons  for  the  five-year-long  blockade 
of  refugees  from  the  Balkans.  The  Brit- 
ish insisted  that  the  Bulgarians  were  with- 
holding from  refugees  the  necessary  exit 
permits  to  provide  entry  to  Palestine.  The 
Turks  insisted  that  it  was  the  British  who 
were  at  fault.  My  conferences  sent  me 
round  in  an  endless  circle.  What  dis- 
couraged me  were  not  only  the  compli- 
cations ensnaring  would-be  exiles,  but  the 
evident  disinterest  of  many  officials. 

It  was  to  John  Pehle  and  his  lively  as- 
sociates in  Washington  that  I  owed  my  first 
encouragement  after  early  weeks  of  despair. 
I  had  learned  that  hundreds  of  visas  for 
children,  who  had  been  languishing  on 
the  borders  of  Bulgaria  for  almost  two 
years,  either  had  been  lost  or  caught  in 
some  snare  of  red  tape.  Following  my 
urgent  request  to  the  War  Refugee  Board 
in  Washington,  London  instructed  the 
British  Embassy  in  Ankara  to  take  "paral- 
lel action."  Eventually  the  visas  were  lo- 
cated in  the  Embassy  itself  where  they 
(Continued  on  page  265) 


198 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Pre-war  Hong  Kong,  British  port  on  the  Chinese  coast.  The  homes  on  the  hill  belonged  to  Europeans 

The  Pacific  Basin  and  India 


Black  Star 


Shipped  somewhere  East  of  Suez,  men  in  the  armed  forces,  British  and  Americans  alike, 
have  encountered  issues  old  and  new;  clashes,  fears,  fresh  hopes,  and  common  purposes. 


TlIE    WEATHER    WAS    HOT    AND    STEAMY;    THE 

food  excellent — although  we  were  dining 
in  wartime  Chungking.  Our  host's  cook 
was  from  Peking.  We  had  ceased  talking 
about  the  pouring  rain  and  deep  mud,  and 
the  ebb  and  flow  through  them  of  the 
armies  on  the  long  Sino-Japanese  front. 

After  the  British  Ambassador  and  the 
American  Charge  had  left,  I  turned  to  one 
of  the  wisest  of  the  Chinese  who  had  re- 
mained and  ventured  to  put  this  question: 

"Tell  me  what  troops  are  most  popular 
in  China — British  or  American?" 

His  answer  came  quick  as  a  flash:  "The 
British — much  more  so  today  than  the 
Americans." 

"But  why?"  I  asked,  "What  do  you 
attribute  that  to?" 

He  hesitated  for  a  moment  and  then 
replied,  "There  are  virtually  no  British 
troops  in  China." 

The  roles  had  been  reversed!  In  Hong 
Kong  and  Shanghai,  and  no  less  in  Bombay, 
Colombo  and  Singapore,  it  had  always  been 
the  honest,  long-suffering  British  "Tommy" 
who  was  regarded  as  the  personal  military 
embodiment  of  Western  law  and  order— 


EDWARD  C.  CARTER 

an  epitome  of  occidental  "imperialism." 

Now  in  the  kaleidoscope  of  World  War 
II,  it  is  the  American  GI  who  steps  on 
Chinese  toes.  That  is,  the  American  army 
is  busy  transforming  precious  rice  plots 
into  airfields,  broadening  narrow  cart  tracks 
into  modern  motor  roads,  demolishing 


— By  the  secretary  general  of  the  Insti- 
tute of  Pacific  Relations,  whose  posts 
have  spanned  the  secretaryship  of  the 
YMCA  in  India,  soon  after  the  turn  of 
the  century,  to  his  presidency  of  Rus- 
sian War  Relief  in  the  USA  in  the 
Forties.  He  is  a  director  also  of  United 
China  Relief  as  well  as  the  American 
Russian  Institute  and  the  China  Insti- 
tute of  America. 

Bay-Stater,  Harvard  educated,  he  saw 
wartime  service  in  France  (1917-19).  His 
gifts  for  cooperation  and  research,  em- 
ployed spiritedly  in  both  hemispheres, 
are  recognized  in  such  decorations  as  the 
Order  of  the  British  Empire,  the  French 
Legion  of  Honor,  the  Order  of  the 
Crown  of  Siam. 


villages  to  clear  the  way  for  training  fields 
and  artillery  ranges. 

For  years  Yankees  have  been  twisting 
the  lion's  tail  because  Britannia  ruled  not 
only  the  waves  but  much  of  Asia.  This  re- 
mark of  a  Chinese  sage  spoke  volumes  for 
Americans  to  ponder. 

The  simple  truth  is  that  public  relations 
between  nations  are  often  the  sum  total  of 
the  private  relations  of  innumerable  indi- 
viduals. Again  and  again,  personal  incidents 
have  been  as  decisive  in  shaping  national 
attitudes  in  the  Orient  as  the  pronounce- 
ments of  government. 

It  may  prove  that  in  some  areas  the  atti- 
tudes of  the  Americans  will  seem  sounder 
than  those  of  the  British  or  vice  versa. 
Also  both  these  people,  in  spite  of  their 
recognized  virtues,  have  often  failed  to 
understand  the  nature  of  the  problems 
which  they  confront — and  create.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  author  will  not  be  accused 
of  cynicism  with  reference  to  the  behavior 
of  either.  I  must  admit  being  irked  by 
those  Americans  who  are  invariably  hostile 
to  the  British,  by  those  Britons  who  are 
invariably  contemptuous  of  Americans; 


MAY     1945 


199 


Black  Star  photos 
Singapore  harbor,  1941.  Here  Tommy  Atkins  was  the  symbol  of  Western  law  and  order 

and,  even  more,  by  those  in  both  camps  in  Japanese  hands,  is  more  debatable  and 

who  have  little  faith  in  the  peoples  of  Asia.  was  left  unsettled  by  the  Cairo  Declaration. 

...  At  the  Hot  Springs  Conference  (1945)  of 

Insight  and  Common  Purpose  [he  lnstilulc  of  Pacific  RelationS)  a  Chinese 

member  remarked  that  with  its  prepon- 
derantly Chinese  population,  its  return  to 
China  would  contribute  greatly  to  good 
Chinese-British  relations.  Hong  Kong  is  not 
an  old  treaty  port  but  a  colony;  and  a 
British  member  replied  that  its  settlement 
was  due  to  Western  enterprise.  It  was  built 
on  bare  rocks  by  a  combination  of  British 
investment  and  Chinese  sweat  and  muscle. 

The  issue  was  clearly  one  which  neither 
British  nor  Chinese  delegates  were  eager 
to  press  at  the  present  time,  believing  that 
more  acute  issues  should  take  priority. 

When  Japanese  propagandists  visited  the 
United  States  a  decade  ago,  their  audiences 
listened  with  Western  cynicism  to  the  argu- 
ment that,  because  they  had  spent  so  much 


Let  me  begin  with  some  official  declara- 
tions and  acts  which  reveal  both  common 
purpose  and  sensitiveness  to  public  opinion. 
Thus,  the  terms  of  the  Cairo  Declaration 
of  1943  would  at  once  liberate  Manchuria, 
Korea,  Formosa,  and  deprive  Japan  of  her 
island  bases  in  the  Pacific. 

Contrary  to  some  commentators,  there  is 
no  evidence  to  date  that  the  Soviet  Union 
plans  to  annex  either  Manchuria  or  Korea. 
When  I  saw  Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai- 
shek  in  Chungking  in  1943,  I  asked  him 
whether  he  thought  Korea  should  once 
more  become  part  of  China,  be  placed 
under  the  joint  trusteeship  of  China,  the 
Soviet  Union  and  the  United  States,  or 
become  independent.  He  dismissed  the  first 
two  alternatives  outright;  declared  that 
Korea  should  be  completely  free.  He  thought 
that  at  first  it  would  need  some  financial 
and  technical  assistance  from  abroad,  which 
might  well  be  supplied  jointly  by  the  three 
powers.  Later,  at  Cairo,  China,  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  the  United  States  went  on  record 
for  Korea's  independence  "in  due  course." 

The  great  island  of  Formosa  is  indis- 
putably Chinese.  Some  authorities  have 
maintained  that  the  World  Security  Organ- 
ization would  find  that  it  offers  better 
facilities  than  Hong  Kong  as  a  United 
Nations  naval,  military,  and  air  base;  but 
it  is  recognized  that  this  is  something  which 
could  only  be  accorded  by  the  government 
of  China  which  should  exercise  complete 
sovereignty  in  Formosa. 

To  the  south,  the  people  of  Cambodia 
demand  the  return  of  territory  seized  by 
Thailand  (under  Japanese  inspiration)  in 
1941.  The  Free  Thai  movement  has  already 
repudiated  the  annexation  of  territories  be- 
longing to  Burma  and  anticipates  an  amic- 
able adjustment  over  those  in  dispute  with 
Indo-China. 

The  future  of  the  great  British  port  city 
of  Hong  Kong  on  the  Chinese  coast,  now 


blood  and  treasure  in  "pacifying"  Man- 
churia, the  Imperial  government  could 
never  relinquish  its  special  interest  there. 
Certain  American  voices  which  recently 
have  raised  somewhat  the  same  argument 
of  sacrifice  may  meet  European  cynicism 
in  making  similar  claims  for  anything  from 
atolls  to  wide  areas,  taken  in  the  sweep 
of  our  successful  Pacific  campaign. 

American  treatment  of  the  Philippines 
has  been  a  great  contrasting  entry  on  the 
other  side  of  the  ledger. 

Imperialism  vs.  Isolationism 

The  Pacific  islands  and  the  East  Indies 
bring  us  to  the  fresh  upsurge  of  the  ques- 
tion: "Are  colonial  empires  a  threat  to  world 
peace?"  Americans  may  well  ask  them- 
selves whether  in  the  last  twenty-five  years 
British  imperialism  proved  any  more  a 
cause  of  World  War  II  than  American  ir- 
responsibility and  isolationism.  Some  Amer- 
icans even  claim  that  Britain's  colonial 
policies  helped  fertilize  American  isola- 
tionism. Some  Britishers  recall  too  often  the 
months  they  fought  alone. 

True  it  is  that  the  expansion  of  the 
French  and  Dutch  empires,  along  with  the 
British,  furnished  Hitler  a  favorable  atmos- 
phere for  his  appeal  for  lebensraum  for 
millions  of  hard-working  Germans.  True 
that  the  negotiations  of  Neville  Chamber- 
lain and  of  Nevile  Henderson  encouraged 
the  Nazi  leaders  to  believe  that  the  British 
would  turn  their  eyes  the  other  way  while 
Hitler  himself  carved  out  a  colonial  empire 
in  the  Baltic  states  and  the  Soviet  Union. 
Spelled  either  way,  seemingly  all  that  the 
two  Nevil-1-es  tried  to  exact  was  that  Hitler 
should  stay  out  of  Africa,  the  Mediter- 
ranean, Asia,  and  the  Pacific.  Let  him  go 
to  the  Dniester  or  the  Dnieper  or  the  Ob 
if  he  wanted  to — so  long  as  he  did  not 
reach  the  Dardenelles  or  the  Afghan  or 
Tibetan  borders.  Such  a  Nazi  empire  would 
have  hemmed  in  any  Soviet  threat  to  the 
British  Empire. 

But    happily    Churchill    and   the   British 


Before  Singapore  fell,  the  largest  foundry  in  Malaya  was  busy  with  British  war  needs 


200 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


nation  thought  otherwise,  and  the  new 
Prime  Minister  on  June  22,  1941  made  what 
I  regard  as  the  most  decisive  political  speech 
of  any  statesman  in  this  decade.  He  allied 
himself  and  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world 
with  the  190  million  people  of  the  Soviet 
Union.  It  was  the  Soviet  acceptance  of 
Hitler's  invasion  challenge  on  that  day, 
coupled  with  British  and  American  arms, 
that  not  only  saved  Russia,  but  gave  Amer- 
ica time  to  prepare,  preserved  Britain  and 
a  vast  realm,  including  the  Australian  and 
New  Zealand  commonwealths  and  the  In- 
dian Empire. 

Six  months  later,  aroused  in  a  single  day 
by  the  hissing  of  Japanese  bombs  at  Pearl 
Harbor,  the  United  States  quickly  found 
itself  deeply  involved  on  every  continent. 
Airplanes  and  ships  thrust  out  carrying  our 
armed  forces,  thousands  of  whom  only  » 
few  months  before  had  believed  that  Amer- 
icans had  sense  enough  to  "keep  out  of 
foreign  wars."  As  Hirohito  and  Hitler  drew 
them  into  the  four  corners  of  the  world, 
they  joined  with  Britons,  Canadians,  Aus- 
tralians, New  Zealanders  and  their  Allies 
in  stubbornly  turning  defense  into  attack, 
and  that,  successively,  into  counter-invasion 
— into  victory. 

It  has  not  been  as  short,  or  simple  or 
serene  as  this  would  indicate.  My  article 
is  concerned  with  the  Pacific  Basin — which 
early  in  the  war  was  set  behind  the  Atlantic 
and  Mediterranean  in  the  calendar  of  grand 
strategy.  With  the  result  that  there  has  been 
recurring  chance  of  friction  and  misunder- 
standing in  so  remote  and  vast  a  theater. 

East  of  Suez 

Many  American  officers  and  men  who 
early  served  in  the  China-Burma-India  the- 
ater were  shocked  because  the  British  gave 
them  the  impression  they  did  not  relish 
Chinese  or  American  aid  in  the  reconquest 
of  Burma.  They  were  perplexed  for  many 
months  by  the  seeming  lack  in  British  de- 
termination for  all-out  offensives  both  in 
Burma  and  Malaya — which  they  had  antici- 
pated with  the  appointment  of  Lord  Louis 
Mountbatten  as  field  commander.  They 
were,  perhaps,  not  aware  that  London's 
promises  made  to  him  went  unfulfilled  be- 
cause of  developments  in  the  Italian  thea- 
ter. They  did  not  know  that  what  had 
been  scheduled  for  Akyab  and  the  Anda- 
mans  went  to  Anzio. 

Members  of  the  American  forces  in  India 
also  felt  embarrassed  because  they  appeared 
to  be  abetting  Great  Britain  in  maintaining 
the  Viceroy's  autocratic  regime  in  New1 
Delhi  in  the  face  of  wide  opposition  by 
Hindus,  Mohammedans,  the  Princes,  and 
some  of  the  minority  groups.  They  had 
little  conception  of  the  depth  of  the  British 
fear  that  the  Japanese  would  successfully 
invade  Bengal,  and  that  in  such  circum- 
stances the  Viceroy  apprehended  that  he 
could  not  surely  count  on  the  loyalty  of 
the  two  million  volunteers  that  make  up 
the  Indian  army. 

There  are  Americans  who  hold  that  the 
British  are  an  asset  West  of  Suez  and  a 
liability  East  of  it.  Others  put  this  dividing 
line  back  at  the  British  Channel.  Thus, 
some  Americans  stationed  in  India  marked1 
the  discrepancy  between  propaganda  re- 


international 

A   shell-making  plant  in  India,   once  a  railway  workshop.   Under  the  spur  of 
the    war    India's    industrial    development    has    gone    ahead    with    great    strides 


garding  Britain's  vast  civilizing  work  in 
India  and  the  meager  level  of  medical  and 
educational  services  indicated  by  official  re- 
ports of  the  government  of  India.  Yet  in 
these  very  fields,  increasingly,  the  British 
have  shown  marked  advances  in  other  co- 
lonial areas. 

Among  the  British  overseas,  as  well  as  in 
England,  ceremonial  is  more  highly  de- 
veloped than  among  Americans.  In  some 
of  the  hottest  islands  of  the  world  one  can 
visit  a  meeting  of  the  colonial  council  on 
a  tropical  night  and  find  three  Englishmen 
gathered  together  with  nine  people  of  the 
country — all  twelve  dressed  alike  with  white 
shirts,  black  suits  and  black  ties.  To  Amer- 
icans this  is  snobbish;  to  the  English  it  is 
an  expression  of  good  form  on  the  part 
of  lesser  breeds  as  they  progress.  The  chota 
or  burrah  peg  is  sometimes  assumed  as  a 
hallmark  of  those  "natives"  who  wish  to 
make  "the  club"  formerly  restricted  to 
Europeans.  As  in  the  USA,  the  evil  of 
color  discrimination  hangs  on — varying  with 
the  region. 

A  healthy  exercise  for  Americans  would 
be  to  ask  themselves,  "What  are  the  things 
that  the  imperialists  do  that  we  distrust?" 


And  then  lay  alongside  any  equivalents  that 
are  handy  on  this  side  the  Atlantic.  Amer- 
icans critical  of  British  predominance  at 
Gibraltar  and  Suez  might  reckon  with 
fellow  citizens  who  have  boosted  permanent 
military  bases  in  Africa  or  naval  bases  in 
the  Japanese  mandated  islands.  American 
critics  of  British,  French,  Dutch,  German, 
Russian  depredations  in  Asia  in  the  last 
century  forget  how  their  own  ancestors 
pushed  Indians,  French,  Spaniards,  and 
Mexicans  around  on  this  continent. 

Postwar  Colonialism? 

Here,  in  sequence  to  my  earlier  review,* 
are  clues  to  policies  looking  toward  self- 
government  by  colonial  powers  in  the  Pa- 
cific: 

In  December  1942,  Queen  Wilhelmina 
stated:  "No  political  unity  can  exist  un- 
supported by  the  voluntary  acceptance  of 
the  majority  of  the  people."  The  composi- 
tion of  the  Volksraad,  or  People's  Council, 
has  already  changed  from  a  majority  of 

*  See  "Round  the  Rim  of  the  Pacific,"  by  Edward 
C.  Carter,  Survey  Graphic  for  November,  1942; 
brought  out  in  "COLOR:  Unfinished  Business  of 
Democracy";  7th  in  "Calling  America"  series  of 
special  numbers. 


MAY     1945 


201 


Dutch  to  a  majority  of  Indonesian  mem- 
bers. The  conference  to  be  called  at  the 
close  of  the  war  to  create  the  new  Nether- 
lands Commonwealth  should  therefore  en- 
sure equal  partnership  by  the  Indies. 

In  July  1943,  the  British  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Colonies  announced:  "We 
are  pledged  to  guide  colonial  people  along 
the  road  to  self-government  within  the 
framework  of  the  British  Empire."  The 
fulfillment  of  this  pledge  approaches  in 
Burma  and  Ceylon — both  of  which  have 
exercised  a  substantial  measure  of  control 
over  their  internal  afTairs.  It  is  more  difficult 
to  envisage  the  working  out  of  the  policy 
in  Malaya,  although  this  was  specifically 
cited  the  following  December. 

In  October  1944,  General  de  Gaulle  was 
quoted  as  reaffirming  principles  set  out  in 
an  earlier  declaration  of  the  French  Com- 
mittee of  National  Liberation.  This  read  as 
follows:  "French  policy  .  .  .  will  lead  all 
Indo-Chinese  peoples  to  a  development  that 
should  permit  them  first  to  administer  them- 
selves and  later  to  govern  themselves  under 
their  own  responsibility.  Full  customs  in- 
dependence has  been  recognized  as  a  basic 
principle  of  Indo-Chinese  economics  so  as 
to  make  Indo-China  a  prosperous  and  ac- 
tive member  of  the  United  Nations  within 
the  French  Commonwealth." 

There  are  Americans  who  often  join  with 
Englishmen,  at  home  and  abroad,  in  pro- 
claiming that  if  Britain  and  America  unite 
they  can  insure  the  peace  of  the  world. 
None  should  forget  that  this  does  not  nec- 
essarily spell  peace  to  the  people  of  Asia, 
Latin  America,  Africa,  and  continental 
Europe.  In  these  areas,  more  often  than  not, 
a  bald  pronouncement  to  such  effect  may 
be  construed  by  them  to  mean  an  Anglo- 
American  attempt  to  achieve  economic  and 
cultural  domination  of  the  planet.  Casual 
hands  across  the  sea  are  too  often  taken  as 
gestures  of  Anglo-American  racial  and  po- 
litical superiority. 

Meanwhile  progressives  in  the  United 
States  have  not  themselves  played  their  full 
role  as  a  creative  minority.  Too  frequently, 
they  have  criticized  Britain,  Russia,  and 
China  as  though  the  United  States  always 
operates  on  a  higher  ethical  plane  than  the 
rest  of  the  world.  Progressives  in  the  United 
States,  therefore,  often  miss  the  chance  to 
strengthen  the  hands  of  progressives  in 
other  countries. 

To  do  just  that  is  a  "must"  in  the  post- 
war years — if  our  hopes  for  the  peace  are 
to  come  true. 

Fears 

It  happens  that  there  are  many  potential 
sources  of  friction  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  in  the  Pacific.  Let 
me  first  take  up  some  of  the  British  fears: 

1.  Anxiety     lest     American     newspapers 
and,    possibly,    congressional    agitation    for 
the    independence    of    India    and    for    the 
larger  British  colonial  areas  may  embarrass 
the    British    in    their    publicly    proclaimed 
program  of  self-government  for  these  areas. 

2.  An  American  commercial  and  invest- 
ment drive  which  might  rob  Great  Britain 
of  a  large  part  of  her  world  trade. 

3.  An    American    shipping   and   airways 
expansion  which  might  deprive   Britain  of 


desperately  needed  sources  of  income. 

4.  Idealistic    propaganda    for    an    inter- 
national trusteeship  for  the  countries  and 
islands  of  southeastern  Asia,  which  would 
be  used  by  the  nationalists  in  these  areas  to 
discredit    British    and    other   colonial    rule 
and  hinder,  rather  than  accelerate,  British 
efforts  to  develop  self-government. 

5.  American      objection      to      European 
spheres  of  influence  in  China  in  the  event 
of  civil  war  there. 

Some  fears  on  the  American  side: 

1.  That  Britain  will  so  persuasively  plead 
the  magnitude  of  her  war  effort  and  her 
postwar  straits  that  the  American  govern- 
ment will  clamp  down  on  American  eco- 
nomic expansion   in   the  Pacific. 

2.  That    under    the    guise    of    Britain's 
public  commitment   to   work  toward  self- 
government    in    India    and    the    colonial 
world,    Americans    will    refrain    from    ex- 
amining the  threat  to  world  peace  which 
they  feel  is  inherent  in  all  imperialisms. 

3.  That  India's  vast  sterling  balance  in 
London  will  be  manipulated  so  that  India's 
buyers,  who  wish  to  place  large  orders  with 
American   producers,   will  not  be   free   to 
meet  the  desired  obligations. 

4.  That   Great   Britain's   seeming   policy 
of   favoring  royalty,   landowners,   and   big 
industrialists  will  retard  the  democratic  and 
economic  development  of  the  Indian  states 
now  ruled  in  so  many  instances  by  auto- 
cratic Maharajahs — who  owe  some  of  their 
power  to  British  arms. 

5.  That  similar   British   preferences  will 
buttress  the  more  reactionary  business  ele- 
ments in  southeastern  Asia,  China,  and  the 
British  possessions  generally  in  the  Pacific. 

Tensions 

Many  of  these  fears,  both  British  and 
American,  have  some  basis. 

On  the  one  hand,  the  British  have  grown 
a  bit  tired  of  the  American  tendency  to 
hold  up  the  Philippines  as  an  example  for 
other  colonial  powers  to  follow  forthwith. 
They  ask  whether  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment is  going  to  follow  its  own  prece- 
dent by  granting  independence  to  Puerto 
Rico  and  the  Virgin  Islands.  They  ask  what, 
if  any,  are  the  essential  differences  between 
Washington's  relations  to  the  Panama 
Canal  Zone  and  London's  relations  to  the 
Suez  Canal  and  Singapore. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  spite  of  fervent 
speeches  in  favor  of  a  world  political  and 
economic  system,  the  American  Congress 
has  as  yet  done  little  to  assure  the  British 
that  the  tariff  policy  of  the  USA  will  gee 
with  American  idealistic  pronouncements. 

The  bilateral  trade  treaties  projected 
vigorously  by  Cordell  Hull  as  Secretary  of 
State  are  recognized  as  executive  adjust- 
ments to  mitigate  the  harshness  of  the 
Hawley-Smoot  tariff  act.  That  act  is  still 
American  law  and,  as  long  as  it  stands, 
Great  Britain  and  all  the  other  trading 
nations  live  under  constant  trepidation.  If 
the  bilateral  agreements  should  be  scrapped 
and  the  Hawley-Smoot  tariff  remain, 
Britain  believes  she  will  have  no  alterna- 
tive but  Imperial  Preference  extended  to 
as  many  non-British  countries  as  possible. 
Unilateral  economic  action  by  the  United 


States  is  thus  rated  by  some  as  a  threat 
to  the  world's  peace. 

In  many  countries  there  is  great  hope 
that  the  major  financial  features  of  the 
Bretton  Woods  program  will  be  adopted 
generally.  But  until  that  is  adopted  by  the 
American  Congress,  it  is  understandable 
that  the  British,  not  only  in  England  and 
the  dominions,  but  also  in  India  and  the 
colonies,  will  hesitate  to  renounce  Imperial 
Preference — itself  unilateral  action  with 
kindred  dangers.  Nor  can  the  Chinese 
or  the  Indians  face  the  future  with  equa- 
nimity. This  is  also  true  of  the  small  and 
middle  powers  in  both  hemispheres  who, 
fearing  undue  postwar  pressure  from  the 
great  ones,  hailed  the  Bretton  Woods  plan 
as  at  last  offering  them  an  opportunity  to 
influence  world  economic  policy. 

Once  the  United  States  enters  heartily 
into  the  ^Vorld  Security  and  Economic 
Organization,  a  multitude  of  such  fears 
up  and  down  the  Pacific  will  vanish.  For- 
tunately, the  policy  of  Washington  has  been 
clear-cut — that  the  principles  of  the  Atlantic 
Charter  must  apply  to  all  nations  great 
and  small,  including  such  areas  as  India 
where  Britain  has  special  interests.  The 
United  States  claims  an  interest  in  coun- 
tries where  other  nations  have  special  in- 
terests. 

Many  British  came  to  regard  President 
Roosevelt's  administration  as  the  ablest  and 
most  internationally-minded  in  American 
history.  They  hope  for  a  continuance  of 
his  policies  under  President  Truman.  But 
because  they  are  historically-minded  they 
remember  abrupt  reversals  in  the  past. 
They  recall  that  in  1920  the  "normalcy" 
of  Warren  G.  Harding,  Republican,  sup- 
planted espousal  of  the  League  of  Nations 
by  Woodrow  Wilson,  Democrat.  They  re- 
call, also,  that  a  dozen  years  earlier  when 
William  Howard  Taft  succeeded  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  both  Republicans,  President  Taft 
sharply  reversed  many  of  his  predecessor's 
policies.  Who,  either  in  the  United  States 
or  in  the  United  Kingdom,  will  venture 
to  predict  what  American  policy  will  be 
in  1948  and  after? 

On  the  negative  side,  therefore,  Ameri- 
cans cannot  reasonably  object  if  responsi- 
ble Englishmen  have  to  think  out  alterna- 
tives to  meet  whatever  situation  may  arise. 
England  has  learned  that  it  cannot  afford 
risks  that  the  United  States  has  sometimes 
taken  in  its  stride. 

Ike's  Team 

On  the  positive  side,  British  and  Amer- 
icans have  long  demonstrated  skill  in 
working  together  for  common  ends  in  cul- 
ture, communications  and  trade.  In  two 
world  wars  they  have  proved  their  mettle 
in  military  and  political  collaboration.  Un- 
der pressure,  both  peoples  have  shown  re- 
markable capacity  for  large  scale  common 
effort.  Pressure  in  World  War  II  has 
been  greater  than  ever  before  and  their 
cooperation  has  been  unprecedented. 

When  General  Dwight  D.  Eisenhower 
was  appointed  Supreme  Commander  of  the 
Allied  armies  in  western  Europe,  he  called 
together  some  eighty  or  ninety  officers  at 
the  headquarters  of  SHAEF  at  Norfolk 
(Continued  on  page  248) 


202 


Ruby  Loftus,  skilled  war  wo 


by  Dame  Laura  Knight 


The  V-Spirit  of  the  People 

Throughout  these  war  years  the  British  government  has 
encouraged  several  thousand  artists  to  record  the  war  at 
home  and  abroad,  by  official  appointment,  by  commission. 
or  by  purchase  of  work.  Since  the  first  War  Artists 
Exhibition  was  opened  in  July  1940  at  the  National 
Gallery  in  London,  war  pictures  have  been  displayed 
continuously. 

The  paintings  have  toured  the  country,  have  been  sent 
to  the  Dominions,  the  West  Indies,  Russia,  the  United 
States,  South  America.  Many  of  them  have  been  repro- 
duced in  a  series  of  little  one-shilling-six-pence  books 
put  out  by  the  Oxford  University  Press.  Thus,  British 
artists  have  found  their  opportunity  for  service;  and 
British  art,  instead  of  languishing,  has  been  revitalized. 

All  manner  of  Britishers  have  gone  eagerly  to  look  a' 
this  wartime  art.  It  has  held  up  a  mirror  to  their  daily 
performances,  the  less  familiar  medium  giving  them  en- 
hanced importance.  With  these  exhibition  visitors  in  mind, 
we  reproduce  on  this  page  and  the  two  that  follow,  six 
works  that  reflect  the  dauntless  spirit  of  the  home  front. 


The  Alert 


by  Alex  Macpherson 


I     <     : 


I 


f 


Communal  Feeding  Center 


by  Leonard  Daniels 


Women's  Land  Army:  Dairy  Training 


by  Evelyn  Dunbar 


All  photos 
courtesy   of 
British  Informa- 
tion Services 


Sandbag  Workers 


Manufacturing  the  Larger  Size  Bombs 


by  Leslie  Cole 


V.     PORTRAITS    OF    A    NEW    ENGLAND 


British    Information    Services 


The  evacuation  of  the  BEF  from  Dunkirk  in  1940  transformed  "a  military  defeat  into  a  psychological  victory  for  the  British  people" 

The  United  Kingdom  Since  Dunkirk 

The  basic  shift  in  social-economic  patterns,  epitomized  in  the  series  of  great 
White  Papers;  the  far-reaching  effect  on  schools,  homes,  health,  employment. 

Social  Etching  by  MALLORY  BROWNE 


IT    BEGAN,    REALLY,    WHEN    THE    PHONEY    WAR 

ended.  I  well  remember  that  morning  in 
May,  1940,  when  an  imperturbable  waiter 
brought  my  breakfast  tray,  adjusted  the 
blackout  curtains  of  the  London  service 
flat,  and  calmly  announced  "Good  morning, 
sir;  the  'Uns  are  in  'Olland." 

Breathlessly  soon,  the  Huns  were  not 
only  in  Holland  but  in  Belgium,  in  north- 
ern France,  then  actually  on  the  Channel 
coast,  a  bare  twenty  miles  across  the  Strait 
of  Dover.  Then  came  Dunkirk;  after  that 
the  astounding  fall  of  France;  then  the 
)litz  and  finally  the  V-bombs. 

Those  events  molded  the  new  Britain. 
The  fall  of  France  and  Dunkirk  left  in- 
delible birthmarks;  they  must  be  under- 
stood if  the  United  Kingdom  of  today,  and 
of  tomorrow,  is  to  be  understood. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  this  front  line 
atmosphere  has  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with 
changing  the  face  of  Britain.  The  hammer 


— By  an  American  who,  as  chief  of  the 
London  bureau  of  the  Christian  Science 
Monitor  throughout  the  war,  has  shared 
with  the  British  their  front  line  experi- 
ence of  blitz  and  rocket  bombs,  and 
watched  the  shaping  of  the  vast  plans 
and  projects  he  here  describes. 

Mr.  Browne  frequently  broadcasts 
over  BBC  and  has  contributed  to  various 
British  publications. 

Before  the  war  he  was  with  the 
Monitor's  Paris  bureau. 


blows  from  the  air  were  strategically  in- 
effective, but  they  changed  England  for- 
ever, not  only  the  vista  from  St.  Paul's,  the 
core  of  Coventry,  the  Liverpool  dock  area, 
and  a  shattered  Plymouth,  but  the  whole 
pattern  of  the  British  social  structure.  The 
British  were  literally,  forcibly,  blasted  out 
of  their  native  conservatism  into  one  of 


the  greatest  phases  of  social  advance  and 
economic  change  that  any  country  has  ever 
undergone  in  so  brief  a  period.  Iron  is  hard 
to  bend  when  it  is  cold,  but  get  it  hot 
enough  in  the  forge  and  you  can  shape  it 
on  the  anvil  with  surprising  ease. 

Faith  Restored 

Dunkirk  was  a  miracle — a  typically  Eng- 
lish miracle.  It  transformed  what  was  in 
fact  a  catastrophic  military  defeat  of  the 
British  armies  into  a  psychological  victory 
for  the  British  people.  When  an  English- 
man thinks  of  "Dunkirk,"  he  thinks  not 
of  the  defeat  and  retreat  of  the  British 
forces  cut  off  in  Belgium  and  northern 
France  by  the  lightning  German  advance, 
but  of  the  successful  evacuation  of  these 
forces  back  to  Britain. 

On  the  second  day  after  the  evacuation 
from  the  beaches  at  Dunkirk  began,  a  Field 
Marshal  of  the  British  army  said  to  me:  "I 


206 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


was  at  the  Admiralty  yesterday,  and  they 
told  me  it  will  be  a  miracle  if  we  save  ten 
thousand  of  our  troops."  A  week  or  so 
later,  when  something  like  310,000  British 
and  French  troops  had  been  brought  back, 
I  saw  him  again  and  reminded  him  of  his 
words.  He  nodded  solemnly.  "Yes,  I  know," 
he  said,  "it  really  was  a  miracle — a  great 
miracle." 

And  certainly  in  its  effects  upon  British 
morale,  it  was.  The  general  public  was 
jubilant — less  because  the  bulk  of  the  small 
trained  BEF  had  been  extricated  from  the 
jaws  of  a  German  trap  than  because,  to  a 
large  extent  at  least,  the  miracle  had  been 
performed  by  the  people  themselves.  It  was 
the  unique  armada  of  little  ships:  the  river 
launches,  Thames  tugs,  lifeboats,  barges, 
pleasure  craft — the  civilian  flotsam  and  jet- 
sam, so  to  speak,  of  a  sea-going  people — 
which  made  the  miracle  possible.  No  doubt 
the  navy  did  the  bulk  of  the  job,  and  the 
Royal  Air  Force  helped,  but  in  the  eyes  of 
the  British  public  it  was  the  myriad  little 
ships,  tiny  craft  such  as  every  Englishman 
dreams  of  owning  one  day,  just  as  every 
American  dreams  of  owning  an  automobile 
or  an  airplane,  which  miraculously  con- 
verted the  debacle  of  Dunkirk  into  a  heart- 
ening experience,  restoring  to  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  British  people  that  indispensable 
quality:  faith  in  themselves. 

Fresh  Start 

It  was  in  great  part  because  they  had 
been  reendowed  by  "Dunkirk"  with  this 
essential  element  of  inspired  faith  that  the 
British  took  the  fall  of  France  in  their 
stride.  While  the  rest  of  the  world — and  in 
particular,  perhaps,  most  Americans  — 
thought  that  Dunkirk  and  the  collapse  of 
France  in  June  1940  meant  the  beginning 
of  an  early  end  for  Britain,  it  never  oc- 
curred to  the  British  people  themselves,  as 


a  whole,  that  it  was  anything  but  a  new 
beginning;  it  simply  never  entered  the 
minds  of  most  Englishmen  and  women 
that  by  all  reasonable  calculations  they  were 
doomed.  I  remember  my  astonishment  at 
the  almost  universal  reaction  after  the  Bel- 
gians had  given  in  and  the  French  had 
signed  an  armistice  with  Germany:  "Well, 
thank  goodness,  at  last  we're  on  our  own. 
There's  no  one  else  to  let  us  down.  Now 
we  can  really  get  on  with  the  war!"  It  was 
not  said  boastfully,  but  cheerfully,  with 
genuine  relief. 

There  were  some,  of  course,  in  Britain 
during  that  fateful  summer  of  1940,  who 
doubted  and  wondered.  "But  why  do  you 
think  we  will  not  go  down  the  way  France 
has?"  one  of  these  rare  doubters  kept  on 
asking  me.  My  answer,  as  I  recall  it,  was 
simply  that  you  cannot  beat  a  people  that 
honestly  does  not  know  when  it  is  licked. 
Looking  back  now,  of  course,  it  is  easy  to 
list  a  number  of  other  reasons,  including 

(1)  The  twenty-mile  wide  tank  trap  ot 
the  English  Channel; 

(2)  The  victory  of  the  RAF  over  the 
Luftwaffe  in  the  decisive  air  battle  of  Brit- 
ain; and 

(3)  The  German  decision  to  invade  Rus- 
sia. 

Maybe  Americans  get  a  little  tired  of 
hearing  about  that  decisive  year  when  Brit- 
ain stood  alone.  But  we  should  not  forget 
it:  first,  because  it  undoubtedly  saved  us 
as  well  as  the  British  themselves,  if  not 
from  outright  defeat  at  least  from  a  struggle 
so  prolonged  and  costly  that  eventual  vic- 
tory would  have  been  almost  meaningless; 
and  second,  because  that  year  after  Dun- 
kirk, when  Britain  finally  roused  herself 
and  raised  herself  to  the  supreme  heights 
»f  her  "finest  hour,"  has  left  its  stamp  on 
the  nation  in  the  form  of  a  deep  and  lasting 
assurance  of  her  real  resources  of  power 


and   greatness,  of  strength  that  has   been 
fully  tried  and  has  stood  the  test. 

Voluntary  Mobilization 

For  what  saved  England  in  1940  (apart 
from  the  Channel  and  Hitler's  blunders) 
was  not  alone  her  war  Prime  Minister, 
Winston  Churchill,  magnificently  indispen- 
sable though  he  was;  nor  was  it  the  "few" 
of  the  RAF  fighter  squadrons.  It  was 
Churchill's  superb  leadership,  plus  the 
RAF's  victory  in  the  Battle  of  Britain,  plus 
— and  perhaps  most  of  all — what  might  be 
called  the  great  "voluntary  mobilization"  ot 
the  people  of  Britain.  This  mobilization  had 
begun  in  1939.  But  not  until  Dunkirk  and 
the  fall  of  France  did  it  attain  that  elan 
of  something  very  close  to  national  unani- 
mity. It  was  not  merely  a  question  of 
mobilization  of  manpower,  remarkable  as 
that  wartime  aspect  of  the  new  Britain  is. 
It  was  a  mobilization  of  every  available 
resource  of  food,  clothing,  production,  and 
human  service  itself  in  every  imaginable 
form. 

The  cold  facts  and  figures  are  eloquent 
enough:  unemployment  wiped  out  almost 
entirely  (the  figures  show  over  1,000,000 
unemployed  in  1939  and  only  71,000  in 
1944);  4,500,000  in  the  armed  forces  in 
1944  as  against  only  477,000  in  1939;  7,- 
000,000  women  on  full  time  war  work  out 
of  a  total  of  16,000,000  British  women  aged 
fourteen  to  fifty-nine. 

But  these  figures,  impressive  as  they  are, 
fail  to  tell  anything  like  the  whole  story  of 
the  quiet  courage  and  humor  with  which 
the  men  and  women  of  Britain  have  met 
the  long  grueling  strain  of  war  work  in 
factories  and  offices  and  shops  under  black- 
out conditions,  with  shortage  of  transport, 
and  with  housekeeping  problems  compli- 
cated to  the  nth  degree  by  rationing. 
(Continued  on  page  210) 


Bomb  victims.  During  the  first  five  years  of  war  one 
MAY     1945 


British    Combine 
civilian  was  killed  in  the  United  Kingdom  to  every  three  men  in  the  armed  forces 

207 


BRITAIN  AT  WAR 

MOBILIZATION    OF    MANPOWER  Each  symbol  represents  one  million 


MEN 


1939 


1944 


ARMED  SERVICES  AND 
MUNITIONS  INDUSTRY 


AGRICULTURE,  TRANSPORTATION 
AND  OTHER  WORK 


UNEMPL 


O     '0      O      O      O      O 


Half  of  all  men  (14-64)  are 
in  the  armed  services,  civil 
defense  or  munitions  industry 


WOMEN 


and  nearly  half  of  all  women  (14-59) 
are  in  the  services  and  industry 


IN  THE  SERVICES  M 
AND  INDUSTRY 


HOUSEWIVES, 
OTHERS 


A  £.£.&£. 


ooooooooo 


ONE  out  of  every  3  houses 

(in  the  United  Kingdom) 


has  been  destroyed  or  damaged 

(Up  to  end  of  Sept.,  1944) 


EXPORTS  (VOLUME) 
1938 


1943 


Exports  have  shrunk  to 
less  than  one  third 


OVERSEAS  INVESTMENTS 


+  9.2 

BILLION 
DOLLARS 


INCREASE  IN 

OVERSEAS 

LIABILITIES 


IN 

OVERSEAS 
ASSETS 


1-4.3 
BILLION 
DOLLARS 


(Up  to  end  of  June,  1944) 


CIVILIAN  CONSUMPTION 

WEEKLY  PER  PERSON 
BUTTER 

PREWAR 


7.63  oz. 


2.34  oz. 


EGGS 


MEAT 


SUGAR 


FRESH 
FRUITS 

c/S 


PREWAR 
1943 

PREWAR 
1943 

PREWAR 
1943 

PREWAR 
1943 


3.26  eggs 


1.45  eggs 


30.40  oz. 


22.18  oz. 


30.58  oz. 


20.00  oz. 


27.17  oz. 


12.06  oz. 


food  /or  c'v'''ons  hos  fceen  cu'  severe/y 


PH  CORPOtATION 


POSTWAR  PLANNING 


SOCIAL  INSURANCE 

FOR  EVERYBODY 


MATERNITY 
GRANT 


MATERNITY  BENEFIT 

or  ATTENDANT'S  ALLOWANCE 


AMILY  ALLOWANCES 
FOR  MORE 
THAN  ONE  CHILD  — _ 


ALLOWANCE  FOR 
ADULT  DEPENDENT 


SICKNESS  BENEFIT 


COMPREHENSIVE  HEALTH  SERVICE 

FOR  EVERYBODY 


Health  Service 
available  to  all  people 


Consultant  and  specialist 
services  included 


INJURY 

SANITATION 

SERVICES 


SICKNESS 

©  GENERAL 

HOSPITAL 

SPECIAL 

HOSPITAL 


Covers  all  forms  of  health  care 
(Dental  service  temporarily  limited) 


No  compulsion  for  doctor 
or  patient  to  participate 


Freedom  of  choice 
(and  of  change)  of  doctor 


LAB. 


INTERNIST 
OR.  X 


ndependent  professional  council 
advises  Minister  of  Health 


OK.j 


Service  doctors  may  work  in 
Health  Centers"  or  as  individuals 


o 


Central  Medico!  Board 
directs  executive  functions 


EDUCATION 

FOR  EVERYBODY 


obS-S 


Increasing  number  of 
Nursery  Schools  (2-5  year  olds) 


Extension  of  free  compulsory 
education  (15,  later  16  years) 


Religious  instruction 
emphasized 


Free  meals  and  milk 
to  school  children 


[  MINISTER] 
LOCAL  AUTHORITIES 


PRIMARY          SECONDARY  FURTHER 

EDUCATION        EDUCATION          EDUCATION 

(5-11)          (12-17)        (18-22) 

Reconstruction  of 

educational  system 


Compulsory  part-time 
education  to  18 


|      |      |     j  O      Q 

§1- 

Free  medical  examination 
and  treatment 


Extended  Adult  Education 


UNEMPLOYMENT 
BENEFIT 


TRAINING 
ALLOWANCE 


RETIREMENT 
PENSION 


DEATH  GRANT 


WIDOW'S 
—     BENEFIT 


WIDOW'S     ^F 
PENSION   ~  —  _ 


ORPHAN'S  - 
ALLOWANCE     _ 


GUARDIAN'S 
'  BENEFIT 


*APH  CORPORATION 


Shopping  in  emergency  buildings  erected  in  blitzed  cities 


Typical  scene  in  any  office  when  flying  bombs  were  overhead 


Just  what  tnis  rationing  "lifeboat-style" 
has  meant  to  the  ordinary  man  and  woman 
in  the  United  Kingdom  is  made  clear  in 
the  government  White  Paper  on  the  Brit- 
ish war  effort  presented  to  Parliament  in 
November  1944.  Boiled  down  to  everyday 
terms,  the  figures  show  that  meat  consump- 
tion of  an  average  British  civilian  was  down 
nearly  one  third  with  the  war;  that  butter 
was  down  two  thirds;  and  fruit,  tea,  and 
sugar  were  all  down  a  third.  Only  con- 
sumption of  flour  and  potatoes  was  rising. 
Yet  these  figures  themselves  hint  at  the 
brighter  side  of  food  rationing  in  Britain: 
namely  that  while  the  upper  strata  of  the 
population  was  obliged  to  get  along  with 
much  less  than  it  ate  before  the  war,  the 
poorest  sections  of  the  people  were  getting 
more,  since  the  combination  of  rationing 
and  price  control  tended  to  give  them  food 
which  they  were  either  too  poor  or  too 
ignorant  to  purchase  before  the  war. 

It  is  not  only  food  that  has  been  rationed 
but  clothing  as  well.  Taking  the  over-all 
average,  clothing  coupons  allowed  British 
adults  to  buy  only  half  the  quantity  of 
clothes  bought  before  the  war.  But  here 
again  the  average  figures  hardly  give  a 
fair  idea  of  what  the  restrictions  meant  to 
most  people.  A  man  could  buy  one  pair 
of  shoes  once  in  thirteen  months,  and  a 
woman  perhaps  five  or  six  pairs  of  stock- 
ings compared  to  an  average  of  fourteen 
pairs  yearly  before  the  war. 

Blackout  and  blockade,  blitz  and  V- 
bombs,  all  became  part  of  every  English- 
man's everyday  life.  Hardly  a  home  in 
Britain  has  escaped  disruption  of  some  sort: 
house  bombed,  family  broken  up  or  scat- 
tered in  factories  and  war  fronts.  One  house 
in  three  has  been  damaged  by  Germany's 
air  attacks.  One  house  in  thirty  has  been 
rendered  totally  uninhabitable.  Nearly  5,- 
000,000  British  homes  have  been  bombed 
or  blasted — and  that  means  nearly  5,000,000 
British  families.  Moreover,  people  have  been 
uprooted  by  such  mass  movements  of  pop- 
ulation as  the  evacuation  of  London,  the 
exodus  from  the  bomb-ridden  southern  and 
eastern  coasts,  the  compulsory  direction  of 
workers  into  factories  in  remote  and  safer 


zones. 


Front  Line  Conditions 


British    Combine;    British    Information    Services 
Queues  of  housewives  before  any  shop  with  food  to  sell 

FRONT  LINE  CONDITIONS  BY  DAY 


It  is  difficult  for  Americans,  disturbed  as 
we  have  been  by  the  scattering  of  our 
young  men  and  the  redistribution  of  our 
war  workers,  to  realize  the  difference  be- 
tween our  disruptions  and  the  actuality  of 
front  line  conditions  on  the  island  of  Brit- 
ain. We  have  been  appalled  at  our  casualty 
lists.  But  up  to  the  end  of  January,  1945, 
German  bombs  had  killed  more  civilians 
in  England  than  German  guns  had  killed 
American  soldiers  in  action  on  the  conti- 
nent of  Europe — and  three  times  as  many 
had  been  wounded.  During  the  first  five 
years  of  war,  for  every  three  English  sol- 
diers, sailors  or  airmen  killed  in  action,  one 
civilian  was  killed  by  bombs  in  the  United 
Kingdom — and  more  wounded. 

What  the  war  has  meant  in  large  terms 
to  Britain's  national  economy  is  something 
which  even  the  ordinary  Britisher  has  hard- 
ly begun  to  understand.  In  simple  figures, 
Britain,  a  nation  historically  dependent  on 


210 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


exports,  shipped  out  less  than  a  third  the 
quantity  of  goods  in  1943  that  she  did  in 
1938.  She  has  sacrified  a  large  portion  of 
her  once  reliable  income  on  foreign  invest- 
ments with  which  she  used  to  pay  for  the 
80  percent  of  her  food  she  imported.  If 
she  is  not  to  reduce  her  standard  of  living 
in  future — and  Englishmen  are  determined 
that  shall  not  come  to  pass — she  will  have 
to  rebuild  her  export  trade  and  on  new 
untried  patterns. 

Despite  the  enormity  of  the  wartime  ef- 
fort which  Britain  has  made  and  is  mak- 
ing, however,  the  people  have  kept  their 
faces  resolutely  turned  toward  the  future. 

The  best  picture  of  this  Britain  of  tomor- 
row, which  has  been  forged  under  fire, 
may  be  found  in  the  great  series  of 
White  Papers  which  trace  the  revolutionary 
social,  educational,  and  economic  reforms 
projected  by  the  coalition  government  for 
action  by  Parliament.  These  White  Papers 
express  the  mood  of  wartime  Britain,  look- 
ing forward  as  it  fought,  and  they  are  large- 
ly responsible  for  Britain's  unique  position 
in  postwar  Europe — emerging  from  the 
blight  and  blackout  of  war  undivided  and 
unembittered,  with  her  national  unity  actu- 
ally increased  by  the  leveling  and  human- 
ized effect  of  the  long,  hard  struggle. 

If  the  shining  ideals  for  a  postwar  Britain 
were  somewhat  dimmed  by  sheer  ex- 
haustion in  the  later  V-bomb  and  rocket 
days,  it  remains  true  that  all  parties  of 
England  are  uniquely  united  in  the  char- 
acteristic slow,  steady,  democratic  slogging 
at  social,  economic,  educational,  and  in- 
dustrial reform  expressed  in  these  White 
Papers.  [See  also  pages  212  and  221.] 

The  Prevention  of  Poverty 

The  most  important  of  these  White  Pa- 
per portraits  of  the  new  Britain  is  that  on 
Social  Insurance,  presented  to  Parliament 
in  September  1944.  It  outlines  the  govern- 
ment's policy  on  what  is  called  "the  pre- 
vention of  individual  poverty  resulting  from 
those  hazards  of  personal  fortune  over 
which  individuals  have  little  or  no  control." 
It  provides  for  the  institution  of  a  single, 
all-embracing,  insurance  scheme  covering 
the  entire  population  of  the  United  King- 
dom and  including  virtually  every  imagin- 
able contingency.  Under  this  scheme  every 
British  subject  resident  in  England,  Scot- 
land, Wales,  Northern  Ireland,  would  be 
entitled  to  draw  benefit  payments  insuring 
him  the  minimum  needs  of  existence  almost 
literally  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  The 
benefits  include  maternity  grants,  child  al- 
lowances, orphans  allowance,  sickness  and 
unemployment  benefit,  disability  and  old 
age  insurance,  training  allowances,  retire- 
ment pensions,  widows  benefits  and  death 
grants  for  funeral  expenses. 

The  government's  social  insurance  scheme 
derives  from  the  Beveridge  Plan,  though 
it  differs  from  it  considerably  in  detail.  As 
far  back  as  June  1941,  when  Britain  still 
faced  the  threat  of  heavy  air  attack  and 
the  possible  menace  of  invasion,  the  govern- 
ment asked  Sir  William  Beveridge  to  carry 
out  a  comprehensive  survey  of  the  social 
insurance  problem.  The  Beveridge  Plan 
was  based  on  the  assumption  that  any  com- 
prehensive social  insurance  scheme  must  be 


accompanied  by  the  framing  of  a  national 
health  service  and  the  avoidance  of  mass 
unemployment.  The  British  Government 
has  also  produced  White  Papers  on  a  na- 
tional health  service  and  on  full  employ- 
ment. 

These  various  schemes  are  by  no  means 
abstract  theories.  They  are,  on  the  contrary, 
integral  parts  of  the  policy  of  the  war  gov- 
ernment which  undertook  to  get  them  into 
the  form  of  legislative  bills  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible and  submit  them  to  the  Houses  of 
Parliament. 

Under  the  government's  social  insurance 
plan,  everybody  in  the  United  Kingdom 
from  Cabinet  Ministers  and  millionaires 
down  to  shop  girls  and  window  cleaners, 
will  have  to  pay  a  weekly  contribution  of 
somewhere  between  50  cents  and  f  1  weekly. 
The  total  cost  of  the  scheme  (for  the  first 
year)  is  about  $2,600,000,000.  Payments 


under  the  plan  are  fairly  liberal  according 
to  British  standards:  35  shillings  (about  |7) 
a  week  would  be  the  pension  drawn  by  a 
married  couple,  for  example.  Family  allow- 
ances amount  to  5  shillings  a  week  (about 
$1)  for  each  child  after  the  first,  but  also 
include  free  school  meals  and  milk.  Or- 
phans would  get  an  allowance  of  12  shill- 
ings (|2.50)  weekly. 

Health  Service  for  Everyone 

The  government's  scheme  for  a  national 
health  service  is  being  more  hotly  debated, 
notably  by  the  medical  profession  itself. 
The  White  Paper  containing  this  plan  is 
more  than  55,000  words  in  length.  It  spe- 
cifically lists  its  two  main  objectives  as 
being  (l)  to  provide  free  medical  treatment 
to  all,  and  (2)  to  make  available  complete 
medical,  nursing  and  hospital  service  of  all 
(Continued  on  page  256) 


British    Information    Service 
Camping  out  in  shelters — in  London,  the  underground  stations  were  used 
FRONT  LINE  CONDITIONS  BY  NIGHT 


MAY     1945 


211 


Ginger  in  the  British  Medicine  Chest 

An  old  household  remedy  applied  by  war  premiers  and  labor,  no  less  than  doctors. 
National  Health  Insurance  leads  on  to  new  plans  for  a  National  Health  Service. 


X-ray  of  Chest  by  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


Do  YOU  KNOW  WHAT  A  ginger  group  is? 
The  English  do.  Americans  do  also,  al- 
though we  don't  call  it  that.  Alfred  E. 
Smith,  Robert  F.  Wagner,  and  Franklin 
Delano  Roosevelt  were  a  ginger  group  in 
the  New  York  state  legislature  years  ago. 
Wendell  Willkie  led  a  ginger  group  within 
the  Republican  Party.  The  yet  remembered 
Huey  P.  Long  described  the  political  func- 
tion of  ginger  in  full-blown  Americanese — 
"putting  ants  in  their  pants." 

Political  ginger  is  transforming  British 
health  insurance  into  a  comprehensive 
health  service.  In  America  we  may  not 
copy  the  process  but  we  can  learn  from  it. 
It  began  in  England  with  a  master  in  the 
art  of  gingering  —  David  Lloyd  George. 
The  British  Medical  Association  did  its 
best  to  block  him  as  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer  in  1911-12  but,  during  the  next 
fifteen  years,  most  doctors  who  did  any 
general  practice  had  experience  with  health 
insurance. 

They  learned  from  their  experience  — 
with  the  result  that  at  a  dinner  in  London 
in  1933  to  celebrate  the  act's  twenty-first 
anniversary,  Mr.  Lloyd  George  remarked 
that  he  had  to  rub  his  eyes  to  make  sure 
he  saw  straight,  for  at  the  speakers'  table, 
along  with  labor  officials  and  public  digni- 
taries, were  the  leaders  of  British  medicine. 

National  Health  Insurance,  1912  Model 

In  fact,  by  1928,  the  British  Medical  As- 
sociation had  gone  officially  on  record  not 
only  praising  national  health  insurance  be- 
cause it  had  brought  better  medical  service 
to  the  British  people  but  recommending  that 
it  be  extended. 

From  its  inception,  British,  health  insur- 
ance (lagging  much  behind  many  Euro- 
pean countries)  has  offered  only  the  serv- 
ices of  general  practitioners — neither  that  of 
specialists  nor  hospital  care — and  available 
only  to  employed  persons  below  a  certain 
income  limit,  that  is  to  about  nineteen  mil- 
lion out  of  forty-seven  million  Britons.  To 
this  day  the  families  of  these  same  workers 
have  to  pay  fees  in  the  old-fashioned  way 
to  their  family  physicians — usually  the  same 
physicians  whom  the  insured  members  of 
the  family  call  in  under  the  insurance  plan. 
Much  specialist  and  hospital  service  is  on  a 
charity  basis. 

So  it  was  a  great  step  forward  when,  in 
1928,  the  British  Medical  Association  rec- 
ommended that  the  health  insurance  system 
should  provide  for  specialists  and  hospitali- 
zation  and  should  cover  all  family  members 
— 80  to  90  percent  of  the  population.  Since 
then,  the  British  Medical  Association  has 
been  a  ginger  group  for  the  British  govern- 
ment. Had  it  not  been  for  the  depression, 
the  two-way  extension  might  perhaps  have 
been  consummated  in  the  Thirties.  The 
medical  ginger  wasn't  strong  enough. 


HEALTH— TODAY  &  TOMORROW 

— Fourth  in  series  by  the  chairman,  Com- 
mittee on  Research  in  Medical  Econom- 
ics; associate  editor,  Survey  Graphic. 

In  fact,  BMA  has  lost  ginger.  For  the 
British  people  now  want  health  service  more 
comprehensive  and  coordinated  than  the 
BMA  seems  willing  to  accept.  The  best  evi- 
dence that  the  people  want  it  is  that  con- 
servative British  statesmen  have  discovered 
the  fact.  The  political  ginger  of  the  Labour 
Party  has  helped  them  make  this  discovery. 
Hence  Mr.  Churchill  announces  a  "Na- 
tional Health  Service."  Hence  in  1944,  his 
Ministry  of  Health  blueprinted  the  details 
in  a  White  Paper  under  that  title. 

National  Health  Service,  1945  Model 

What  is  the  difference  between  National 
Health  Insurance  and  National  Health 
Service?  As  to  service,  through  the  existing 
insurance,  some  40  percent  of  the  people 
obtain  general  practitioner  care  and  ordi- 
nary medicine  and  only  that.  Through  the 
projected  system,  all  the  people  could  ob- 
tain this;  also,  general  specialist,  hospital 
and  home  nursing  care,  plus  medicines  and 
laboratory  work  and  limited  dentistry. 

As  to  payment,  all  this  would  be  prepaid 
out  of  a  national  pooled  fund,  built  up 
about  27  percent  from  insurance  contribu- 
tions from  workers,  and  about  73  percent 
from  national  or  local  taxation  (about 
evenly  divided  between  the  two). 

Let  us  remember  that  now,  without 
National  Health  Service,  the  larger  part  of 
hospital  care  is  paid  for  out  of  taxation — 
mostly  local.  Under  N.H.S.,  the  local  taxes 
would  pay  little  more  than  at  present. 
National  taxation  would  pay  much  more 
— but  would  come  largely  from  people  who 
are  now  paying  not  very  different  amounts 
in  doctors'  and  hospital  fees.  Voluntary 
hospitals  would  be  assured  of  autonomy, 
paid  out  of  the  pool  for  the  people  they 
serve. 

N.H.S.  goes  further,  in  line  with  recent 
recommendations  of  distinguished  British 
medical  bodies.  Group  medical  practice  is 
to  be  encouraged  by  gradually  establishing 


Winston  Churchill  Says: 

"Our  policy  is  to  create  a  national 
health  service  in  order  to  ensure  that 
everybody  in  the  country,  irrespective 
of  means,  age,  sex,  or  occupation,  shall 
have  equal  opportunities  to  benefit  from 
the  best  and  most  up-to-date  medical 
and  allied  services  available." 


health  centers,  out  of  which  most  general 
practitioners  would  work,  with  laboratory 
aids  and  in  coordination  with  hospitals. 
Most  specialists  would  work  as  part  of 
hospital  staffs.  Preventive  services  are  to  tie 
in  with  the  health  centers.  Voluntary  and 
governmental  hospitals  would  coordinate 
their  services  by  locality  and  region,  much 
as  American  Hospital  Association  leaders 
are  advocating  here. 

N.H.S.  retains  the  compulsory  health  in- 
surance principle  because,  as  Sir  William 
Beveridge  has  emphasized,  and  as  our 
Health  Program  Conference  said  last  fall 
[see  Survey  Graphic,  December  1944]  "the 
contributory  principle  makes  service  a  right 
and  dissociates  it  from  the  onus  of  charity." 

In  Europe,  health  insurance  began  with 
paying  for  certain  medical  service  for  self- 
supporting  persons,  while  taxation  contin- 
ued to  finance  much  hospital  and  some 
physicians'  care  for  dependents.  These  two 
methods  of  spreading  costs  have  long  been 
combined.  Now  Britain  will  bring  them 
together  on  a  large  scale,  as  joint  means  for 
financing  a  medical  goal — the  organization 
of  services  and  of  payment  (as  the  White 
Paper  says),  "to  bring  the  country's  full  re- 
sources to  bear  upon  reducing  ill  health 
and  promoting  good  health  in  all  its  citi- 


zens. 


Negotiations  and  Issues 


Meanwhile  the  British  Medical  Associa- 
tion, which  opposed  Lloyd  George's  pro- 
gram in  1912,  objects  to  the  Churchill  gov- 
ernment's plans  in  1945,  but  now  more  on 
grounds  of  administration  than  of  services 
or  finances.  The  delegates  at  the  associa- 
tion's recent  annual  meeting  voted  for  the 
principle  of  an  income  limit  so  that  best- 
off  people  would  be  ineligible  for  N.H.S. 
The  association  is  strongly  for  giving  more 
administrative  power  to  national  authori- 
ties (and  more  medical  representation)  and 
is  against  power  in  the  hands  of  local  gov- 
ernments. This,  in  sharp  contrast  to  offi- 
cial medical  attitudes  in  the  USA. 

The  BMA  is  now  beginning  negotiations 
with  the  government  officials  who  will  be 
responsible  for  turning  the  White  Paper  in- 
to a  draft  bill.  Several  questions  which  are 
fighting  issues  in  America  won't  even  come 
up.  Nobody  will  argue  for  cash  indemni- 
ties as  a  substitute  for  health  service.  No- 
body will  claim  that  voluntary  insurance 
will  suffice,  but  a  place  within  N.H.S.  may 
be  found  for  some  existing  voluntary  plans. 
Group  practice  is  an  accepted  policy,  though 
opinions  vary  as  to  methods  and  rate  of 
procedure. 

Free  choice  of  doctor  will  be  taken  for 
granted,  with  attention  given  to  improv- 
ing opportunities  for  intelligent  choice. 
Fee-for-service  payment  to  doctors — now  a 
(Continued  on  page  253) 


212 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


British  Combine 
Bombed  factory.  While  war  plants  have  been  repaired  promptly,  many  buildings  for  peacetime  manufacture  are  in  ruins 

What  the  British  Face 

The  world's  great  creditor  nation  is  "broke."  But  her  courage  rose  with  danger. 
"Shooting  the  works"  for  Western  civilization,  she  renewed  both  youth  and  vigor. 

Economic  Forecast  by  DAVID  CUSHMAN  COYLE 


BRITAIN  HAS  SUFFERED  GRIEVOUSLY  IN  THIS 
war,  but  also,  in  many  ways,  has  gained 
strength.  The  balance  of  losses  and  gains 
is  much  too  complex  to  be  exactly  defined. 
One  may  only  take  note  of  some  of  the 
most  visible  factors,  tangible  and  intangible; 
the  balance  will  be  struck  by  political  and 
economic  events  still  to  come. 

Americans  who  have  lived  here  and  who 
have  had  a  chance  to  see  what  has  gone  on, 
can  have  nothing  but  admiration  and  sym- 
pathy for  the  courage,  humor,  and  unflag- 
ging hard  work  that  the  British  have  con- 
tributed to  the  saving  of  the  world.  All 
that  is  no  reason,  however,  to  be  discourag- 
ed about  their  future — rather  the  contrary. 

Britain  may  have  been  effete  once,  or 
several  times,  but  her  historic  capacity  to 
let  courage  rise  with  danger,  and  to  renew 
her  youth  under  the  lash  of  evil  circum- 
stances, is  still  as  vigorous  as  ever  in  her 
long  and  checkered  past. 

Items  in  a  Human  Budget 

Because  of  the  comparative  preponder- 
ance of  air  and  sea  fighting,  British  casual- 
ties in  the  armed  forces  have  been  lower 
than  in  World  War  I.  About  56,000  civil- 
ians were  killed  by  bombs  in  the  first  five 


years  of  the  war.  This  may  be  compared 
with  a  normal  deathrate  from  automobiles 
of  about  35,000  in  a  similar  period.  Being 
bombed  is  a  nasty  business,  as  those  of  us 
who  live  in  London  know  quite  well,  and 
British  losses  in  battle  are  not  to  be  treated 
lightly.  Britain  has  suffered,  in  truth,  far 
more  in  proportion  than  the  United  States 
or  any  dominions  except  New  Zealand. 


— By  an  American  engineer,  structural 
designer  of  the  New  York  Life  building 
and  the  capitol  of  the  state  of  Wash- 
ington. 

That  he  specialized  in  developing 
steel  construction  to  withstand  wind 
pressure  may  give  a  clue  to  his  appraisal 
of  British  economy  under  wartime  strain 
— in  intimate  contacts  with  business, 
labor,  and  professional  groups. 

Massachusetts-born,  consultant  in  the 
'30s  to  half  a  dozen  ranking  federal 
agencies,  administrative  and  legislative, 
his  books  have  given  edge  to  our  think- 
ing— such  as  "Brass  Tacks,"  "Uncommon 
Sense,"  "Waste"— and  three  on  "Amer- 
ica" that  buttressed  spirits  at  home  in 
years  of  stress  (1938-40). 


Meanwhile,  there  have  been  pluses  no 
less  than  minuses  in  the  balance  sheet  of 
the  war  years.  Housing  has  degenerated. 
Many  people  have  suffered  hardship  in 
shelters  and  damaged  buildings.  Coal  has 
been  scarce.  Working  hours  have  been 
long,  and  travel  exhausting.  On  the  other 
hand,  diet  on  the  whole  has  improved.  Ra- 
tioning undoubtedly  has  reduced  the  bill 
of  fare  among  the  comfortable  classes,  but 
it  has  enhanced  the  quality  of  food  avail- 
able to  the  poor.  The  net  result,  as  indi- 
cated by  the  birth  and  death  rates,  by  the 
incidence  of  most  diseases,  and  by  the 
growth  of  school  children,  seems  to  be  a 
general  gain  in  health!  Some  people  are 
living  who  would  have  died  if  the  war  had 
not  happened,  and  many  will  live  several 
years  longer  because  Britain  rationed  the 
milk  and  orange  juice  which  in  peacetime 
they  would  have  been  too  poor  or  too 
ignorant  to  buy.  One  may  tally  the  violent 
deaths  that  probably  resulted  from  the 
last  bomb  I  heard  explode,  against  the 
addition  of  two  years  to  the  life  of  a  hun- 
dred people  in  1970  or  so. 

In  judging  the  economic  and  social 
future  of  the  nation,  the  improvement  in 
basic  health  has  to  be  set  against  the 


MAY     1945 


213 


severe  losses  suffered  by  enemy  action. 

There  is  a  more  intangible  change,  at  one 
of  the  most  fundamental  levels  of  life,  that 
I  believe  should  be  taken  into  account. 
Before  the  war,  the  British  people  had  a 
long  siege  of  chronic  unemployment,  the 
spiritual  effect  of  which  was  to  shake  the 
confidence  of  millions  of  citizens  in  their 
own  membership  in  society.  They  were  fed, 
more  or  less,  but  no  one  wanted  them 
enough  to  pay  for  their  time,  and  that  is 
an  injury  that  eats  the  roots  of  life. 

But  now  for  five  years  men  and  women 
have  been  wanted  by  their  country.  They 
have  been  drafted  for  military  service  or 
civilian  work,  with  no  freedom  to  change 
jobs  at  will,  and  subject  to  fine  and  im- 
prisonment for  refusing  hard  and  uncon- 
genial labor. 

Civilian  war  jobs  have  often  been  hard 
and  exacting.  Military  service,  aside  from 
danger,  is  mainly  composed  of  boredom, 
exile  from  home,  and  worry.  Few  people 
get  any  fun  out  of  a  war.  At  nearly  all 
the  more  superficial  levels  of  desire  and 
satisfaction,  war  has  been  a  long,  dragging, 
dismal  wasting  of  the  years — far  more  so 
for  the  British  than  for  the  Americans,  as 
their  effort  has  been  so  much  longer  and 
more  intense  than  ours. 

And  yet,  as  the  British  have  given  them- 
selves more  fully  to  the  great  struggle,  they 
have  got  something  that  we  Americans 
have  much  less  fully  grasped,  a  universal 
sense  of  belonging,  of  honorable  and  re- 
spected membership  in  their  tribe.  Britain 
is  in  a  new  and  deeper  sense  their  country, 
for  in  her  service  they  have  labored  and 
sacrificed,  and  have  carried  on  in  cold  and 
privation  under  danger  of  death,  and  not 
without  honor  among  their  fellows.  This 
is  different  from  the  horrors  of  peace,  for 


this    belonging    makes    the    roots    of    life 
strike  deep. 

Over  two  years  ago,  when  Britain's  bells 
rang  for  landings  in  North  Africa,  I  went 
to  a  provincial  cathedral  to  see  the  Home 
Guard  on  church  parade.  The  bishop 
preached  about  something  that  slips  my 
mind,  but  in  the  ranks  of  the  Fire  Rescue 
Service  I  saw  a  hunchback  in  the  uniform 
of  his  country.  A  British  officer  said  to  me: 
"He  would  be  a  good  man  to  have  in  a 
tight  spot." 

Status  and  Spirit 

Some  day  those  horrors  of  peace  may  re- 
turn, when  a  man  is  no  longer  a  man  for 
a'  that.  Millions  who  have  been  men,  or 
women,  for  a  season,  have  no  verbal  under- 
standing of  what  happened  to  them.  But 
something  did  happen,  and  the  memory 
of  it  will  lie  deep  in  the  souls  of  those  who 
were  part  of  this  great  time. 

Meanwhile,  Beveridge  and  others  have 
put  it  in  words,  that  no  man  may  justly  be 
humiliated  through  the  mismanagement  of 
the  rulers  of  industry  and  government;  that 
full  respect  is  due  to  every  person  who  is 
ready  to  do  his  duty  in  that  place  to  which 
God  has  in  fact  called  him — as  child,  or 
normal  adult,  or  casualty,  or  old  person. 

On  all  the  superficial  levels  of  life,  we 
must  expect  the  British  people  to  show  a 
normal  let-down  when  fighting  ends.  Long 
before  V-E  Day,  I  heard  the  Forces  Pro- 
gram of  BBC  feature  "I'm  Going  to  Get 
Lit  Up  When  the  Lights  Go  on  in 
London."  No  doubt  the  British  are  un- 
utterably weary  of  this  war  in  mind  and 
body,  and  when  it  is  all  over,  a  good  many 
of  them  are  going  to  get  drunk  and  to 
wake  up  afterward  with  no  recognizable 
desire  to  do  anything  serious  again,  ever. 


Almost  on  the  tail  of  flying  bombs  came  the  repair  crews,  to  make  houses  habitable 


214 


For  a  time,  we  must  expect  that  things 
will  slip  badly,  in  Britain  as  probably  in 
America.  "Normalcy"  will  return,  and  the 
prospects  of  the  good  life  will  not  look 
bright.  But  on  the  deeper  levels,  these 
people  know  that  they  have  proved  them- 
selves, and  they  are  definitely  conscious  of 
how  they  went  wrong  after  1918. 

The  chances  seem  to  be  that  after  a  bit 
of  wavering  they  will  set  themselves  with 
new  courage  and  vitality  to  the  job  of  the 
postwar  world. 

The  state  of  the  British  soul  is  primarily 
a  religious  question  and  illustrates  perhaps 
that  central  aspect  of  the  new  world.  Yet 
it  is  almost  equally  vital  to  any  forecast  of 
Britain's  economic  and  political  future. 
Britain  has  to  play  in  the  Big  League  with 
a  third  as  many  people  as  America  and  a 
fifth  as  much  wealth,  which  will  take  a 
stout  heart  and  a  soul  strapped  with  hoops 
of  steel.  And  it  is  of  vast  importance  to 
the  world,  above. all  to  the  United  States, 
that  Britain  shall  make  the  grade. 

Money  and  Jobs 

Financially,  Britain's  position  as  a  cred- 
itor nation  has  been  badly  undermined.  The 
figures  given  by  Nicholas  Kaldor  in  Sir 
William  Beveridge's  "Full  Employment" 
indicate,  to  the  middle  of  1945,  a  loss  of 
gold  and  foreign  exchange  of  $2.8  billion; 
sale  of  securities,  $3.6  billion;  and  foreign 
debts  of  various  kinds,  $10  billion — a  total 
of  $16.4  billion.  The  annual  loss  of  income 
involved  is  about  $400  million  out  of  a  total 
pre-war  income  from  foreign  investments 
of  about  $800  million. 

In  American  terms  these  figures  seem 
small,  but  they  bulk  larger  in  terms  of  the 
British  national  income,  which  in  1938  was 
about  $18.7  billion,  and  is  estimated  for 
1948  at  full  employment  at  possibly  $30 
billion,  or  about  one  fifth  of  our  own  prob- 
able figure.  Yet,  in  British  terms,  an  income 
loss  of  $400  million  a  year,  while  it  may 
be  embarrassing,  is  not  catastrophic. 

Some  of  the  foreign  debts  or  sterling 
balances  are  held  in  South  America,  and 
considerable  fraction  in  India  and  the 
dominions.  The  peculiarly  stimulating 
effect  of  being  a  debtor  is  worth  noting  ir 
this  connection.  Before  1918,  some  of  us 
remember,  the  United  States  was  a  debtor 
nation,  and  unemployment  was  less  of 
problem  to  us;  a  noticeable  percentage  of 
our  products  went  abroad  to  pay  interes 
on  our  debts,  relieving  us  of  the  need  to 
distribute  our  income  more  widely  among 
pur  own  people  so  as  to  find  markets  for 
them  at  home. 

Britain  has  already  made  some  progres 
toward  finding  the  true  solution  of  the 
job  problem  by  redistribution  of  income 
but  she  definitely  needs  foreign  trade 
a  means  of  getting  necessary  material: 
from  abroad.  Her  debts  in  South  Americ 
will  stimulate  the  South  Americans  to 
spend  their  English  money  in  Britain.  This 
in  itself  will  not  supply  the  British  with 
Argentine  beef,  but  it  will  tend  to  reopen 
the  South  American  markets  to  British  ex- 
porters, markets  that  have  been  largely 
taken  over  by  American  traders  during  the 
war.  By  pushing  vigorously,  the  British  car 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


MAKE -DO 
AND  MEND 


GROWYOUR  OWN  FOOD 


British  [niormation  Services 
THREE  PERSUASIVE  POSTERS 
Lean  years  have  been  flavored  with  the  sauce  of  British  humor 


hope  to  sell  enough  not  only  to  clear  off 
.these  sterling  balances,  but  also  to  allow 
a  surplus  for  buying  what  they  need.  And 
meanwhile,  pending  a  full  solution  of  the 
postwar  job  problem,  it  is  evident  that  such 
an  effort  will  provide  jobs. 

The  same  is  true  in  Britain's  relation  to 
the  dominions.  In  the  case  of  India,  in 
some  ways  it  seems  fortunate  that  so  far 
from  "owning"  India,  Britain  is  now  owned 
by  the  Indians  to  the  extent  that  they  have 
British  pounds  in  their  pockets.  Whether 
India  becomes  a  dominion  or  evolves  into 
one  or  more  independent  nations,  the  In- 
dians will  have  to  trade  extensively  with 
Britain  in  order  to  get  their  money's  worth, 
a  fact  that  may  serve  to  lubricate  their  re- 
lations to  some  extent. 

So,  though  some  Britishers  who  have  the 
common  habit  of  confusing  national  and 
personal  economics,  beat  their  breasts  in 
despair  about  England  being  "broke," 
others  are  less  perturbed.  It  is  Americans 
who  should  be  perturbed,  if  anyone,  for 
we  lost  our  debts  in  War  No.  1,  and  have 
been  hunting  ever  since  for  some  place  to 
dump  our  "surplus"  output,  so  as  to  avoid 
the  shocking  thought  of  using  it  ourselves. 

Wreckage  and  Revival 

The  second  obvious  loss  in  Britain  is  the 
war  damage  to  property.  Nearly  four  mil- 
lion houses  have  been  damaged  by  enemy 
action.  A  few  hundred  thousand  were  to- 
tally destroyed,  the  majority  lost  window- 
panes,  plaster,  or  roof  tiles  and  are  still 
occupied,  with  considerable  hardship  to  the 
inhabitants.  There  has  been  extensive  dam- 
age to  business  buildings  throughout  Lon- 
don, in  Coventry,  Birmingham,  and  other 
midland  cities,  and  in  the  ports,  most  of  it 

MAY     1945 


still  unrepaired.  The  factories  show  little 
damage  because  repairs  have  been  promptly 
made. 

The  slum  clearance  requirements  in 
Britain,  as  in  America,  are  large.  Because 
of  the  poor  structural  quality  of  slum 
houses  a  large  percentage  of  buildings 
knocked  down  by  blast  were  houses  that 
ought  to  have  been  pulled  down  years  ago. 
In  the  long  run,  therefore,  the  net  loss  is 
less  than  one  would  think  at  first  sight  of 
some  of  the  blitzed  areas.  But  the  imme- 
diate effect  is  a  real  and  pressing  shortage 
of  housing,  which  will  become  critical  when 
young  men  and  women  now  in  the  services 
come  home  and  want  to  set  up  housekeep- 
ing at  once. 

The   British  government  and  people  are 


There  isrit  even 
half  an  engine  to  spare 
for  unnecessary  journeys 


so  stay  put  this 


alive  to  this  situation,  and  an  immense 
amount  of  planning  is  being  done.  They 
recognize  that  a  large  number  of  people 
will  at  first  have  to  camp  out  in  various 
kinds  of  steel  and  aluminum  shacks,  or 
worse,  and  they  hope  these  will  be  tem- 
porary. If  they  are  bad  enough,  which 
seems  likely,  they  will  be  temporary,  and 
certain  internal  amenities  provided  in  them 
will  pass  over  into  more  permanent  houses 
to  the  general  improvement  of  British 
housing.  Also,  the  whole  mess  will  pro- 
vide thousands  of  jobs,  which  is  something. 

Another  material  loss  is  in  capital  plant 
suited  for  making  peacetime  goods.  Some 
of  it  has  been  blitzed  and  not  replaced. 
Some  has  been  idle  and  depreciating;  some 
has  been  working  overtime  without  proper 
maintenance.  Meanwhile,  technical  prog- 
ress, stimulated  by  the  war,  has  spilled  over 
into  the  processes  of  peacetime  manufac- 
ture, rendering  many  surviving  prewar 
plants  obsolete.  Moreover,  the  strains  of 
war,  as  well  as  closer  contacts  with  Amer- 
ica, have  stepped  up  British  ideas  of  effi- 
ciency, especially  in  coal  mining,  textiles, 
and  building,  so  that  there  is  a  demand 
for  drastic  improvements  in  these  industries, 
involving  considerable  capital  costs,  as  well 
as  changes  in  management  and  trading 
methods. 

The  people  who  worry  about  England 
being  "broke"  stand  aghast  at  the  problem 
of  physically  rebuilding  British  industry, 
and  wonder  where  the  money  is  coming 
from.  Yet,  as  in  America,  there  is  more 
money  in  Britain  than  ever  before.  Inso- 
far as  this  equation  makes  sense  at  all,  it  is 
a  question  of  how  British  industries  can 
lay  hands  on  the  money  for  capital  invest- 
ment. Many  of  them  have  postwar  tax 

215 


credits  due  them.  Also,  the  British  people 
like  our  own,  have  huge  "savings"  invested 
in  war  bonds,  which  they  owe  only  to 
themselves.  And,  if  they  will  retain  their 
heavy  income  tax  rates,  they  will  be  able 
to  tax  themselves  enough  to  pay  themselves 
some  of  their  war  loans,  and  invest  the 
proceeds  in  industry.  There  will  be  hard 
cases,  but  in  the  main  there  seem  to  be  no 
insuperable  difficulties  in  arranging  the 
paper  work. 

On  the  material  or  engineering  side,  re- 
conversion and  modernization  will  no 
doubt  take  some  years  of  activity  in  the 
machine  tool  and  construction  industries. 

These  visible,  material  losses  of  Britain 
are  easily  exaggerated.  As  a  matter  of  per- 
spective, let  us  recall  that  in  America  the 
whole  country  from  the  ground  up  is 
worth  only  a  couple  of  hundred  billion 
dollars,  or  about  what  we  lost  by  sitting 
idle  the  first  seven  years  of  the  depression. 

With  full  employment  and  the  usual 
rate  of  savings,  any  industrial  country  could, 
if  it  wished,  build  everything  brand  new 
every  ten  or  fifteen  years.  And  the  cost 
of  capital  improvements  per  unit  of  output 
is  diminishing.  More  and  more  people  are 
noticing  the  fact  that  the  chief  problem  of 
economics  is  not  how  to  get  factpries  but 
how  to  avoid  having  more  factories  than 
the  market  will  keep  busy.  This  is  the 
fundamental  reason  why  physical  losses 
and  foreign  financial  losses  in  a  country 
such  as  Britain  may  easily  be  made  good, 
so  long  as  the  health,  energies,  and  skill 
of  the  people  are  in  good  condition.  (The 
Nazi-devastated  countries  are,  of  course, 
quite  a  different  matter.) 

Realism  of  British  Thinking 

Thus,  the  total  picture  of  future  British 
policy  and  action  is  by  no  means  clear. 
Yet,  an  immense  amount  of  planning  and 
hard  thinking  is  going  on,  especially  in 
government  at  all  levels. 

Necessarily,  at  the  outset,  the  great  White 
Papers  are  words,  not  deeds,  and  Timothy 
Shy  of  the  News  Chronicle  has  dubbed  the 
British  Constitution  as  "Leucopapyrocracy." 
But  thoughts,  of  course,  are  the  seed  of 
the  deeds  to  come,  and  the  great  official 
discussions  of  the  problems  of  Britain,  to- 
gether with  Beveridge's  monumental  clari- 
fication of  the  basic  problem  of  full  employ- 
ment, may  well  arouse  the  respectful  envy 
of  Americans.  The  British  may  yet  do  a  lot 
of  first  class  muddling,  but  their  authori- 
tative statements  of  economic  problems  and 
solutions  are  far  in  advance  of  any  officially 
sanctioned  statements  in  America. 

In  two  major  respects,  the  realism  of 
British  thinking  is  of  direct  interest  to 
Americans. 

First  is  the  fact  that  an  important  section 
of  British  economic  thought  is  clear  about 
the  question  of  full  employment.  Baldly 
stated,  the  total  of  private  and  public  out- 
lay must  be  enough  to  buy  the  equivalent 
of  the  total  potential  production  of  the  eco- 
nomic system.  The  British  are  pretty  well 
cured  of  the  notion  that  "We  can't 
squander  our  way  into  prosperity." 

On  the  contrary,  they  are  well  on  their 
way  to  understand  that,  at  some  standard 
of  living,  full  employment  can  be  main- 


tained by  a  combination  of  three  policies 
all  within  their  domestic  control: 

(a)  to  spend  enough; 

(b)  to  plan  training  and  work  enough  so 
as  to  match  workers  and  jobs;  and 

(c)  to    manage    the    location    of    industry 
enough  to  avoid  overstraining  the  will- 
ingness of  people  to  move  their  homes. 

The  spread  of  this  understanding  frees  the 
British,  or  any  industrial  country,  of  the 
supposed  necessity  of  dumping  its  goods 
abroad  merely  to  keep  its  workers  occupied. 

The  second  aspect  of  British  thinking  is 
the  corollary  that  as  unbalanced  exports 
are  not  a  necessity  for  full  employment,  the 
building  up  of  foreign  investments  (now 
called  "economic  imperialism")  is  neither 
necessary  nor  desirable.  Foreign  trade  thus 
becomes  not  a  way  of  making  jobs  but  a 
way  of  obtaining  materials  with  which  to 
raise  the  standard  of  living.  Trade  oriented 
to  this  purpose  may  be  balanced  trade,  in- 
volving neither  unlimited  growth  and 
periodic  repudiation  of  international  debts, 
nor  the  acquisition  of  foreign  property. 

If  the  great  powers  can  cease  to  regard 
trade  as  a  vehicle  for  dumping  their  un- 
employment On  less  powerful  nations,  if 
they  can  buy  and  sell  purely  for  the  sake 
of  obtaining  what  they  need  and  paying 
for  it,  the  prospects  of  a  harmonious  world 
will  be  bright.  Americans  so  far  have 
shown  only  faint  glimmerings  of  this  prin- 
ciple. For  example,  the  best  that  our  Na- 
tional Planning  Association  (a  non-govern- 
mental body)  was  recently  able  to  suggest 
was  that  we  ask  the  world  to  accept  Amer- 
ican exports  in  excess  of  imports  to  the 
tune  of  some  |6  billion  a  year  for  an  in- 
definite period  in  the  hope  that  ultimately 
we  could  curb  our  excessive  saving  habits 
enough  to  allow  the  loans  and  investments 
to  be  redeemed. 

Grown-Up  Peoples 

It  is  in  this  difference  in  maturity  of 
economic  thought  in  Britain  and  America 
that  the  main  basis  for  conflict  over  policy 
is  likely  to  be  found  during  postwar  years. 

No  doubt  we  shall  learn,  or  be  taught, 
that  other  countries  will  not  let  us  buy 
them  up.  No  doubt  the  rest  of  the  world 
will  make  clear  to  us  that  even  loans  are 
not  acceptable  unless  we  will  guarantee  to 
take  the  goods  that  will  allow  our  debtors 
to  repay.  Mexico  has  demonstrated  to  the 
other  Latin  Americans  that  the  Yankees 
are  not  prepared  to  send  their  sons  to  fight 
for  the  properties  of  American  big  business. 
Economic  imperialism  depended  on  a  low 
visibility  that  no  longer  exists. 

The  immediate  duties  of  intelligent  Brit- 
ish and  Americans  seem  fairly  clear.  Of 
course,  it  is  of  little  or  no  use  for  the  British 
to  preach  at  us.  Their  own  past  is  too  easily 
recalled.  But  it  will  be  very  much  in  order 
for  them  to  go  on  clarifying  their  own 
minds,  until  their  own  position  on  both 
employment  and  trade  is  clearly,  definitely, 
and  officially  stated. 

We  can  read  their  language  even  if  we 
don't  speak  alike,  and  when  we  see  exactly 
what  they  are  after,  it  will  strike  most  of 
us  as  reasonable. 

So  far  as  Americans  are  concerned,  our 
most  helpful  activities  would  seem  to  be  to 


hasten  the  maturity  of  American  thought, 
and  to  ease  the  transition  period.  The  end 
in  view  is  to  understand  and  apply  the 
knowledge  that  American  employment  is 
to  be  found  only  in  a  proper  allocation  of 
American  income.  After  that  is  settled, 
American  foreign  trade  will  be  for  two 
legitimate  purposes: 

— To   obtain    the   few   things    we    want 

from  abroad;  and 

—To  strengthen  the  peaceful  nations  on 
whose  friendship  and  support  our  se- 
curity depends. 

In  the  meantime,  we  should  throw  what- 
ever cold  water  is  handy  on  the  efforts  of 
either  government  or  business  to  push 
American  goods  and  services  abroad  with- 
out  providing  for  corresponding  imports. 

Tolerance  and  Technology 

The  fact  that  the  British  attitude  toward 
trade  is  rather  more  realistic  than  our  own 
will  probably  give  them  an  advantage  in 
rebuilding  their  trade  connections  through- 
out the  world.  At  the  same  time,  there  are 
visible,  though  somewhat  confused,  signs 
of  rejuvenation  in  British  industry  itself. 

British  technology,  like  our  own,  varies 
from  thoroughly  obsolete  to  excellent.  Top 
rank  engineering  in  Britain  has  "generally 
outdone  the  far-famed  German  engineers, 
and  on  many  points  has  led  our  own.  Their 
great  weakness,  as  compared  with  the 
United  States,  is  the  lack  of  thousands  of 
rank-and-file  technicians,  laboratory  work- 
ers, research  men,  and  applied  scientists 
generally.  As  in  America  forty  years  ago, 
the  chief  obstacle  is  that  businessmen  "don't 
want  any  young  college  squirt  telling  them 
how  to  run  their  business." 

We  got  over  that  stage,  and  the  British 
are  showing  a  new  interest  in  pushing  the 
training  and  employment  of  more  engi- 
neers. Already,  enough  British  industries  are 
employing  modern  research  to  put  heavy 
pressure  on  the  others.  The  change  will 
take  time,  but  it  is  on  the  way,  and  it  repre- 
sents a  renewal  of  youth  in  the  home  of  the 
original  industrial  revolution. 

Also,  millions  of  British  workers  have 
learned  new  skills,  and  have  learned  that, 
at  need,  they  can  learn  still  newer  skills 
quickly  and  effectively.  This,  too,  is  a  re- 
newal of  youth. 

The  over-all  picture  is  not  definite.  Many 
factors  of  vigor  and  soundness  can  be  seen 
sprouding  in  this  land  plowed  by  war.  Ob- 
solete ideas,  vested  interests,  and  distrust 
between  classes  confuse  the  scene.  Govern- 
ment policies  have  not  yet  come  to  a  head, 
and  with  an  election  coming  on,  the  choices 
offered  to  the  voters  don't  seem  to  a  for- 
eigner to  make  much  sense. 

That,  however,  is  no  proof  that  they 
won't  make  sense  when  the  time  comes. 

All  that  one  can  say  with  confidence  is 
that  Britain,  like  ourselves,  is  more  alive 
than  ever.  Before  the  war  she  was  un- 
wounded  but  sick.  Today  she  has  lost  blood, 
but  there  is  plenty  left  and  it  is  running 
strongly  in  her  arteries.  If,  among  us  all, 
we  can  keep  the  world  in  order  and  toler- 
ate one  another's  peculiarities,  we  can  rea- 
sonably expect  that  Britain  will  be  able  to 
carry  her  share  of  responsibility  in  the  new 
world. 


216 


International 


London's  Burning 

JAN  STRUTHER 


I  was  a  citizen,  once,  of  a  great  city. 

Its  buildings  were  of  mellowed  brick  and  of  weathered  stone. 

I  woke  up  every  morning  to  its  sparrows'  chatter 

And  lay  down   every  evening  to  its  traffic's  drone. 

It  had  its  faults.  It  was  shabby  in  parts,  and  sooty; 
Its  waterfront  could  have  done  with  tidying  up. 
It  was  shapeless  and  vast:  but  I  loved  it  like  a  village. 
It  was  my  home.  It  held  my  life  like  a  cup. 

Its  sky-signs   were  my  earliest  constellations. 
My  nursery  rhymes  were  the  legends  of  the  town. 
I  sang,  "London's  burning,  London's  burning." 
I  sang,  "London  Bridge  is  falling  down." 

I  learned  to  walk  and  talk  there.  By  its  times,  its  spaces, 
Are  measured  forever  my  thoughts  of  space  and  time. 
A  hundred  yards  is  the  length  of  the  Square  garden: 
An  hour  is  Big  Ben's  chime  to  Big  Ben's  chime. 

Its  seasons  are  my  seasons.  For  me,  winter 
Is  the  sound  of  a  muffin  bell  through  the  gathering  dark; 
And  spring,  for  me,  is  neither  a  lamb  nor  a  primrose, 
But   a    crocus  down   by  the   lake   in  St.   James's  Park. 


Summer's  the  smell  and  the  feel  of  hot  asphalt, 
With  costers  selling  geraniums  down  the  street; 
Autumn,   for  me,  is  a  bonfire  in  Kensington  Gardens, 
And   the  rustle  of  plane-leaves  over  the  children's  feet. 

It  is  peaceful  here.  Yet  here,  where  maple  and  sumach 

Cut  unfamiliar  patterns  on  a  moonlit  sky, 

I  am  a   citizen  still  of  the  same  city: 

I  feel  its  houses  crumble  and  its  people  die. 

Heavy  at  heart,  I  lie  awake  at  midnight 
And  hear  a  voice,  five  hours  nearer  the  sun, 
Speaking  across  the  ether  from  a  grim  daybreak, 
Calmly  reciting  what  the  night  has  done. 

I   think,   "London's  burning,  London's  burning." 

I  think,   "London  Bridge  is  falling  down." 

Then  something  wiser  than  thought  says,  "Heart,  take  comfort: 

Buildings  and  bridges  do  not  make  a  town. 

"A  city  is  greater  than  its  bricks  and  mortar; 
It  is  greater  than  tower  or  palace,  church  or  hall: 
A  city's  as  great  as  the  little  people  that  live  there. 
You  know  those  people.  How  can  London  fall?" 


Copyright  1941  by  the  British  War  Relief  Society,  as  "A  Londoner  in  New  England,  1941" 


217 


Blitzed 
Cities 
Look 
Ahead 


liritish  Information  Services 
Hundreds  of  acres  of  rubble  in  the  center  of  the  city,  though  much  of  the  Old  T  own  escaped  destruction 


Historic 
Plymouth 


nihine 


Proposed  traffic  center  at  the  main  railway  station.  The  new  Plymouth    plan  includes  a  number  of  such  neighborhood  centers 


TOWN  AFTER  TOWN  has  tidied  up  after  the  bombing  and  called 
in  experienced  city  planners.  Not  all  the  new  proposals  fill  impressive 
volumes,  like  Plymouth's.  Or  like  the  County  of  London  Plan  of  1943, 
by  J.  H.  Forshaw,  architect,  and  Prof.  Patrick  Abercrombie  who  has 
cooperated  on  so  many  of  these  new  plans.  But  all  of  them  regard  the 
razing  as  a  chance  to  reshape  communities  according  to  modern  plan- 
ning principles.  Immediate  postwar  needs  will  have  to  be  met. 


However,  much  obsolete  housing  has  been  demolished  and  many 
over-built  areas  have  acquired  open  space.  Retaining  historic  struc- 
tures wherever  left,  the  plans  propose  communities  where  people  will 
have  sufficient  light  and  air;  where  they  will  live,  reasonably  near  their 
work,  in  "neighborhoods"  with  recreational,  shopping  and  cultural 
facilities;  where  full  consideration  has  been  given  to  the  problems  of 
transportation  and  traffiic. 


British  Information  Service 


Devastated  area  of  Kingsmead  in  the  heart  of  Bath,  known  to  all  who  read  Smollett,  Fanny  Burney,  Jane  Austen  and  Thackeray. 
Below:  Model  showing  the  shopping  center  proposed  for  the  Kingsmead  section.  Bath  has  been  exhibiting  maps,  drawings,  diagrams 
— part  of  a  master  plan  which  "provides  for  an  evolutionary  program  of  orderly,  progressive  development  for  the  next  fifty  years" 


Ancient 
City  of 
Bath 


At  a  re-planning  of  London  exhibition,  interested  crowds  gather  about  a  huge  map  as  the  various  proposals  are  explained 


British  Combine  photos 
In  the  ruins  of  their  bombed  village  school,  young  people  listen  eagerly  to  a  talk  on  the  rebuilding  of  English  towns 


PEOPLE  EVERYWHERE  have  found  fortitude  for  the  long  pull 
against  discomfort  and  disorder  by  these  promises  of  better  com- 
munities after  the  war.  They  have  been  urged  to  come  to  the  library 
or  schoolhouse,  where  models  and  drawings  have  been  set  up  and 


technicians  have  been  ready  to  explain  what  the  plans  mean.  Criticisms 
and  suggestions  have  been  welcomed  from  the  people  who  are  to  live 
in  these  phoenix  towns,  those  whose  cooperation  must  be  secured  to 
make  them  become  a  reality. 


British  Information  Services 

Londoners  are  studying  this  model  for  a  "fresher,  brighter,  more  alive  House  of  Commons,"  to  rise  from  the  blitzed  ruins. 
Except    for    better    light,    ventilation,    and    acoustics,    they    find  the  recommended  new  Chamber  reassuringly  like  the  old. 

When  the  Coalition  Ends 

Will  the  British  get  both  security  and  freedom? 
They  have  a  head  start — but  no  time  to  fumble. 

Political  Scene  by  JOSEPH  BARNES 


IT     WAS     ABOUT     THE     TIME     OF     THE     GREAT 

bombing  attack  on  London,  in  1941,  that 
word  spread  across  the  Atlantic  of  what 
was  called  a  "bloodless  revolution"  in  Great 
Britain.  This  was  seen  as  a  profound  trans- 
formation of  social  life  and  values  as  a 
result  of  the  enlistment  of  all  British  peo- 
ple in  defense  of  their  country  against  inva- 
sion. 

Food  rationing,  it  was  said,  tended  to 
level  consumption  standards  throughout  the 
population.  Air  raid  shelters  and  civilian 
defense  activities  gave  millions  a  chance 
to  know  each  other.  All  kinds  of  group 
distinctions  were  thought  to  be  sagging,  if 
not  breaking,  with  the  mobilization  of 
women  for  work  in  factories  and  farms, 
the  evacuation  of  city  children,  the  enlist- 
ment of  squire  and  tenant  side  by  side  in 
the  Home  Guard.  There  were  reports  of  a 
new  and  democratic  spirit  in  the  army. 

True,  there  were  no  major  changes  re- 
ported either  in  property  relationships  or  in 
Parliament.  But,  if  the  basic  patterns  of 
economic  and  political  life  remained  much 
as  before,  this  was  explained  by  the  tradi- 
tional British  way  of  meeting  change  by 
clinging  to  old  forms  while  muddling 


through  to  new  substance  in  their  national 
life. 

The  long,  slow  road  to  victory  since  1941 
has  brought  many  new  and  different  reports 
to  the  outside  world  of  what  has  gone  on 
inside  the  British  Isles.  At  the  height  of  the 
Battle  of  Britain,  the  Ministry  of  Food  may 


— By  the  foreign  editor  of  the  New  York 
Herald  Tribune.  In  the  Thirties,  his 
assignments  as  correspondent,  first  with 
headquarters  at  Moscow,  then  at  Berlin, 
gave  him  extraordinary  grasp  of  forces 
at  work  in  vast  centers  of  tension.  Wit- 
ness his  creative  part  in  shaping  our  last 
year's  Graphic  special — "American  Rus- 
sian Frontiers." 

Mr.  Barnes'  experience  on  the  con- 
tinent was  matched  in  1944  in  Britain, 
again  for  the  Herald  Tribune.  Mean- 
while, he  had  served  with  distinction  as 
deputy  director,  Overseas  Branch,  OWI, 
in  New  York. 

He  has  translated  "Days  and  Nights" 
by  Konstantin  Simonov — an  outstanding 
novel  on  the  siege  of  Leningrad  (to  be 
published  next  fall  by  Simon  8C.  Shuster). 


have  done  more  to  level  class  distinctions 
than  several  generations  of  education.  Three 
years  later  its  service  was  still  going  strong. 
The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  was  still 
in  business  in  1944,  redistributing  wealth 
through  an  income  tax  so  steeply  graduated 
that  in  some  London  circles  it  has  become 
smart  conversation  to  pity  the  poor  rich. 
The  V-bombs  came  over  London  at  mid- 
year with,  like  the  blitz,  no  greater  respect 
for  gentry  than  for  commoner.  But  the 
exaltation  of  the  Dunkirk  days  had  worn  a 
little  thin,  and  with  it  had  gone  some  of 
the  fervor  with  which  young  Britishers  used 
to  announce  that  the  war  was  solving  Great 
Britain's  problems. 

Changing  Moods 

Ever  since  D-day  last  June  the  smell  of 
victory  has  been  in  the  air  in  England. 
Even  the  Nazis'  new  long  range  weapons 
curiously  served  to  heighten  popular  ex- 
pectation of  its  imminence.  Many  people, 
we  are  told,  found  especially  terrifying  the 
thought  of  being  killed  after  having  escaped 
so  many  times.  Every  explosion  in  southern 
England  thus  served  to  remind  those  who 
escaped  it  that  the  end  of  the  war  was 


221 


HERBERT  MORRISON 


British  Information  Services 


CLEMENT  R.  ATTLEE 


British  Information  Services 

ERNEST  BEVIN 


Three  British  Labour  leaders  who  are  members  of  the  Churchill  war  cabinet:  Mr.  Morrison  as  home  secretary  and  minister  of  home  se- 
curity; Mr.  Attlee  as  minister  of  dominion  affairs  and  deputy  prime  minister;  Mr.  Bevin  as  minister  of  labour  and  national  affairs 


probably  not  far  off.  Yet  with  this  came  a 
reaction  to  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  and 
social-mindedness  with  which  the  British 
threw  themselves  into  the  job  of  fighting 
in  1941,  when  there  were  no  allies. 

In  due  courese,  the  Home  Guard  "stood 
down";  but  sporadic  strikes  have  kept  up. 
The  wartime  coalition  started  in  to  creak. 
Everyone  knows  a  general  election  is  prob- 
ably not  far  off.  All  the  endless  permuta- 
tions of  class  feeling  between  the  haves 
and  have-nots  have  again  become  a  staple 
for  the  cartoonists  and  music  hall  gag- 
writers.  Young  men  talk  of  being  "brown- 
ed off"  which,  in  American,  is  something 
like  being  "fed  up."  Even  the  communists 
in  Russia  and  Boy  Scout  leaders  in  the 
United  States  find  it  difficult  to  keep  social- 
mindedness  at  fever  pitch  indefinitely,  and 
the  "bloodless  revolution"  in  Great  Britain 
during  the  war  has  had  no  such  diligent 
organizers  behind  it. 

Most  important  of  all,  the  British  people 


are  by  all  accounts  tired.  They  are  tired 
after  five  years  and  more  of  war  to  which 
they  have  given  everything  they  had.  Visi- 
tors to  London  see  this  fatigue  most  clearly 
in  individuals  they  have  known  before.  Polit- 
ical leaders,  who  live  there,  estimate  it, 
also,  as  a  social  factor  affecting  the  vast 
majority  of  the  population.  Any  kind  of 
revolution,  they  surmise,  bloodless  or  not, 
suggests  too  much  effort  and  expenditure 
of  energy  to  be  really  popular  in  a  nation 
so  long  on  short  rations  and  overtime  hours. 
Nonetheless,  for  several  years  this  blood- 
less revolution  may  have  been  as  real  to 
many  British  people  as  the  bombs  of  one 
sort  or  another,  the  shortages  of  goods,  and 
the  casualty  lists-^-on  all  of  which  it  grew. 
Much  of  its  driving  power  is  still  there. 
Millions  of  men  and  women  have  under- 
gone profound  changes  in  their  way  of 
living  from  the  hot  summer  days  of  1939 
to  this  spring  with  its  V-E  Day  celebrations. 
Some  of  the  changes  are  likely  to  prove 


permanent.  At  least  a  portion  of  them 
have  been  absorbed  into  the  routine  of  daily 
life.  In  this  sense,  the  revolution  has  gone 
underground,  now  that  people  talk  about 
it  less  in  public.  In  this  sense,  it  has  be- 
come the  soil  out  of  which  hopes,  promises, 
and  cynicism  are  likely  to  grow  in  British 
politics  after  the  war. 

Food,  Houses,  Schools 

It  is  certainly  no  exaggeration  to  claim 
that  wartime  rationing  has  actually  raised 
living  standards,  in  terms  of  food,  for  the 
one  third  of  the  British  people  with  the 
lowest  incomes.  At  the  same  time,  the 
bombs  which  fell  on  England  let  in  light 
and  air  on  conditions  about  which  it  had 
been  more  comfortable  not  to  think. 

Back  in  1938,  Sir  John  Boyd  Orr,  Britain's 
greatest  nutritionist,  estimated  that  22,500,- 
000  persons  in  England  and  Wales  were  liv- 
ing on  a  diet  below  the  minimum  standard 
for  health.  But  it  was  not  until  London's 


British  Combine 

ANEURIN  BEVAN 


British  Information  Services 

RICHARD  ACLAND  ANEURIN  BEVAN  HAROLD  J.  LASKI 

Three  Britons  who  express  the  political  restlessness  abroad  in  their  land.  Sir  Richard  has  led  his  Commonwealth  Movement  to 
minor  party  status;  Mr.  Bevan  and  Professor  Laski  seek  to  bring  Labour  Party  leadership  into  closer  touch  with  the  rank  and  file 


Viking  Press 


222 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


British  Informatiori  Services 


HUGH  DALTON 


Press  Association,   Inc. 


British  Combine 


ANTHONY  EDEN 


ARCHIBALD  SINCLAIR 


These  three  members  of  the  Coalition  cabinet  belong  to  the  three  major  parties:  Mr.  Dalton,  Labour,  is  president  of  the  Board  of 
Trade:  Mr.  Eden,  Conservative,  is  secretary  of  state  for  foreign   affairs;   Sir  Archibald,   Liberal,   is  secretary   of  state  for  air 


children  were  evacuated  into  the  country- 
side that  many  became  aware  of  what  this 
meant.  And  it  was  not  until  government- 
owned  restaurants  became  a  feature  of  daily 
life  that  people  realized  that  good  food, 
and  enough  of  it,  was  actually  within  the 
reach  of  all. 

Both  m  cities  and  in  countrysides,  Great 
Britain  will  come  out  of  the  war  with  a 
need  for 'houses  which  today  bites  deeper 
than  even  the  need  for  postwar  jobs. 

The  war  moved  entire  munitions  factories 
into  what  had  been  villages,  and  many  be- 
came aware  for  the  first  time  that  plumb- 
ing and  a  water  system  have  as  direct  rela- 
tion to  contentment  as  they  have  to  health. 
A  Gallup  poll  indicated  that  50  percent  of 
all  working-class  homes  in  Great  Britain 
have  no  indoor  sanitation.  More  than  4,000,- 
000  houses  were  ninety  years  old  or  older 
before  the  Nazi  bombs  began  to  fall. 

What  they  did  is  now  there  for  anyone 
to  see.  Before  the  flying  bombs  came,  in 


June  1944,  one  fourth  of  all  the  houses  in 
Great  Britain,  3,410,000  separate  buildings, 
had  already  surtered  from  enemy  action. 
Of  these,  376,000  were  either  destroyed  or 
rendered  uninhabitable.  By  September, 
1944,  another  81,000  houses  had  been  de- 
stroyed and  1,039,000  damaged.  The 
"rockets"  came  over  heavily  that  month, 
tailed  off  later  in  the  fall,  increased  in  mid- 
winter, kept  up  till  spring. 

Since  the  war  began,  there  has  been  no 
substantial  rebuilding  on  which  people 
could  base  their  hopes  for  better  housing 
after  the  war.  But  the  destruction  itself  has 
served  to  remind  many  British  people  that 
good  housing  is  both  desirable  and  possible. 
Plans  for  prefabricated  housing  units  are 
front-page  news  even  in  London's  news- 
print-rationed papers.  Exhibits  of  schemes 
for  the  rebuilding  of  devastated  areas  are 
crowded  with  visitors.  Men  and  women  of 
all  classes  apparently  put  new  and  better 
homes  and  cities  near  the  top  of  their  list 


of  what  they  want  after  the  war  is  over. 

Early  in  the  war,  it  became  a  cliche  to 
say  that  it  was  a  comfort  to  have  a  man  in 
a  Spitfire  over  London  no  matter  where  he 
went  to  school.  Many  of  the  boys  in  the 
Spitfires  are  likely  to  set  their  sights  on  any 
school  in  England  when  the  war  is  over  and 
want  to  send  their  children  there.  The 
public  school  system  (what  we  would  call 
private  schools  in  the  United  States)  has 
recently  survived  its  first  major  public  at- 
tack. Unquestionably,  it  is  in  for  fun- 
damental changes. 

Literally  millions  of  British  men  and 
women  have  had  a  taste  of  schooling  in  the 
armed  services  during  the  war.  They  find  it 
hard  to  understand  why,  up  to  now,  eight 
out  of  nine  children  in  Britain  have  been 
taught  in  classes  with  more  than  forty 
children,  and  after  the  age  of  fourteen,  got 
no  more  education  of  any  kind. 

Food,  housing,  and  education  are  only 
three  of  the  subjects  around  which  many 


British  Information  Services 

QUINTIN  HOGG 


British  Information  Services 

'   WILLIAM  BEVERIDGE 


British  Information  Services 

ARTHUR  GREENWOOD 


Three  members  of  Parliament  who  often  are  the  storm  centers  of  debate:  Captain  Hogg,  veteran  of  World  War  II,  leads  "the  Young 
Tories";   Sir  William,   Liberal,   champions  broad  schemes  for  security;  Mr.  Greenwood  is  a  leader  of  the  Parliamentary  Labour  Party 


MAY     1945 


223 


British  people  during  this  war  have  built 
high  hopes  for  the  future.  Full  employ- 
ment and  social  security  are  phrases  now 
understood,  probably,  by  a  larger  percent- 
age of  all  the  people  in  Great  Britain  than 
in  any  other  country  in  the  world.  The 
prewar  depression,  like  wartime  bombing 
and  rationing,  had  decisive  impact  on  the 
lives  of  people  and  their  political  thinking. 
Men  and  women  who  can  vote  now  have  a 
new  awareness  of  what  their  life  was  like  in 
the  past,  and  what  it  might  be  in  the  future. 

Tinder  of  Politics 

So  politics  during  this  war  first  became 
a  game  of  making  promises.  This  time 
they  were  not  only  promises  of  "Homes  for 
Heroes."  The  stakes  had  gone  up.  The 
promises  this  time  were  White  Papers  of 
strategy  for  a  great  new  war  against  what 
Sir  William  Beveridge  calls  the  giant  social 
evils  of  Want,  Disease,  Idleness,  Ignorance, 
and  Squalor. 

Even  the  realistic  and  sober-sided  Mr. 
Churchill  was  moved  to  sponsor  a  four- 
years'  program,  which  he  first  announced 
on  March  23,  1943,  and  which  was  designed 
to  cover  in  five  or  six  large  measures  all 
the  problems  of  social  insurance,  unem- 
ployment, agriculture,  public  health,  educa- 
tion, and  the  physical  reconstruction  of  a 
heavily  bombed  nation.  The  measures  he 
then  envisaged  moved  slowly  to  concrete 
legislation.  Some  were  frozen  in  pre-elec- 
tion uncertainty — as  to  where  the  credit  or 
the  blame  should  lie  inside  the  coalition 
make-up.  As  time  has  gone  on,  others  have 
broken  through  the  stage  of  generalization 
to  draft,  enactment,  or  even  to  administra- 
tion.* 

For  there  have  been  political  leaders,  in- 
side and  outside  the  present  government, 
convinced  that  the  public  will  not  continue 
to  accept  gladly  endless  delays  of  reform, 
getting  no  further  than  Royal  Commissions 
and  White  Papers.  They  know  that  Britain 
has  been  churned  from  bottom  to  top  in 
the  last  five  years.  They  know  that  Bever- 
idge has  become  almost  a  common  noun  in 
the  English  language.  It  stands  for  the 
desire  of  the  common  men  and  women  in 
Britain  to  achieve  the  same  miracles  in 
ordering  their  peacetime  lives  that  they 
have  achieved  in  fighting  through  a  bitter, 
often  hopeless,  war — to  a  triumphant  close. 
It  stands  for  full  employment  and  for  social 
security.  It  stands  for  hope. 

This  development  in  popular  thinking 
about  the  future  is  probably  the  hard  core 
of  the  "bloodless  revolution";  something 
which  will  survive  both  the  end  of  the  war 


*  Status  this  spring  of  half  a  dozen  moves  and 
measures : 

ENACTED:  Town  and  Country  Planning  Act 
(1943),  bringing  the  whole  of  England,  Scotland  and 
Wales  under  planning  authorities.  Recent  measures 
provide  for  early  large  scale  erection  of  prefabricated 
houses;  and  for  reinstitution  of  the  local  programs 
of  housing  authorities  and  voluntary  enterprise. 
Education  Act  (1944),  hailed  as  most  substantial  ad- 
vance since  the  Fisher  act  of  1921.  (See  page  206.) 

IN  PROCESS:  National  Health  Service  Bill.  (See 
page  212.)  Social  Security — government  bill  covers 
much  of  Beveridge  Plan;  goes  beyond  its  provisions 
for  old  age.  A  first  instalment  introduces  universal 
allowances  for  children. 

ADMINISTRATION:  Town  and  Country  Plan- 
ning Ministry  established  in  1942;  Ministry  of  Na- 
tional Insurance  in  1944,  under  Sir  William  Jowett 
(hitherto  Minister  without  portfolio).  A  new  gov- 
ernment measure  vests  in  the  Board  of  Trade  di- 
rectives as  to  location  of  industry. 


and  any  postwar  hunger  for  stability  and 
for  return  to  accustomed  ways. 

Basic  Trends  and  Clashes 

The  development  is  one  which  thus  far, 
however,  has  produced  no  sudden  or  drastic 
changes  in  the  formula  of  power  inside 
British  politics.  It  is  hard  to  see  that  it  has 
altered  as  yet  the  determination  of  the 
Colonel  Blimps  to  turn  the  clock  back  to 
where  it  stood  when  that  man  Hitler  upset 
everything.  "I  have  not  the  slightest 
doubt,"  said  the  Conservative  Member  for 
Croyden  in  the  House  of  Commons,  "that 
when  we  awake  from  our  dream,  which 
will  be  about  three  months  after  the  ter- 
mination of  hostilities,  three  quarters  of  the 
stuff  we  have  been  talking  about  so  loosely 
will  go  overboard." 

It  may  similarly  be  argued  that  political 
procrastination  in  the  domestic  field  has 
not  decreased  the  possibility  of  explosive 
working  class  pressure  in  Britain  once  the 
discipline  of  foreign  war  has  been  lifted. 
You  can  find  men  in  London,  and  even  in 
Croydon,  who  think  that  liberation  in 
Europe  is  releasing  forces  which  mav  be 
hard  to  hold  in  check.  If  they  should  lead 
to  violent  changes  on  a  continent-wide 


, 


British  Information  Services 

ELLEN  WILKINSON 

"Wee  Ellen,"  Labour  M.P.,  is  parliamentary 
secretary  to  the  ministry  of  home  security 

scale,  these  might  vault  the  English  Chan- 
nel which  Napoleon,  and  Hitler  after  him, 
failed  to  cross. 

At  the  present  time,  there  is  little  ground 
for  crediting  either  a  reactionary  capitalist 
group  or  any  proletarian  party  with  enough 
strength  to  interrupt  the  slow  but  steady 
evolution  of  popular  British  thinking.  The 
trend  is  socialistic*  but  the  political  form 
this  may  take  is  as  hard  to  predict  as  the 
party  make-up  of  the  next  government.  But 
all  signs  point  towards  the  finding  of  at 

*  Traditionally,  the  brand  of  socialism  of  th< 
British  Labour  Party  has  comprehended  nationaliza 
tion  of  mines,  electric  power,  utilities,  transportation 
and  other  common  services — with  areas  of  industrial 
production  and  distribution  left  open  to  private  initia 
live.  These  coupled  with  public  housing,  the  insur 
ances  and  social  services,  and  the  extension  of  democ 
racy  were  points  in  its  prospectus  of  "An  England 
Worth  Fighting  For"  even  in  the  last  World  War. 


least  temporary  common  ground  in  ideas, 
among  men  with  wholly  divergent  back- 
grounds who  yet  share  the  conviction  that 
promises  made  during  the  war  and  by  the 
war  will  have  to  be  fulfilled. 

Nor  is  it  possible  to  predict  the  speed  at 
which  this  trend  may  keep  up,  or  the  point 
at  which  changes  in  thinking  may  pass  over 
into  large  scale  changes  in  ways  of  life  and 
livelihood.  At  some  point,  it  is  bound  to 
challenge  property  rights,  for  example,  more 
gravely  than  any  of  the  wartime  controls. 

Thereupon,  there  will  be  opposition,  and 
powerful  opposition.  In  ideas,  the  change 
is  already  well  advanced  and  it  is  a  fair 
guess  that  they  will  color  all  British  politics 
for  many  years  to  come.  Beveridge,  him- 
self, recently  summed  up  what  is  certainly 
the  mood,  if  not  the  program,  of  a  vast 
majority  of  his  fellow-countrymen: 

"Whether  private  ownership  of  means  of 
production  to  be  operated  by  others  is  a 
good  economic  device  or  not,  it  must  be 
judged  as  a  device.  It  is  not  an  essential 
citizen  liberty  in  Britain,  because  it  is  noi 
and  never  has  been  enjoyed  by  more  than  a 
very  small  proportion  of  the  British  people." 

Party  Straws  in  the  Wind 

Partisan  consequences  of  the  war  are  the 
hardest  to  predict.  There  has  been  no  gen- 
eral election  in  Great  Britain  since  1935,  ten 
years  ago.  Since  then  the  world  has  changed 
so  greatly  that  public  interest  in.  a  House 
of  Commons  vote  on  any  question  is  now 
possibly  the  greatest  act  of  faith  .in  democ- 
racy that  history  has  ever  known.  At  the 
same  time,  happenstance  by-elections  can 
scarcely  show  the  way  the  wind  is  really 
blowing,  for  the  parties  in  the  coalition  do 
not  compete  in  contesting  them;  the  army 
does  not  vote,  and  its  leaders  and  its  men 
are  not  yet  standing  for  office  in  any  great 
numbers. 

Like  the  United  States,  Great  Britain  has 
developed  new  techniques  for  sampling 
public  opinion,  including  opinion  polls. 
During  1944,  for  example,  the  British  Insti- 
tute of  Public  Opinion  reported  in  percent- 
ages what  most  observers  already  felt  to  be  a 
general  satisfaction  with  the  coalition  as  a 
wartime  measure  and  a  slowly  growing  dis- 
position to  return  to  party  rule  at  some 
.  later  time. 

In  one  sample  polled  just  a  year  ago,  86 
percent  approved  of  Mr.  Churchill  as 
Prime  Minister,  with  only  10  percent  dis- 
approving of  him,  and  4  percent  unable 
to  make  up  their  minds.  Another  sample — 
well  before  D-day — revealed  no  hurry  to 
hold  another  general  election:  24  percent 
favoring  six  months  after  Germany's  defeat; 
36  percent  a  full  year  afterwards.  In  a 
third,  41  percent  voted  for  a  continuation 
of  coalition  government  after  the  war.  Most 
observers  would  agree  that  by  now  a  ma- 
jority favor  a  traditional  party  cabinet  with 
a  recognized  opposition. 

Clues  to  the  future  can  be  found,  also,  in 
reports  of  the  Mass  Observation  Movement. 
Its  most  ambitious  study  of  how  people 
look  forward  to  the  peace,  called  "The 
Journey  Home,"  reported  an  apparently 
widespread  willingness  to  accept  continua- 
tion of  wartime  controls  as  long  as  they 

(Continued  on  page  258) 


224 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


VI.     SELF-GOVERNMENT     WITHIN     THE     BRITISH     COMMONWEALTH 


Photos  from  the  Canadian  Wartime  Information  Board 

Many  strains  are  blended  in  the  peoples  living  both  north  and  south  of  the  Canadian-USA  border.  Thus  these  British  Col- 
umbian miners  in  their  workers'  education  class  include  two  Englishmen,  a  Scotsman,  a  Czech,  two  native-born  Canadians 

Northern  Neighbor 

As  unscathed  by  invasion  as  the  USA,  Canada  will  enter  the  postwar  world  with  in- 
creased national  stature,  with  new  ties  linking  her  to  this  country  as  well  as  to  Britain. 


CANADA,  WHICH  ENTERED  THE  FIRST  WORLD 
War  as  a  glorified  dependency  of  Great 
Britain,  emerged  from  it  to  become  a  mem- 
ber of  the  League  of  Nations  and  an  au- 
tonomous nation  within  the  British  Com- 
monwealth. 

Meanwhile,  she  had  tripled  her  exports 
and  doubled  her  imports,  multiplied  her 
manufacturing  plant,  and  discovered  with 
surprise  that  she  could  finance  her  own  war 
expenditures.  She  had  graduated  from  the 
status  of  a  colony  into  that  of  a  "small 
power."  As  with  many  another  stripling, 
fighting  had  exercised  her  energies  and 

helped  her  growth. 

i 

Wartime  Achievements 

The  end  of  the  second  World  War  will 
leave  Canada — in  all  but  population — if  not 
quite  a  "great  power"  then  what  might  be 
called  a  "middle-class  power."  She  has  be- 
come the  fourth  war  producer  among  the 
United  Nations.  She  has  once  again  tripled 
her  export  trade  and  increased  her  national 
income  by  225  percent.  She  is  on  the  way 
to  becoming  a  creditor  country;  whereas 
she  was  formerly  in  debt  to  Great  Britain, 

MAY     1945 


JOHN  MacCORMAC 

Britain  is  now  in  debt  to  her.  As  a  fighting 
nation  as  well  as  a  war  workshop  her  per 
capita  achievement  has  been  impressive.  A 
whole  Canadian  army  has  been  fighting  in 
western  Europe.  To  be  sure,  it  includes 
Polish  and  British  units  in  its  ranks,  but 
it  could  have  been  self-sufficient  had  there 


— By  a  Canadian,  now  in  London,  who 
has  spent  most  of  the  war  years  in  the 
United  States.  He  has  made  a  special 
study  of  relations  north  and  south  of  the 
border. 

Mr.  MacCormac  began  his  distin- 
guished journalistic  career  as  reporter 
and  then  as  London  correspondent  for 
various  Canadian  papers.  In  1936,  he 
joined  the  London  staff  of  The  New 
York  Times,  and  later  represented  that 
paper  in  Vienna,  Montreal,  and  Wash- 
ington. 

His  books  include:  "Canada:  Ameri- 
ca's Problem"  (1940);  "America  and 
World  Mastery"  (1942);  "This  Time 
for  Keeps"  (1943). 


not  been  also  a  Canadian  corps  on  the 
Italian  front. 

A  Canadian  navy  of  cruisers,  destroyers, 
and  corvettes  has  convoyed  a  third  of  all 
the  ships  which  crossed  the  Atlantic  during 
this  war.  If  the  200,000  Canadian  airmen 
in  the  Royal  Air  Force,  the  Royal  Canadian 
Air  Force,  and  in  Canada  itself  were  as- 
sembled into  a  single  body,  Canada  would 
probably  rank  as  the  fourth  air-power 
among  the  United  Nations. 

Because  70  percent  of  her  total  war  pro- 
duction has  gone  outside  Canada  to  the 
other  United  Nations,  Canada  has  become 
the  second  exporting  nation  of  the  world. 
Since  she  is  so  large  a  surplus  producer  of 
war  goods,  she  is  the  only  nation  outside 
the  United  States  and  Britain  to  be  repre- 
sented on  the  Combined  Boards  which 
since  Pearl  Harbor  have  allocated  most  of 
the  raw  materials  and  production  of  the 
anti-Axis  world. 

These  are  high  achievements  for  a  coun- 
try of  fewer  than  twelve  million  people. 
They  are,  of  course,  wartime  achievements. 
They  were  born  of  Canada's  extensive  na- 
tural resources,  her  high  degree  of  mech- 

225 


The  ancient  mid-continent  ocean  bed,  now  the  flat  and  fertile  prairies  of  Canada  and  the  USA,  is  "the  bread  basket  of  the 
world."  Canadian  farmers,  reaching  wartime  peaks  of  production,   are  growing  a   half  billion  bushels  of  wheat   annuall) 


anization  and  talent  for  industrial  organ- 
ization, but  born  before  their  time,  amid 
the  shock  of  war.  The  production  was  real, 
but  the  demand  was  artificial.  Canada's  in- 
dustrial growth  since  1940,  therefore,  repre- 
sents for  Canada  as  much  a  problem  as  an 
opportunity.  Canada  has  been  carried  fur- 
ther along  the  road  from  an  agricultural 
to  an  industrial  economy,  but  the  new 


diversification  of  her  economy  has  not  made 
her  less  dependent  on  foreign  trade,  and 
the  postwar  job  of  beating  swords  into 
plowshares  will  be  complicated  for  her  by 
worldwide  economic  factors  over  which  she 
herself  can  exercise  only  small  control. 

Canada  can  prosper  in  a  wartime  world 
with  its  special  demand  for  the  products 
of  her  ocean-guarded  economy,  and  she 


Where  corn  grew  a  few  months  ago,  Canada  now  gathers  a  grim  harvest  of  howitzer 
shells   for   the   United   Nations.   This   Quebec   plant   is   one   of   the   Empire's   largest 


annually 

could  prosper  in  a  world  where  economic 
as  well  as  military  peace  obtained,  where 
trade  was  free  and  markets  eager.  But  in 
an  uneasy  era  like  that  from  1929  to  1935, 
what  with  import  quotas,  exchange  restric- 
tions, and  "bilateralism,"  Canada's  economy 
tends  to  shrink.  Her  national  wealth,  for 
instance,  increased  only  2  percent  between 
1933  and  1940  and  even  in  1940  was  still 
far  below  the  level  of  1929,  the  last  year 
of  general  prosperity. 

The  French  Canadians 

These  hazards  are  faced  by  any  country 
which  is  a  large  surplus  producer  of  a 
comparatively  few  world  commodities.  But 
Canada  has  complications  peculiar  to  Can- 
ada. For  most  nations,  war  is  at  least  tem- 
porarily a  uniting  influence,  but  world  wars 
tend  to  tear  Canada  apart.  Many  Canadians 
thought  it  unwise  to  fight  alongside  Brit- 
ain at  a  time  when  the  United  States  was 
not  participating  in  the  conflict.  In  so  think- 
ing they  were  motivated  not  only  by  North 
American  isolationism  but  the  specific  con- 
viction that  Canada  has  a  great  and  grow- 
ing identity  of  interest  with  the  United 
States.  American  entry  into  the  war,  there- 
fore, came  as  a  great  relief  to  Canadians, 
especially  to  Mackenzie  King,  the  most 
North  American  minded  of  Canadian 
prime  ministers. 

A  third  of  Canada's  population,  however, 
firmly  opposes  her  participation  in  extra- 
American  wars,  whether  or  not  the  United 
States  is  also  a  protagonist.  Her  "French 
Canadians,"  although  they  helped  keep 
Canada  British  by  resisting  the  American 
invaders  of  1776  and  1812,  are  neither 
French  nor  English  in  their  emotional  at- 
tachments; they  are  purely  and  narrowly 


226 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Machine-age  teamwork  in  the  great  Fairchild  bomber  plant  in  Montreal.  Crews  of  mechanics,  electricians,  painters, 
test  engineers,   and  other  experts  take  over  the  Bolingbrokes  as  each  ship  reaches  the  final   stages  of  assembly 


Canadian.  They  acquiesced  without  enthu- 
siasm in  Canada's  participation  in  the  first 
World  War;  they  resisted  conscription  for 
overseas  service  when  it  was  imposed  in 
1917  by  a  coalition  government  specially 
elected  for  the  purpose.  In  this  war,  history 
repeated  itself.  Canadian  participation  was 
again  grudgingly  accepted  and  conscription 
bitterly  fought. 

French  Canadians  are  the  Sinn  Feiners 
of  the. North  American  continent,  its  most 
compact  group  of  wholehearted  isolation- 
•  ists.  They  countenance  the  British  connec- 
tion insofar  as  it  guarantees  their  retention 
of  the  linguistic,  legal,  and  religious  priv- 
ileges whose  original  grant  they  owed  to 
Britain,  but  they  dislike  it  when  it  involves 
them  in  "imperialist"  wars.  They  disap- 
prove of  the  United  States  and  dislike  the 
idea  of  becoming  American.  In  the  eyes  of 
the  French  Canadian  Catholic  hierarchy, 
the  United  States  represents  materialism, 
worldliness,  and  an  alien  but  pervasive  cul- 
ture. What  French  Canada  hopes  is  that 
in  another  fifty  years — by  reason  of  a  sur- 
vival rate  two  and  a  half  times  as  high  as 
that  of  English  speaking  Canada — it  will 
be  able  to  shape  Canadian  policy  to  its  own 
liking.  The  United  States  might  then  find 
north  of  her  something  like  Argentina. 

Forces  for  Unity 

It  is  not  likely  that  this  will  happen.  The 
unhappy  memories,  the  burden  of  war  and 
reconstruction  costs,  and  consequent  lower 
living  standards  which  the  war  will  leave 
in  its  wake  should  permit  Canada  to  add 
as  many  British  immigrants  to  her  popula- 
tion as  she  can  absorb.  An  expansion  of 
the  home  market  by  such  means  has  be- 


come almost  an  economic  necessity  if  she  is 
to  make  use  in  peace  of  her  war-enlarged 
industrial  plant  and  she  may  decide  to  kill 
two  birds  with  one  stone.  Canada's  French 
Canadian  problem  is  a  hard  one  but  is 
within  her  own  power  to  solve.  The  policy 
of  her  present  government  has  been  to 
ignore  it  hoping — unlike  Mr.  Micawber — 


that  something  would  not  turn  up.  But 
that  hope  has  been  disappointed  by  this 
war  as  by  the  last.  Those  who  urge  grasp- 
ing the  nettle  firmly  have  been  justified  by 
the  fact  that  conscription  has  been  imposed 
and  French  Canada — despite  the  headlines 
in  some  American  newspapers — has  not  re- 
volted. (Continued  on  page  250) 


A  housewife  turns  her  spinning  wheel  in  rural  Quebec,  where  French-Canadians  cling 
to   their   individualism,    growing   their   own   food,   making   their   cloth   and   their   clothes 


MAY      1945 


227 


Partners 
in  the  South  Pacific 

Australia  and  New  Zealand,  outposts 
of  Western  civilization,  share  with  the 
USA  a  pioneer  tradition,  and  are  eager 
to  be  leaders  in  their  part  of  the  globe. 


ALLAN  NEVINS 


Australian  News  and  Information  Bureau 
Sunburned,   rangy,   and  tough,   the   "Aussie"   is   akin 
to  the   GI  in   adventurousness   and  democratic  ideals 


AUSTRALIA  AND  NEW  ZEALAND  ARE  NATIONS 
with  a  natural  fascination  for  Americans. 
They  closely  resemble  the  United  States  in 
their  youth,  their  adventurousness,  their 
frontier  traditions,  and  their  devotion  to 
democratic  ideals. 

They  differ  sharply  from  America  in 
other  respects.  They  have  been  bolder  in 
social  experiment;  they  give  their  govern- 
ments a  larger  role  in  economic  affairs;  they 
pay  more  attention  to  labor;  and  they  act 
more  drastically  to  ensure  a  rough  equality. 
The  reasons  for  some  of  these  differences 
are  rooted  in  history;  for  others,  in  the  geo- 
graphic environment. 

The  combination  of  resemblances  and 
contrasts  makes  both  of  these  countries  ex- 
ceedingly interesting  to  the  American  visi- 
tor— and  they  have  had  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  visitors  since  Pearl  Harbor. 

The  remarkable  war  record  of  the  two 
lands  has  added  not  a  little  to  their  appeal. 

New  Zealand's  Service  Stripes 

New  Zealand  is  justly  proud  of  the  fact 
that  it  has  mobilized  a  larger  proportion  of 
its  manpower  for  armed  service  than  any 
other  of  the  United  Nations.  One  man  out 
of  every  two  of  military  age,  or  one  out  of 
every  four  of  the  whole  male  population, 
has  given  full  time  duty  to  the  army,  navy, 
or  air  forces. 

A  New  Zealand  cruiser,  the  Achilles, 
helped  sink  the  Graf  Spec  off  the  River 
Plate  in  1939.  The  swift  New  Zealand 
garrisoning  of  the  Fiji  Islands  denied  that 
important  base  to  the  Japanese.  As  for  the 
New  Zealand  expeditionary  force  in  North 
Africa  and  Greece,  the  whole  world  has 
heard  of  their  feats.  They  fought  in  Attica 
and  Crete;  they  were  the  first  to  reach  the 
garrison  of  Tobruk;  they  broke  the  en- 
circling German  line  at  Mersa  Matruh;  and 
with  two  British  armored  divisions,  they 
made  up  the  Tenth  Corps  which  at  El 
Alamein,  in  Churchill's  words,  hurled  itself 
like  a  thunderbolt  through  the  gap  to  finish 
Rommel  and  his  arrogant  army. 


Meanwhile,  100,000  New  Zealand  women 
enrolled  in  the  auxiliary  services. 

Australians  rallied  to  the  war  with  less 
celerity  but  equal  vigor.  In  the  first  two 
years  of  war,  putting  438,000  men  under 
arms  and  200,000  men  and  women  into  de- 
fense factories,  they  thought  they  had  done 
well.  But  after  Pearl  Harbor,  Prime  Min- 
ister John  Curtin  told  them:  "You  haven'f 
really  got  started  yet."  The  facts  that  can 
be  cited  today  prove  that  he  was  right. 

The  Men  with  Turned-Up  Hats 

Out  of  a  total  population  of  7,100,000,  no 
fewer  than  900,000  Australian  men  have 
been  enlisted.  These  troops  have  served  in 
Syria,  Greece,  and  North  Africa;  in  India, 
Malaya,  and  the  Dutch  East  Indies;  and  on 
a  dozen  islands  of  the  South  Seas.  A  year 
ago  they  had  suffered  some  83,000  casual- 
ties. (If  we  had  suffered  casualties  on  the 
same  scale  our  figure  would  have  been 

— By  the  Professor  of  American  History, 
Columbia  University,  who  in  1934-35 
occupied  the  Sir  George  Watson  Chair 
of  American  History,  Literature  and 
Institutions,  in  Great  Britain,  and  later 
was  Harmsworth  Professor  at  Oxford. 

Twice  a  Pulitzer  prize  winner  ("Grover 
Cleveland,  a  Study  of  Courage,"  1932; 
"Hamilton  Fish:  the  Inner  History  of 
the  Grant  Administration,"  1936)  he  has 
promoted  closer  mutual  understanding 
during  World  War  II,  through  "Amer- 
ica, the  History  of  a  Free  People," 
originally  published  in  England,  and  "A 
Short  History  of  Britain"  (in  collabora- 
tion with  ].  B.  Brebner)  published  here. 

With  experience  as  an  editorial  writer 
on  the  old  New  York  World,  the  New 
York  Sun  and  The  Nation;  a  long  shelf 
of  books  to  his  credit,  and  the  general 
editorship  of  the  American  Political 
Leaders  Series,  his  special  franchise  for 
interpreting  the  South  Pacific  dominions 
comes  of  six  months  "down  under"  from 
which  he  recently  returned. 


1,500,000.)  The  men  with  the  turned-up 
hats,  sunburned,  rangy,  and  tough,  who 
sang  "Waltzing  Matilda"  as  they  fought, 
had  held  Tobruk  for  seven  months.  They 
had  battled  before  Singapore,  dug  in  at 
Port  Moresby,  and  occupied  the  Ramu  Val- 
ley in  northern  New  Guinea.  Australian 
airmen  had  helped  raid  Germany.  The 
Australian  light  cruiser  Perth,  after  running 
the  gauntlet  with  convoys  to  Malta,  had 
sunk  with  all  hands  while  holding  off  the 
Japanese  in  the  Java  sea.  The  sloop  Yarra 
had  gone  to  certain  destruction  to  lay  down 
a  smokescreen  between  Allied  ships  and  a 
great  Japanese  fleet.  And  the  financial  cost 
of  the  war  down  to  June,  1944,  had  reached 
1880  for  every  man,  woman,  and  child 
in  Australia. 

The  Home  Front  in  the  South  Seas 

Both  of  these  countries  have  submitted  to 
economic  and  social  controls  decidedly  more 
drastic  than  those  in  the  United  States. 

Taxation  in  Australia  ($1,400,000,000  for 
the  fiscal  year  1943-44)  is  as  heavy  on  low 
incomes  as  in  America,  and  much  heavier 
on  middle  and  high  incomes.  Control  of 
manpower  extends  to  the  hiring  and  dis- 
missal of  practically  all  labor.  Credit  and 
investment  are  under  strict  supervision,  and 
no  money  may  be  put  into  non-essential  in- 
dustries. Price  controls  are  more  rigid  than 
in  the  United  States. 

In  New  Zealand,  for  example — which  has 
strained  every  sinew  to  ship  supplies  to 
Great  Britain  and  help  provide  for  Ameri- 
can forces — the  cost  of  food  rose  in  the  first 
two  war  years  only  9.5  percent,  then  fell 
back  to  8.5  percent;  and  was  held  there. 

In  both  countries,  machines  and  materials 
are  subject  to  stringent  priority  schedules. 
In  both,  the  sale  of  houses  and  farms  is  per- 
mitted only  at  "reasonable"  prices  as  de- 
termined by  local  boards,  preventing  all 
realty  speculation  and  inflation. 

For  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  the  sec- 
ond World  War  marks,  as  they  are  well 
aware,  a  great  turning  point  in  their  na- 
tional destinies.  Heavy  as  was  the  impress 


228 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


which  the  last  conflict  laid  upon  their  life, 
this  new  struggle  is  affecting  them  much 
more  sharply.  They  stand  face  to  face  with 
great  changes  in  their  internal  economies; 
in  their  attitudes  toward  Great  Britain  and 
the  rest  of  the  Empire-Commonwealth;  and 
in  their  position  in  the  Pacific  world.  The 
war  has  powerfully  stimulated  manufac- 
turing in  the  two  dominions,  and  brought 
secondary  and  even  tertiary  industries  into 
unexpected  vigor. 

It  has  diminished  the  spirit  of  colonialism, 
though  perhaps  not  the  basic  loyalty  of  the 
people  to  the  Motherland. 

Naturally  enough,  the  splendid  war  rec- 
ords of  the  two  countries  has  given  them 
greater  maturity  and  self-confidence.  And 
above  all,  the  war  has  made  Australians  and 
New  Zealanders  conscious  of  a  new  position 
in  the  Pacific:  a  position  in  which  they 
must  face  perils  previously  ignored,  assume 
responsibilities  once  shirked,  and  find 
friendships  and  protections  to  which  they 
were  once  indifferent. 

We  may  add  that  they  have  for  the  first 
time  learned  that  they  must  be  comrades 
and  partners.  Those  are  sadly  mistaken 
who  suppose  that  since  Australia  and  New 
Zealand  are  both  British  dominions,  both 
peopled  by  the  same  stock,  and  both  in 
the  South  Pacific,  they  have  maintained  a 
close  relationship.  It  is  true  that  they  are 
but  1,300  miles  apart.  It  is  true  that  they 
have  common  problems  and  a  common  out- 
look. But  until  the  last  four  years  they 
had  been  rivals  rather  than  allies. 

The  New  Zealanders,  drawn  largely  from 
British  middle-class  folk,  have  always  felt 
a  certain  social  superiority  to  the  rougher 
Australians.  The  Australians  have  always 
been  more  independent  of  the  British  con- 
nection than  their  neighbors.  In  trade  af- 
fairs the  two  lands  used  to  quarrel,  and 
sometime  even  waged  mild  trade  wars.  For 
years  the  two  of  them  could  not  agree  on 
means  of  establishing  the  vital  Sydney- 
Auckland  air  service.  The  New  Zealand 
government  constantly  consulted  London; 
the  Australian  government  did  the  same; 
but  the  two  seldom  consulted  one  another. 
Now  the  war  has  wrought  a  healthful 
transformation.  Since  1939  their  govern- 
ments have  been  in  constant  touch.  They 
have  formed  close  trade  connections,  and 
have  improved  their  communications.  After 
long  discussions  in  which  Peter  Fraser  and 
Walter  Nash  represented  New  Zealand, 
and  John  Curtin  and  Herbert  Vere  Evatt 
stood  for  Australia,  the  two  dominions  a 
couple  of  years  ago  agreed  on  a  forthright 
(some  have  said  a  bumptious)  statement  of 
Pacific  and  world  policy.  Their  old  isola- 
tion from  each  other  was  certainly  fatuous. 
In  a  region  as  dangerous  as  the  Pacific  in 
recent  years,  it  might  have  become  suicidal. 
It  is  well  ended  for  them  and  for  the  inter- 
ests of  democracy  in  this  part  of  the  globe. 

Australia — Small  Continent 

Of  the  two  lands,  Australia  has  a  much 
more  variegated  economic  development,  a 
more  complex  social  structure,  and  a  more 
active  and  colorful  political  life  than  her 
associate.  This  is  partly  because  her  popu- 
lation (7,100,000)  is  between  four  and  five 
times  as  great  as  New  Zealand's  1,600,000 


people.  It  is  partly  because  Australia  is  a 
continent  of  roughly  the  same  area  as  the 
United  States,  while  New  Zealand  is  only 
about  as  large  as  England  and  Scotland 
combined.  It  is  partly  because  Australia  is 
by  half  a  century  the  older,  having  re- 
ceived her  first  colonists  before  the  eight- 
eenth century  ended.  And  finally,  it  is 
partly  because  Australia  has  a  greater  range 
of  natural  resources  than  New  Zealand,  and 
particularly  of  those  minerals  upon  which 
heavy  industry  depends. 

The  visitor  to  New  Zealand  feels  at  once 
that  the  land,  for  all  its  beauty,  interest,  and 
distinction,  is  small,  isolated,  and  essentially 
rural.  The  visitor  to  Australia,  landing  at 
cities — Sydney,  Melbourne,  Adelaide,  Perth, 
Brisbane — which  need  not  shrink  from 
comparison  with  any  of  their  size  in  the 
United  States,  feels  at  once  that  he  is  in  a 
large  country  of  great  potential  wealth,  al- 
ready well  industrialized,  and  with  an  ur- 
ban and  even  metropolitan  civilization. 

The  industries  of  the  two  countries  differ 
both  in  type  and  organization. 

Manufacturing  in  New  Zealand  has  been 
almost  entirely  concerned  with  the  proc- 
essing of  agricultural  products:  wool,  meats, 
butter,  and  cheese.  Australian  manufac- 
turing, on  the  other  hand,  has  covered  a 
sufficient  range  of  products  to  meet  most 
of  the  wants  of  the  country.  This  industrial 
development  is  the  more  creditable  in  that 
most  of  it  is  the  result  of  home  investment. 
Before  the  war,  Australian  enterprise  and 
capital  were  responsible  for  the  production 


Australian  News  and  Information  Bureau 


H.M.A.S.  Bataan  slides  down  the  ways  in 
an  Australian  shipbuilding  yard.  Her  name 
is  "a  tribute  to  our  American  Allies" 


of  clothing,  furniture,  textiles,  leather,  pot- 
tery, glassware,  cutlery,  cement,  woodwork, 
and  other  wares  in  ample  supply.  With 
British  and  American  aid,  the  country  had 
developed  the  manufacture  of  automobiles, 
railroad  cars,  rubber,  chemicals,  tobacco 
and  a  good  deal  of  machinery.  In  New  Zea- 
land the  factories  are  chiefly  small  inde- 
pendent units,  for  the  population  cannot 
support  large  plants.  But  in  Australia  very 
large  corporations  exist.  One,  the  Broken 
Hill  Proprietary  or  "BHP,"  ranks  as  one 
of  the  most  powerful  business  agencies  in 
the  world. 

Indeed,  the  story  of  BHP  is  the  best 
single  evidence  of  what  Australian  enter- 
prise can  accomplish  in  the  industrial 
sphere.  The  corporation  gained  its  initial 
capital  from  the  fabulously  rich  silver-lead 
mines  at  Broken  Hill.  In  1900  it  took  con- 
trol of  the  valuable  iron  ore  deposits  at 
Iron  Knob  in  South  Australia,  and  thirteen 
years  later  began  to  develop  iron  and  steel 
works  at  Newcastle,  a  hundred  miles  north 
of  Sydney.  BHP  owns  great  bodies  of 
coking  coal,  and  large  limestone  quarries. 

It  has  built  what  is  said  to  be  the  larg- 
est single  steel  mill  in  the  British  Empire; 
at  any  rate,  the  mill  which  turns  out  the 
most  comprehensive  range  of  products.  It 
moves  its  raw  materials  in  its  own  ships. 
It  holds  a  large  share  in  the  chief  Austra- 
lian industries  based  on  steel:  the  manu- 
facture of  machinery,  wheels,  pipes,  nails, 
wire  and  wire-ropes,  galvanized  iron,  and 
other  wares.  Along  with  the  Imperial 
Chemical  Industries,  it  controls  chemical 
manufacturing.  Before  the  war  it  under- 
took, in  conjunction  with  General  Motors- 
Holden,  Ltd.,  an  airplane  manufactory 
which  has  proved  invaluable  to  the  Com- 
monwealth. Among  the  27,000  Australian 
factories  which  operated  in  1939-40  with 
588,000  workers,  the  BHP  enterprises  con- 
stitute a  veritable  colossus. 

Since  the  onset  of  the  war,  Australian  in- 
dustry has^  not  only  expanded  but  become 
decidedly  more  complex.  War  demands  at 
once  stimulated  all  the  metallurgic  plants. 
New  materials,  including  ferro-manganese 
and  magnesium,  have  been  produced,  and 
aluminum  manufacture  is  now  proposed. 

Modern  machine  tools,  few  and  crude  be- 
fore the  war,  are  made  in  considerable  quan- 
tities and  with  great  accuracy,  so  that  the 
large  munitions  industry  is  now  mainly 
home-tooled.  Even  such  specialized  prod- 
ucts as  optical  glass  and  optical  instruments 
are  now  satisfactorily  made.  The  country 
turns  out  medium  tanks  and  armored  cars; 
warplanes  of  the  Beaufort  type,  with  Aus- 
tralian engines;  destroyers  and  monitors; 
and  large  freighters.  Australia  makes  field 
artillery,  mortars,  anti-tank  guns  and  anti- 
aircraft guns  of  multiple  types,  searchlights, 
other  electrical  equipment,  and  all  sort  of 
small  arms.  The  Australian  textile  and 
food  industries  have  been  extended  to  help 
supply  American  forces  in  the  Pacific.  The 
chemical  industry  has  taken  on  great  vigor. 

New  Zealand — Big  Island 

New  Zealand  has  witnessed  the  same 
change  on  a  more  limited  scale.  Before  the 
war  her  automobile  works  imported  half- 
finished  or  finished  parts  and  assembled 


MAY     1945 


229 


a 


Women  of  the  Land  Service  help  raise  New  Zealand's  bumper  wartime  crop  of  wool- 


New  Zealand  Legation,  Washington 
make  blankets  and  battle  dress  for  GI's  and  Australasians  on  many  fighting  fronts 


them;  now  they  carry  on  the  preliminary 
processes  as  well.  The  government  railway 
workshops  used  to  make  all  the  rolling- 
stock,  including  locomotives,  for  the  rail- 
roads, which  are  state-owned.  Today,  they 
have  undertaken  much  general  machine 
work.  War  plants  are  turning  out  Bren 
gun-carriers,  mortars,  airplane  and  tank 
parts,  and  huge  quantities  of  bombs,  shells, 
and  mines — a  creditable  feat  when  we  con- 
sider that  all  iron  and  steel  have  to  be  im- 
ported. The  manufacture  of  clothing  and 
boots  has  heavily  increased.  American 
and  Australian  forces  benefited  by  the  steady 
stream  of  blouses,  socks,  jerseys,  blankets. 
We  can  no  longer  think  of  New  Zealand 
a.s  merely  "rural,"  for  her  factory  hands  in 
the  fourth  year  of  war  numbered  117,200, 
and  her  factory  products  were  then  worth 
$624,000,000. 


This  sharp  industrial  expansion  presents 
Australia  and  New  Zealand  with  a  whole 
series  of  questions  of  internal  policy: 

How  much  of  it  can  and  should  be  re- 
tained when  peace  comes? 

To  what  extent  should  the  government 
furnish  tariff  protection  or  more  direct 
subsidies? 

What  relation  should  the  new  tariffs  bear 
to  the  Ottawa  Agreements  and  imperial 
trade  policy? 

Is  the  greatly  expanded  industry  to  be 
free,  or  largely  state-controlled? 

What  relation  is  it  to  bear  to  agriculture? 

Are  tariffs  to  be  matched  by  a  continu- 
ance of  farm  price-guarantees  (which  both 
Australia  and  New  Zealand  have  found  in- 
dispensable to  production  during  the  war)? 

These  are  complex  problems.  They  are 
already  being  hotly  debated.  Australia,  in 


particular,  may  face  shifts  of  economic  an 
political  balance  comparable  with  those 
which  took  place  in  the  United  States  after 
the  Civil  War. 

This  much  is  certain:  that  much  of  the 
industrial  growth  will  prove  permanent. 
In  both  countries,  but  particularly  Australia, 
some  of  the  new  plants  will  survive  un- 
aided. After  all,  the  Australian  iron,  steel, 
food,  rough-textile,  and  farm-implement  in- 
dustries were  able  to  face  any  competition 
on  a  free-trade  basis  before  the  war.  Other 
industries  will  survive  if  temporary  tariff 
assistance  is  given  them;  particularly  if  the 
Australian  pound  continues  undervalued, 
and  the  Australian  wage  level  remains 
lower  than  the  prevailing  British  and  Amer- 
ican levels. 

Some  of  the  new  war  industries  will 
doubtless  be  fostered  by  the  Australian  and 
New  Zealand  governments  as  a  matter  of 
defense.  Australia  will  probably  wish  to 
keep  her  chemical,  optical,  and  machine- 
tool  plants  running  even  at  the  cost  of  state 
subsidies;  New  Zealand  to  keep  the  basis 
of  her  new  heavy  industries. 

Pearl  Harbor  taught  them  that  attack 
may  be  sudden;  industrial  preparedness, 
vital. 

As  for  tariffs,  the  Ottawa  Agreements 
have  been  popular  in  both  dominions;  but 
the  conviction  has  grown  that  Empire  trade 
is  not  enough.  Australasia  is  as  anxious  as 
the  United  States  to  provide  full  employ- 
ment and  maintain  a  high  living  standard. 
(The  prewar  New  Zealand  standard  was  as 
good  as  any  in  the  world,  and  perhaps,  all 
factors  considered,  was  the  best  in  the 
world;  but  the  Australian  standard  was  be- 
low that  of  the  United  States,  Canada,  and 
Great  Britain.) 

Both  countries  are  keenly  concerned  to 
find  export  markets.  They  look  to  the 
teeming  peoples  of  Asia  as  potential  out- 
lets. But  above  all,  they  hope  for  interna- 
tional action  to  build  an  expanding  world 
economy.  They  have  been  as  ready  as  any 
other  lands  to  collaborate  in  this  effort.  Only 
if  it  fails  will  they  be  likely  to  favor  high 
tariffs  and  a  renewal  of  the  system  of  im- 
perial preference  which  was  set  up  partly 
in  retaliation  for  our  own  Smoot-Hawley 
act. 


Labor  in  the  Two  Dominions 

This  also  is  certain:  that  the  drastic  in- 
ternal changes  wrought  by  the  war  have 
not  diminished  but  rather  increased  the 
interest  of  both  Australia  and  New  Zea- 
land in  progressive  social  legislation.  Lab 
governments  are  in  power  in  Canberra  anc 
Wellington  alike. 

Australia  has  maintained,  with  lapses,  an 
advanced  governmental  position.  Her 
handling  of  the  depression  had  some  very 
statesmanlike  features.  New  Zealand  was 
less  fortunate.  A  long  period  of  apathy 
and  even  reaction  did  not  end  until  1935; 
but  since  then,  first  under  Michael  Savage 
and  then  under  Peter  Fraser,  she  has  march- 
ed steadily  forward. 

The  official  goal  of  labor  in  the  two  do- 
minions— socialization  of  production,  dis- 
tribution, and  exchange — is  of  course  sought 
by  a  policy  of  gradualism.  What  the  two 
countries  are  most  proud  of  is  a  familiar  se 


230 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Australian  News  and  Information  Bureau 
Port  Pirie,  South  Australia.  A  sprawling  smelter  of  "BHP",  one  of  the  most  powerful  business  agencies  on  earth 


of  liberal  measures:  pensions  and  insurance 
schemes;  wage-fixing  tribunals;  arbitration 
of  industrial  disputes;  free  schools;  family 
endowment  plans;  advanced  measures  for 
child  care  and  mother  care;  and  state 
monetary  controls.  Australia  has  a  pet  ex- 
periment in  compulsory  voting;  New  Zea- 
land one  in  the  broadcasting  of  parliamen- 
tary debates. 

Both  lands  are  proud  of  the  way  in  which 
other  countries,  after  initial  derision,  have 
accepted  most  of  their  undertakings.  A  hun- 
dred evidences  (such  as  the  recent  political 
science  conference  in  Canberra)  might  be 


cited  for  the  view  that  both  countries  will 
move  forward  with  state  controls  for  the 
general  welfare. 

But  the  most  crying  need  in  the  two 
dominions  (as  in  Britain)  is  for  an  upward 
shift  in  the  school-leaving  age.  Actual 
illiteracy  is  almost  unknown.  The  New 
Zealand  army  authorities  found  but  one 
illiterate;  he  came  from  an  island  off  the 
coast,  and  they  were  astonished  that  even 
one  existed!  But  too  large  a  proportion  of 
Australasian  children  stop  their  education 
before  reaching  the  secondary  school.  They 
plunge  into  active  life  with  minds  untrain- 


ed and  ambitions  unawakened.  They  fur- 
nish the  dismaying  array  of  workingmen 
who  have  only  two  interests  beyond  their 
day's  work:  beer  and  the  racetracks.  They 
contribute  to  the  impression  of  seeming 
cultural  mediocrity  that  many  Americans 
have  found  so  depressing.  Happily,  the 
movement  for  laws  and  financial  provision 
to  keep  youths  in  school  to  fifteen  or  six- 
teen is  growing.  The  war  has  proved  the 
value  of  skills,  and  demonstrated  the  need 
for  a  much  larger  body  of  men  trained  to 
supervisory  work. 

(Continued  on  page  252) 


New  Zealand  Legation,  Washington 
In  spite  of  wartime  industrial  expansion.  New  Zealand  is  chiefly  occupied  with  growing  and  processing  farm  products 


MAY     1945 


231 


The  tragedy  of  erosion  in  a  South  African  valley.  Here  once  rich  farm  land,  near  Hofmeyr,  has  been  ruined  by 
overgrazing  and  burning  of  the  mountain  slopes.  The  soil's  porosity  was  destroyed,  and  runoff  and  gullying  resulted 

LAND— and  the  Union  of  South  Africa 

Neither  diamonds  nor  gold  can  make  up  for  soil  erosion  or  racial  trouble. 
Only  land  conservation  can  yield  enough  footholds  for  livelihood  and  life. 

HUGH  H.  BENNETT 


ALL  TOO  OFTEN,  THE  LAST  NATURAL  RESOURCE 

which  a  nation  decides  to  protect  is  soil, 
although  that  is  wholly  indispensable  to  the 
life  of  its  people.  In  the  Union  of  South 
Africa,  happily,  there  is  promise  that  some- 
thing positive  is  going  to  be  done  about  it. 

Last  year,  when  I  went  there  to  consult 
with  officials  of  the  Union  Government  on 
soil  erosion,  I  had  been  given  to  understand 
the  dominion's  problem  was  a  dangerous 
one,  and  getting  worse.  I  knew,  too,  that 
a  special  drought  committee  had  made  a 
searching  study  of  the  Union's  land  situa- 
tion as  far  back  as  1923  and  had  issued  a 
major  report  warning  of  the  seriousness  of 
erosion. 

Traveling  over  the  country  twenty-one 
years  later,  I  soon  learned  how  many,  and 
how  much,  South  Africans  were  concerned 
about  the  widespread  damage  which  had 
gone  on  for  two  decades,  and  the  toll  it 
had  exacted  of  millions  of  people. 

Everywhere  I  went — and  I  ranged  over 
a  very  large  share  of  the  country — people 
eagerly  inquired  whether  American  experi- 
ence had  anything  to  offer  in  the  way  of 
remedies  for  what  was  literally  "eating  the 
heart  out  of  the  land."  There  was  a  notice- 
able impatience  for  action;  complaints  that 
"There  is  much  talk  but  little  done"  to 


— By  the  chief,  Soil  Conservation  Serv- 
ice, U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture — 
invited  last  year  to  bring  to  bear  on  the 
new  frontiers  of  an  ancient  continent 
what  we  have  learned  in  recapturing  our 
own  natural  resources.  His  is  a  variant 
from  other  regional  articles  in  this  num- 
ber— an  exhibit  of  scientific  interplay, 
American  and  British. 

Along  with  Mr.  Bennett's  federal 
service  since  1903,  have  gone  kindred 
exploratory  expeditions  to  Alaska,  the 
West  Indies,  the  Great  Plains  drought 
area,  to  the  Canal  Zone  and  Cuba,  Cen- 
tral and  South  America.  He  bore  a 
major  part  (1941-42)  in  the  Pan  Ameri- 
can Conservation  Commission. 

From  another  angle,  he  throws  new 
light  on  the  dream  for  "peace  on  earth." 
On  every  continent,  what  is  done,  er 
left  undone,  with  the  "earth  beneath" 
becomes  of  prime  significance  in  under- 
pinning the  peace.  For  example,  critics 
of  Britain's  wartime  policy  in  India  are 
often  unaware  how  at  the  same  time  she 
has  helped  hold  in  leash  a  drive  for  a 
"white  man's  Africa  up  to  the  Equator" 
— a  drive  due  in  no  small  part  to  popu- 
lation pressures  and  denuded  acreage. 


arrest  the  speed  of  erosion.  Others  lamented 
that  the  country  had  fallen  into  the  habit 
of  appointing  commissions  "to  study  our 
problems,  write  reports,  print  and  distribute 
them,  and  then  forget  the  whole  thing." 

"South  Africa  in  Danger" 

Nonetheless,  the  country  was  not  without 
its  own  prophets.  A  stirring  motion  picture 
of  uncontrolled  erosion — "South  Africa  in 
Danger" — was  being  shown  all  over.  This 
had  been  filmed  by  C.  J.  J.  van  Rensburg 
of  the  Division  of  Soil  and  Veld  Conserva- 
tion— who  knows  every  nook  and  corner  of 
the  Union  and  has  done  much  to  awaken 
people  to  a  menace  which  had  grown  pro- 
gressively worse  since  the  Twenties,  when 
the  Drought  Investigation  Committee  had 
driven  home: 

— "That  soil  erosion  is  extending  rapidly 
over  many  parts  of  the  Union. 

— "That,  besides  slooting  [gullying]  there  is 
a  great  deal  of  surface  erosion,  both  by 
water  and  wind,  taking  place. 

— "That  the  soil  of  the  Union,  our  most 
valuable  asset,  irreplaceable  and  definitely 
limited  in  amount,  is  being  removed  in 
enormous  quantities  annually. 


232 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


— "That  a  great  part  of  this  soil  and  valu- 
able plant  food  is  lost  forever  .... 
—"That  great  damage  is  done  by  the 
eroded  material  silting  up  reservoirs  and 
that  soil  erosion  causes  greater  irregularity 
in  the  flow  of  our  rivers,  thereby  increas- 
ing the  cost  of  irrigation  work  .... 

-"That  soil  erosion  is  causing  a  marked 
decrease  in  the  underground  water  supply 
of  the  Union,  and  thereby  increases  the 
difficulty  of  watering  stock  .... 
— "That  soil  erosion  has  a  cumulative  char- 
acter which  .  .  .  accelerates  its  rate.  .  .  . 

-"That  prompt  action  is  therefore  impera- 
tive." 

Meanwhile,  agricultural  experiment  sta- 
tions in  South  Africa  had  acquired  much 
practical  information  about  effective  anti- 
erosion  measures,  especially  in  combating 
widespread  damage  to  range  land  through 
improper  stocking.  Notwithstanding  these 
efforts  to  better  conditions — chiefly  educa- 
tional— I  soon  discovered  the  existence  of 
two  sinister  situations  I  had  hoped  not  to 
rind.  These  were:  active  erosion  on  almost 
all  agricultural  land;  and  all  but  nothing 
done  to  stop  the  damage. 

The  Sin  of  Sheet  Erosion 

It  seems  strange  that  agricultural  spe- 
cialists traveling  widely  about  the  world 
have  seldom  reported  adequately  on  the 
extent,  location,  quality,  and  condition  of 
productive  areas.  Fingers  of  warning  have 
often  been  pointed  at  China  as  the  world's 
outstanding  example  of  horrible  land  de- 
bauchery, whereas  the  earth  virtually  every- 
where is  handicapped  by  countless  tracts 
of  erosion-impoverished  land. 

Perhaps  this  is  accounted  for  by  a  com- 
mon lack  of  understanding  of  the  disguised 
violence  of  much  erosion,  its  deterrent  ef- 
fect on  agricultural  production,  and  even 
more  on  health  and  human  welfare. 

Anybody  who  looks  about  him  can  read- 
ily enough  recognize  erosion  at  work  in 
yawning  gullies.  Some  of  them  are  hun- 
dreds of  feet  deep;  and  a  glance  shows 
why  such  lands  cannot  be  cultivated  any 
further.  What  many  people  don't  see,  how- 
ever— and  therefore  don't  understand — is 
the  effect  of  what  is  called  "sheet  erosion," 
a  less  spectacular  form  which  has  gnawed 
away  the  foundation  substance  for  millions 
of  the  world's  people. 

The  reason  why  so  many  people  are  un- 
aware of  its  disastrous  effects  is  that  they 
do  not  distinguish  "topsoil"  from  "subsoil." 
It  is  high  time  that  human  beings  be  in- 
formed, from  school  days  on,  that  topsoil 
is  the  productive  surface  layer  of  all  land, 
generally  no  thicker  than  8  to  12  inches. 
Subsoil  is  the  material  lying  immediately 
beneath  it — poorer,  less  retentive  of  rain- 
fall, more  difficult  to  till,  and,  to  use  a  less 
familiar  term,  more  erodible.  Every  rain 
heavy  enough  to  cause  water  to  run  down- 
hill across  unprotected  slopes  removes  a 
thin  layer  of  topsoil.  This  is  carried  away 
in  suspension,  as  so  much  "mud"  in  the  run 
off.  The  process  may  affect  large  areas  so 
uniformly,  so  gradually,  that  even  farmers 
fail  to  recognize  what  is  happening  and 
accordingly  do  nothing  about  it. 

MAY     1945 


This  erosion  process  is  not  just  a  tech- 
nical item  of  hydraulics  or  a  simple  matter 
of  the  mechanics  of  farming.  People  don't 
go  out  and  wilfully  destroy  their  farm  lands 
by  swapping  good  soil  for  poor.  Neverthe- 
less, failure  to  recognize  the  deadly  meaning 
of  erosion  and  the  utter  necessity  of  stop- 
ping it  is,  I  think,  not  only  the  most  ignor- 
ed but  the  most  upsetting  sin  of  man.  It 
has  been  generally  overlooked  across  the 
centuries — left  out  of  our  serious  economic 
and  social  considerations,  out  of  our  con- 
ferences and  discussions,  national  and  inter- 
national. Yet  it  probably  lies  closer  to  the 
roots  of  human  want,  fear,  and  strife  than 
all  other  causes. 

There  are  two  other  things  most  people, 
South  Africans  included,  have  not  clearly 
understood: 

( 1 )  that    food    comes    from    productive 
land  and  nowhere  else;  and 

(2)  that    productive    land    around    the 
world  is  already  scarce  and  getting  scarcer. 

Bare  Footholds  for  Livelihood 

In  many  places  throughout  South  Africa 
I  found  that  much  formerly  good  land  had 
literally  washed — shall  I  say — from  beneath 
dense  concentrations  of  natives. 

Thus,  one  very  large  area  in  Natal  that 
I  examined  in  detail  presented  the  pitiful 
spectacle  of  completely  devastated  land,  with 
both  soil  and  subsoil  washed  off  down  to 
bedrock,  and  the  people  generally  stranded. 
Some  were  going  considerable  distances 
from  their  huts  on  the  wrecked  land  to  find 
diminutive  parcels  of  ground  for  growing 
corn — their  staff  of  life.  Some  men  were 
trekking  hundreds  of  miles  to  work  in  the 
mines  of  the  Rand  district  about  Johan- 
nesburg. Many  of  these  people  were  not 
just  undernourished,  they  were  underfed. 

What  makes  the  problem  even  more  diffi- 
cult is  that  good  land  to  which  they  might 
be  moved  is  getting  scarcer  all  the  time. 
What  gives  'it  a  silver  lining  of  hope  is  that 
the  wind  and  water  erosion  which  causes  it 
could  be  controlled  rather  easily. 

Many    of    these    wrecked    areas    are    on 


"labor  farms."  The  land  on  such  tracts  is 
turned  over  to  natives  by  the  owners  to  do 
with  as  they  please,  without  rental  or 
charge,  other  than  that  sometime  during 
the  year  they  must  contribute  half  their 
time  in  labor  on  the  owner's  nearby  or  re- 
mote farm. 

Thus,  part  of  South  Africa's  irreplace- 
able resource  of  productive  soil  is  actually 
being  used,  per  se,  as  a  medium  of  payment 
for  farm  work.  The  native,  knowing  noth- 
ing of  modern  methods  of  soil  conserva- 
tion, habit-formed  to  ancient  ways  of  waste- 
ful farming,  allows  the  soil  to  wash  off — 
often,  in  reality,  more  rapidly  than  he  could 
dispose  of  it  by  loading  dirt  on  a  truck  and 
hauling  it  off  to  a  dump. 

In  another  locality — the  area  between  Pie- 
tersburg  and  the  Drakensberg  highlands 
in  northern  Transvaal — we  found  a  solid 
block  of  more  than  100,000  acres  of  good 
land,  formerly  used  by  natives  and  Euro- 
peans, which  had  been  literally  stripped 
of  its  topsoil.  Here,  as  in  thousands  of  other 
places,  nothing  whatever  was  being  done  to 
hold  the  soil  against  wind  and  water. 

Cultivation  generally  is  performed  with- 
out regard  for  the  contour  or  soil-building 
crops.  Animal  manures  and  cornstalks  are 
used  for  fuel;  and  every  vestige  of  crop 
residue  left  in  fields  is  grazed  down  to  the 
bare  surface  of  the  ground,  leaving  the 
soil  exposed  to  the  lash  of  wind  and  water. 
Present  yields  of  corn  on  such  land  range 
all  the  way  from  nothing  to  about  3  bushels 
per  acre — not  enough  to  sustain  life. 

From  Free  State  to  the  Great  Karoo 

In  the  Orange  Free  State  we  traveled  over 
200  miles  along  main  highways  without  sec- 
ing  so  much  as  a  single  field  in  which  any 
kind  of  soil  protection  or  soil-building  ro- 
tation was  being  practiced.  And  this  was  in 
a  region  where  good  land  is  suffering  ex- 
tensively from  erosion. 

Far  to  the  south,  toward  Capetown,  de- 
structive erosion  is  under  way  over  prac- 
tically the  entire  regional  wheat  belt.  Form- 
erly the  best  wheat  lands  of  the  Union, 


A  wornout  farm  in  Natal,  where  thousands  of  once  fertile  acres  have  been  washed 
down    to   bare   rock.    Natives   travel    miles    to    find   soil    for    their   garden    patches 


233 


many  of  them  have  had  to  be  abandoned 
because  the  soil  had  been  so  thinned  down 
over  the  basal  rock  that  it  was  no  longer 
deep  enough  to  plow.  The  wastage  in  re- 
maining fields  is  faster  than  ever. 

Over  a  large  part  of  the  Great  Karoo,  a 
shrub-covered  region  lying  between  dry  or 
desert  country  to  the  west  and  the  eastern 
section,  with  its  higher  rainfall,  erosion  is 
fast  spreading  disaster  over  millions  of  acres. 
This  region  is  famed  for  the  easy  fortunes 
that  once  were  made  here  in  sheep  raising. 
Only  where  the  land  has  been  wisely  pro- 
tected is  it  good  sheep  country  today. 

Never  before  have  I  seen  more  land  mis- 
management than  on  the  hills  and  moun- 
tain slopes  of  the  Karoo.  These  highlands 
have  been  burned  so  repeatedly  and  over- 
grazed so  long  that  the  natural  sponginess 
of  the  ground  has  been  practically  destroyed. 
Rain  formerly  soaked  into  retentive  vege- 
tation. Now  it  runs  off  as  from  a  metal 
roof,  spreading  sheets  of  torrential  flow 
over  the  nearby  flat  lands.  Thus  the  top- 
soil  has  been  swept  from  a  vast  area  where, 
to  begin  with,  it  had  only  shallow  depth 
over  rock. 

As  speedily  as  possible  the  highlands  of 
the  Karoo — as  well  as  most  of  the  other 
hill  and  mountainous  areas  of  central  and 
eastern  South  Africa — should  be  acquired 
by  the  government,  fenced  and  protected 
against  fires,  and  grazed  under  the  most 
careful  restrictions.  Some  areas  should  be 
planted  to  trees.  It  is  still  not  too  late  to 
bring  back  some  degree  of  former  well- 
being  to  the  region. 

In  general,  bad  conditions  of  erosion  are 
so  prevalent  that  there  must  be  put  into  ef- 
fect, without  more  delay,  a  really  vigorous 
national  soil  conservation  program,  if  South 
Africa  is  to  survive  in  any  sound  agricul- 
tural sense.  About  half  of  the  virgin  fertility 
of  the  land  has  been  lost — and  the  rate  of 
erosion  is  increasing.  Three  or  four  more 
decades  of  doing  nothing  (beyond  offering 
farmers  payments  for  this  or  that)  will  see 
the  southern  half  of  the  continent  fading 
from  the  scene  as  the  seat  of  a  vast  com- 
munity. There  may  still  be  diamonds  to 
mine,  and  gold  there*  but  these  have  no 
nutritional  value. 

Erosion  Control 

Control  of  erosion  calls  for  the  treatment 
of  land  according  to  its  adaptability  and 
needs  through  the  use  of  scientifically  ap- 
plied measures.  There  are  no  short  cuts 
about  the  job.  No  two  farms  are  exactly 
alike  so  that  formulas,  like  those  used  to 
build  small  dams  on  almost  any  stream,  are 
of  no  avail  in  this  complicated  task  which 
is  to  control  water  and  wind  on  land  of 
complex  soil  and  topography.  Most  farmers 
do  not  have  the  special  training  needed  for 
installing,  for  example,  efficient  water  con- 
trol systems  or  a  good  enough  layout  of 
wind-resistant  strips  of  vegetation. 

Individual  farmers  can  be  required  to 
abide  by  certain  practical  rules  in  the  ope- 
ration of  their  farms — such  as  burning  the 
carcasses  of  animals  that  have  died  of  con- 
tagious diseases.  But  proposals  to  force  them 
to  control  erosion  in  an  over-all  way  amount 
to  little  more  than  nonsense.  In  countless 
instances — generally,  in  fact — they  do  not 


know  what  to  do;  they  need  technical  as- 
sistance. This  assistance  the  government 
should  provide  as  its  rightful  share  of  the 
job  of  keeping  land  permanently  produc- 
tive for  the  permanent  welfare  of  the  na- 
tion. It  may  not  be  safe  to  bet  heavily  that 
other  nations  will  always  be  willing  to  sell 
off  their  irreplaceable  soil  productivity  in 
the  form  of  food  crops  for  export. 

The  job  of  erosion  control  is  not  so  com- 
plicated, however,  as  to  be  in  any  sense 
impracticable.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is 
easier,  cheaper,  more  remunerative,  to  farm 
with  conservation  measures  than  by  the 
ordinary  wasteful  ways.  It  takes  less  gaso- 
line and  less  time,  for  example,  to  plow 
across  slopes  on  the  level — on  the  contour — 
than  to  plow  up-and-down  slopes;  and  it  is 
also  easier  on  animals  and  men  to  plow 
on  the  level.  Moreover,  per-acre  yields  are 
increased  with  conservation  farming,  and 
this  means  more  income  to  the  producer. 

I  pointed  out  to  members  of  the  staff  of 
the  South  African  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture, Native  Affairs,  and  others  interested 
in  conservation  matters,  that  their  job 
should  prove  considerably  easier  of  accom- 
plishment than  ours  has  been  in  the  United 
States.  Smoother  slopes  prevail  and  there 
is  greater  variety  of  useful,  soil-improving, 
and  soil-holding  grasses  available  under  al- 
most all  conditions  of  land,  slope,  and  rain- 
fall. 

South  African  Demonstrations 

Traveling  about,  studying  the  country  in 
detail,  brought  us  into  contact  with  occa- 
sional farmers  who  had  sought  and  made 
good  use  of  the  advice  of  South  Africa's 
capable  technicians.  On  their  lands  we 
found  excellent  examples  of  erosion  con- 
trol on  field  and  range. 

One  Transvaal  farmer — Dr.  Hans  Maren- 
sky — has  contour-planted  on  a  rather  large 
scale  and  obtained  excellent  results  in  grow- 
ing citrus  fruit,  avocadoes,  and  bananas, 
with  conservation  farming.  By  returning 
to  grass  and  indigenous  growths  those 
worthless  slopes  that  had  been  abandoned 
because  of  erosion,  he  has  not  only  re- 
stored the  land  to  a  condition  favorable  for 
grazing  but  has  brought  back  to  life 
springs  and  streamlets  that  had  gone  dry. 
And  the  water  thus  held  back  from  the 
heavy  flood-flows  coming  off  eroding  land 
is  now  being  used  downstream  for  stock 
water  and  for  the  production  of  feed  need- 
ed to  carry  animals  over  the  dry  period  of 
late  winter. 

In  Swaziland,  we  saw  some  highly  suc- 
cessful work  done  with  contour-embank- 
ments and  even  more  of  this  in  Basutoland, 
where  the  farmers  are  mostly  Negroes. 
Specialists,  some  of  whom  had  spent  con- 
siderable time  studying  our  methods  in  the 
United  States,  had  returned  to  Basutoland 
and  helped  the  natives  start  an  extensive 
program  of  soil  and  water  conservation 
work  which  already  has  pushed  corn  yields 
up  from  around  3  bushels  to  12  to  15  an 
acre. 

I  asked  one  of  the  Basuto  chiefs  how  his 
people  like  this  sort  of  work.  He  said: 
"We  were  scared  of  it  at  first;  we  didn't 
understand.  Now  we  have  seen  the  good 
of  it  and  consider  it  a  blessing.  It  not  only 


prevents  the  formation  of  dongas   [gullies] 
but  gives  us  more  to  eat." 

So  I  said  to  my  South  African  co-work- 
ers: "Look!  You've  been  talking  about  un- 
solvable,  moderately  difficult,  and  inter- 
mediate problems  of  erosion  while,  here, 
stretched  out  before  us  are  10,000  acres 
in  a  solid  block  where  Europeans  and 
natives,  helping  one  another,  have  com- 
pleted a  splendid  job  of  modern  soil  conser- 
vation. If  they  can  do  it,  why  not  you 
South  Africans?" 

From  the  Ground  Up 

On  my  arrival  in  the  Union,  I  had  let 
it  be  known  how  much  I  preferred  to  base 
any  suggestions  on  outdoor  studies  of  the 
land  rather  than  on  bulletins,  reports,  or 
discussions  about  tables,  whether  round  or 
square.  My  proposal  was  accepted  and  I 
was  invited  to  speak  out  in  any  critical  way 
I  wished. 

This  I  did,  and  it  helped  us  to  develop 
and  present  at  least  the  framework  of  a 
plan  for  going  ahead  with  a  comprehensive, 
national  program  for  the  conservation  and 
wise  use  of  South  Africa's  agricultural  lands 
This  plan  cannot  be  given  here,  but  it  was 
based  to  a  considerable  degree  on  the  na- 
tional soil  conservation  program  which  has 
proved  its  worth  in  the  United  States. 

If  adopted,  this  plan  will  succeed  and  it 
will  help  solve,  also,  some  exceedingly  diffi- 
cult human  problems — some  of  them  so 
tough  that  most  people  have  tended  to  look 
at  them  and  leave  them  alone,  or  branc 
off  into  a  lot  of  academic,  political,  or  im 
practical  theorizing. 

The  most  fundamental  characteristic  in 
the  whole  social  economy  of  South  Africa 
is  its  dwindling  agricultural  productivity. 
The  great  masses  of  people — the  eight  or 
ten  millions  of  Negroes — live  on  and  by  thi 
land,  and  yet  in  some  provinces  they  cannoi 
even  own  land.  The  matter  of  land  owner- 
ship could  be  arranged  politically,  but  the 
productive  soil,  now  eroding  away  so  rapid 
ly  over  most  of  the  country,  cannot 
handled  politically  or  in  any  other  wa 
after  it's  gone. 

Already  there  is  acute  need  to  move  thou 
sands  of  people  from  wornout  land  to  Ian 
where  there  is  a  chance  to  grow  something. 
Resettlement  of  this  kind,  necessary  as  it  is 
in  the  numerous  impoverished  localities,  is 
difficult  under  any  circumstances.  Reason- 
ably good  land  available  for  setttlement  is 
already  scarce  in  most  sections  because  the 
land  impoverishment  and  wreckage  by  un- 
bridled erosion  has  been  going  on  for  too 
many  years. 

This  problem  of  land  for  people  indeed 
is  a  tough  one — so  tough  it  is  heading  the 
country  steadily  toward  an  impossible  situa- 
tion. There  will  have  to  be  a  reckoning 
sometime,  and  that  may  not  be  as  far  off 
as  those  who  trifle  and  delay  with  so  dan- 
gerous a  matter  seem  to  think.  For  there  is 
a  tendency  to  let  things  drift  in  the  hope 
that  the  situation  cannot  get  any  worse 
and  may  somehow  get  better.  This  attitude 
is  pure  delusion.  Clear-thinking  people  in 
South  Africa  understand  that  the  so-called 
insolvable  problems  themselves  are  not  just 
drifting;  they  know  they  are  getting  stead- 
ily worse. 


234 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


I  advised  my  South  African  friends,  with 
every  persuasion  at  my  command,  that  they 
should  at  least  save  their  remaining  area  of 
productive  land.  That  alone  might  go  a 
long  way  toward  solving  their  most  im- 
mediate, troublesome  and  dangerous  eco- 
nomic difficulties;  might  avoid  a  lot  of 
political  difficulties. 

There  is  a  relatively  small  but  mounting 
number  of  South  Africans  who  know  that 
the  life  of  the  nation  depends  on  saving  its 
agricultural  lands.  Diamonds  and  gold  are 
precious  things  to  have — and  they  have 
them — but  they  understand  that  the  coun- 
try has  on  its  hands,  also,  plenty  of  deep- 
seated,  smoldering  social  and  racial  trouble, 
a  good  deal  of  which  is  unnecessary. 

South  Africa  could  not  possibly  do  any- 
thing that  would  help  the  country  so  much 
as  to  put  idle  people  to  work  rebuilding 
and  stabilizing  its  land  resources.  This 
would  improve  land  sorely  in  need  of  pro- 
tection, and  it  would  help  utilize  and  con- 
serve a  great  part  of  the  nation's  human 
resources.  The  immediate  benefits  to  the 
people  engaged  in  such  a  program  would  be 
outweighed  only  by  the  advantages  that 
would  accrue  from  such  work  itself  across 
the  long  span  of  the  future.  The  social  and 
economic  health  of  the  Union  of  South 
Africa  in  the  years  to  come  is  certain  to  be 
conditioned,  in  a  most  vital  way,  by  the 
health  of  the  nation's  agriculture,  of  the 
millions  who  try  to  live  by  it  today,  the 
other  millions  that  will  seek  the  same  liveli- 
hood for  many  tomorrows. 

If  the  years  ahead  are  to  be  years  in 
which  the  nation  steadily  increases  its  im- 
portations of  food  and  fiber  to  compensate 
for  the  dwindling  productivity  of  its  own 
land,  and  if  at  home  there  is  increasing  de- 
pendency by  all  on  the  gold  and  diamond 
mines  for  their  livelihood,  the  years  ahead 
will  be  years  of  mounting  trouble. 

Looking  Ahead 

I  cannot  believe  the  Union  of  South 
Africa  will  forsake  agriculture.  Something 
worthwhile  and  on  a  wide  scale  is  bound 
to  be  done  about  erosion.  Of  course,  some- 
thing has  already  been  done  here  and  there 
— enough  to  prove  its  practicability.  A  num- 
ber of  Conservation  Areas  already  have  been 
established  under  conservation  laws.  The 
Drakensberg  Area  in  Natal  comprises  3,000 
square  miles  of  severely  eroded  land  along 
the  Tugele  and  Mooi  Rivers.  The  pressing 
thing  now  is  to  adopt  a  nationwide  plan. 
The  call  is  for  action. 

You  can  neither  keep  land  productive 
nor  improve  impoverished  land  except  by 
action  out  on  the  land:  by  applying  such 
proven  measures  as  contour  cultivation, 
water  retardation  and  conservation,  strip 
cropping  and  terracing;  by  such  measures 
as  rotation  of  crops  with  soil-building 
legumes  and  additions  of  animal  manure 
and  compost;  by  retiring  steep  slopes  to  the 
production  of  trees  and  grass,  and  so  on. 

In  my  last  talk  with  newspapermen  be- 
fore I  left  the  country,  I  couldn't  resist  say- 
ing: "If  this  nation  doesn't  awaken  to  its 
land  responsibilities  within  the  next  two 
or  three  decades  you  will  have  lost  the 
fertility  of  your  soil — and  then  God  help 
you!" 


Native  girls  learn  to  use  conservation  methods  in  the  school  garden  near  Herschel 


South  African  Negroes  reclaim  gullies  by  planting  to  grass,  with  a  cover  of  brush 


A  Transvaal  field  where  terracing  and  contour  plowing  effectively  control  erosion 


MAY      1945 


235 


The  Common  Stream 
of  Justice 


Murals  by  Boardman  Robinson, 

Department  of  Justice  Building, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


CONSTITUTION 


VII.     FACING     AHEAD 

Things  of  the  Spirit 

Britons  and  Americans  are  the  same  kind  of  people — in  language,  principles,  values. 
And  though  we  quarrel  easily,  our  united  front  is  the  world's  best  hope  of  peace. 

HENRY  STEELE  COMMAGER 


"THESE  TWO  GREAT  ORGANIZATIONS  OF  THE 
English-speaking  democracies,  the  British 
Empire  and  the  United  States,  will  have  to 
be  somewhat  mixed  up  together  in  some  of 
their  affairs  for  mutual  and  general  ad- 
vantage. For  my  part,  looking  out  upon 
the  future,  I  do  not  view  the  process  with 
any  misgivings.  No  one  can  stop  it.  Like 
the  Mississippi,  it  just  keeps  rolling  along. 
Let  it  roll.  Let  it  roll  on  full  flood,  inex- 
orable, irresistible,  to  broader  lands  and 
better  days." 

So,  Churchill,  celebrating  the  destroyer- 
bases  deal,  and  his  observations  caused  mis- 
givings only  among  those  who  mistook 
for  prophecy  what  was  actually  history.  For 
in  fact  these  two  great  organizations,  Britain 
and  America,  have  always  been  mixed  up 
in  their  affairs — and  usually  for  mutual 
and  general  advantage.  They  have  been 
mixed  up  in  population,  for  English- Welsh- 
Scotch-Irish  is  still  the  largest  ingredient  in 
our  society;  they  have  been  mixed  up  in 
their  language,  law,  economy;  they  have 
been  mixed  up  in  politics,  diplomacy,  wars. 

Sometimes  we  think  of  the  two  great 
English  -  speaking  democracies  as  two 
branches  with  a  common  trunk  and  com- 
mon roots.  There  is  much  truth  in  this 
notion,  but  actually  the  relations  between 
them  are  at  once  less  connative  and  more 
intimate. 

The  Atlantic  Community 

Walter  Lippmann  has  recently  reminded 
us  that  throughout  our  history  we  have 
been  part  of  the  Atlantic  community,  and 
that  Britain  has  been  the  major  partner  in 
that  community.  We  were  able  to  maintain 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  because  Britain  sup- 
ported that  doctrine  instead  of  allying  her- 
self with  its  opponents.  We  were  able  to 
enjoy  the  advantages  of  isolation  because 
a  friendly  Britannia  ruled  the  waves.  We 
were  able  to  buttress  democracy  in  1917 
and  again  in  1941  because  Britain  stood 
ready  to  fight  the  opening  rounds  of  the 
battle.  There  has  been,  in  short,  for  over 
a  century  an  unformulated  but  real  com- 
munity of  interest  between  the  United 
States  and  Britain. 

It  may  readily  be  admitted  that  this  com- 
munity of  interest  was  rooted  in  reality, 
not  in  sentiment;  that  it  was,  in  fact,  on 
both  sides  an  enlightened  self-interest.  But 
if  we  go  behind  this  facile  generalization 
and  ask  how  it  happens  that  British  and 
American  self-interest  dictates  mutual  sup- 
port and  interdependence,  we  come  closer 
to  arriving  at  real  understanding. 


For  self-interest,  surely,  it  may  be  sug- 
gested, should  have  dictated  close  coopera- 
tion between  Germany  and  France,  Russia 
and  Finland,  China  and  Japan.  How  does 
it  happen  that  British  and  American  self- 
interest  both  point  in  the  same  direction, 
eventuate  in  the  same  policies?  How  does 
it  happen  that  these  two  nations  trust  each 
other? 

Why,  to  be  specific,  was  America  so  con- 
fident for  so  long  that  Britain  would  hold 
out  against  Nazi  might,  and  why  did  the 
prospect  of  Britain's  collapse  strike  terror 
into  American  hearts  and  move  Americans 
to  convulsive  efforts  of  aid? 

Why,  in  turn,  was  Churchill  able  to  pre- 
dict so  confidently  that  in  God's  good  time 
the  New  World  would  step  forth  to  the 
rescue  and  liberation  of  the  Old? 

"Our  Kind  of  People" 

The  answer  is  easy,  but  nonetheless  il- 
luminating. It  is  because  America  does  not 
fear  a  strong  Britain,  nor  Britain  a  strong 
America;  because,  on  the  contrary,  each 
people  has  confidence  in  the  other.  They 
know  that  they  subscribe  to  the  same  prin- 
ciples, respect  the  same  standards,  cherish 
the  same  values,  resent  the  same  indignities, 
pursue  the  same  ends. 

In  the  last  analysis  each  can  say  of  the 
other,  "They  are  our  kind  of  people." 

How  does  this  happen?  It  is  not  merely 
a  matter  of  common  origins:  it  may  be 
observed  that  many  Americans  are  not  of 
British  origin,  and  that  between  Spain  and 
the  nations  of  Latin  America  there  is  no 
such  interdependence.  It  is  not  just  a  matter 
of  a  common  language.  England  and  Ire- 
land have  a  common  language,  so  do 
Portugal  and  Brazil,  while  French  and 
Italian,  Dutch  and  German,  are  not  hope- 
lessly dissimilar.  The  explanation  goes  deep 
into  the  roots  of  history  and  experience  and 
character. 

Let  us  look  first  at  this  matter  of  values, 


— By  a  gifted  writer  and  teacher  of 
American  history,  a  member  of  the 
faculty  of  Columbia  University,  who  in 
1942-43  lectured  at  Cambridge.  He  spent 
last  summer  in  England,  also,  for  the 
U.  S.  War  Department,  and  is  a  member 
of  its  Committee  on  the  History  of  the 
War. 

Professor  Commager's  recent  books 
include  such  yeasty  and  incisive  volumes 
as  "The  Heritage  of  America"  (in 
collaboration  with  Allan  Kevins)  and 
"Majority  Rule  and  Minority  Rights." 


because  it  is  fundamental.  And  what  wt 
see  at  once  is  that  over  a  period  of  centuries 
the  British  have  valued,  above  all,  the  dig- 
nity of  the  individual.  The  individual — his 
rights,  privileges,  and  duties — is  the  core 
of  the  state  and  of  society.  Here,  first  in 
the  modern  world,  the  principle  triumphed 
that  the  state  exists  for  man,  not  man  for 
the  state;  that  the  supreme  authority  is  not 
government  but  the  conscience  of  man. 
Here,  first,  princes  and  rulers  were  required 
to  respect  a  law  higher  than  their  own 
will,  the  "law  of  Nature  and  Nature's 
God,"  a  law  which  was  part  of  the  moral 
order  of  the  universe  and  which  was  known 
to  the  reason  and  conscience  of  individual 
man.  Here  first  was  formulated  the  prin- 
ciple that  obedience  is  owing  to  rulers  only 
as  long  as  their  rule  does  not  violate  justice 
and  virtue,  and  that  revolution  is  a  legal 
as  well  as  a  moral  right. 

Individual  Rights 

There  are  germs  of  this  principle  even 
in  Magna  Carta,  but  it  was  fully  developed 
only  with  the  Puritan  Revolution,  and  can 
be  found,  in  imperishable  form,  in  the 
writings  of  Hooker  and  Sidney  and  Milton 
and  Locke. 

It  was  carried  to  America  by  Pilgrim  and 
Puritan  colonists,  and  by  their  successors, 
and  was  eloquently  restated  in  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence.  But  its  triumph  here 
did  not  involve  its  rejection  in  Britain:  it 
remained,  rather,  at  the  basis  of  the  British 
system  of  government  and  politics,  as  of 
the  American.  And  this  passion  for  the 
dignity  of  the  individual  and  the  vindica- 
tion of  individual  rights  has  pervaded  both 
British  and  American  philosophy  and  char- 
acter. 

Britons,  as  we  know,  "never,  never, 
never,  shall,  be  slaves."  Not  only  will  they 
not  themselves  submit  to  slavery  but  in  the 
long  run  they  will  not  tolerate  slavery  as  an 
institution.  We  read  in  the  famous  Cart- 
wright  case  of  1569  that  "in  the  Eleventh 
of  Elizabeth,  one  Cartwright  brought  a 
slave  from  Russia  and  would  scourge  him, 
for  which  he  was  questioned;  and  it  was 
resolved,  that  England  was  too  pure  an  air 
for  Slaves  to  breathe  in."  A  century  later, 
Lord  Mansfield  ruled,  in  the  name  of  the 
King's  Bench,  that  as  soon  as  a  slave  set  his 
foot  on  the  soil  of  the  British  Isles  he  be- 
came free.  In  1807,  Parliament  abolished 
the  slave  trade  in  British  ships  and  colonies. 

Here,  in  America,  we  tolerated  slavery  on 
our  own  soil  for  two  centuries.  Yet  here,  too, 
slavery  was  ever  on  the  defensive.  The 
author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 


237 


recognized  its  fundamental  incompatibility' 
with  democracy,  and  "trembled"  when  he 
recalled  that  "God  is  just."  All  character- 
istically American  philosophy  was  unalter- 
ably opposed  to  the  institution,  always  called 
"peculiar,"  while  its  apologists  had  to  fall 
back  on  Greek  philosophy  for  what  they 
thought  a  defense. 

Political  Morality 

Closely  allied  with  this  principle  of  the 
worth  of  the  individual,  has  been  the  con- 
cept of  the  moral  character  of  government 
and  politics.  To  the  British,  as  to  Amer- 
icans, neither  the  state  nor  government  is 
ever  an  end  in  itself,  but  a  means  to  an  end 
and  that  end  a  moral  one.  It  is  to  achieve 
certain  ends — "life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness,"  as  Jefferson  phrased  it,  that 
"governments  are  instituted  among  men"; 
and  he  added  that  they  derive  only  their 
"just"  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned. 

The  principle  was  not  a  new  one  with 
Jefferson,  or  with  Americans;  it  was  taken 
from  Locke,  who  in  turn  was  expressing 
merely  the  sense  of  the  matter  familiar  to 
Englishmen  of  the  seventeenth  century.  To 
this  day  both  British  and  Americans  are 
peculiarly  inclined  to 'associate  morals  with 
politics  and,  what  is  perhaps  more  surpris- 
ing, to  inject  morals  into  international  re- 
lations. 

It  is  undoubtedly  in  the  realm  of  politics 
that  Britain  has  made  her  most  significant 
— and  her  most  direct — contributions.  It  is 
just  here,  however,  that  Americans  are 
least  inclined  to  recognize  their  indebted- 
ness, for  they  accentuate  differences,  and 
take  contributions  for  granted. 

Yet  the  common  cause  in  which  we  are 
now  engaged  should  warn  us  not  to  take 


our  political  institutions  for  granted;  they 
are  not  taken  for  granted  elsewhere  in 
the  world.  And  the  manner  in  which  we 
are  fighting  that  common  cause  should  in- 
struct us  that  differences  are  fortuitous,  sim- 
ilarities fundamental.  For  it  must  be  clear, 
by  now,  that  the  distinctions  between  "lim- 
ited monarchy"  and  "republic,"  a  "rigid" 
and  a  "flexible"  constitution,  a  centralized 
and  a  federal  system,  a  Cabinet  and  a 
Presidential  administration,  are  neither  very 
real  nor  very  important;  while  the  similari- 
ties of  the  rule  of  law,  the  protection  of 
individual  rights,  democracy,  freedom,  and 
morality,  are  fundamental.  One  reason 
(probably  the  basic  reason)  why  the  British 
and  American  machines  have  worked  to- 
gether so  smoothly  and  effectively  during 
this  war  is  that  they  were  already  running 
on  the  same  gauge. 

What,  more  specifically,  are  some  of  the 
British  contributions  to  the  principles  and 
practices  of  democratic  politics? 

There  is,  first,  the  principle  of  constitu- 
tionalism, of  government  under  law.  The 
British  have  managed  to  achieve  this  with 
an  unwritten  constitution — a  tribute  to  their 
self-reliance  and  self-confidence,  their  in- 
tegrity, their  talent  for  compromise  and  ac- 
commodation. Americans,  beginning  with 
a  new  nation  and  confronted  with  the  task 
of  bringing  numerous  semi-independent 
states  into  a  union,  of  necessity  had  re- 
course to  a  written  constitution.  But  gov- 
ernment under  law,  in  accordance  with 
basic  principles  and  familiar  practices,  ob- 
tains equally  in  both  countries. 

A  second  great  contribution  is  what  we 
now  call  democracy.  Most  Americans  are 
inclined  to  suppose  that  democracy  is  native 
to  America,  born  of  the  forest  and  the 
prairie.  So,  in  a  sense,  it  is;  but  its  ancestry 


is  clearly  English.  Its  basic  principle — that 
men  make  government,  that  men  can  con- 
trol government  for  their  own  ends — is  ex- 
plicit in  the  whole  body  of  Puritan  thought 
of  seventeenth  century  England,  and  was 
transplanted  to  America  by  the  British,  not 
by  the  French  or  the  Spaniards  or  even  by 
the  Dutch  or  the  Swedes.  And  if  it  be  ob- 
served that  modern  democracy  requires  a 
continuous  broadening  of  the  concept  o/ 
"men,"  it  may  be  noted  that  that  process 
went  on  almost  as  rapidly  in  Britain  as  in 
America  in  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth 


centuries. 


Liberty  under  Law 


A  third,  and  characteristically  British, 
contribution  has  been  the  reconciliation  of 
liberty  and  order.  This  is  the  fundamental 
problem  of  statesmanship,  and  of  all  prob- 
lems the  most  difficult:  How  to  maintain  a 
government  strong  enough  to  fulfill  all 
those  responsibilities  which  government 
must  assume,  and  at  the  same  time  preserve 
unimpaired  the  liberties  of  the  individual. 
Where  the  emphasis  is  too  much  on  order, 
the  tendency  is  towards  statism  and  totali- 
tarianism; where  the  emphasis  is  too  much 
on  individual  liberties,  the  tendency  is  to- 
wards anarchy  or  the  exploitation  of  the 
weak  by  the  strong.  The  solution  of  this 
problem  is,  of  course,  to  grant  to  govern- 
ment limited  and  specific  powers  and  to 
reserve  areas  of  liberty  into  which  govern- 
ment may  not  intrude.  In  the  modern 
world  it  is  the  English-speaking  nations 
that  have  most  successfully  met  this  issue. 

The  British,  to  be  sure,  have  not  limited 
their  government  in  any  formal  way,  as 
have  Americans.  Theoretically,  Parliament 
is  omnipotent;  actually,  Parliament  exercises 
its  power  as  discreetly  as  does  the  American 


British  Combine 

Sulgrave  Manor,  George  Washington's  ancestral  home  in  Oxfordshire,  was  presented  by  British  subscribers  to  the  peoples  of  Britain 
and  America  in  1914  in  celebration  of  the  hundred  years'  peace  between  the  two  countries.  Here  on  February  22,  1943  the  ^Kings' 
Royal  Rifle  Corps — which  fought  Americans  in  the  Revolutionary  War — and  U.  S.  troops  laid  wreaths  before  the  bust  of  Washington 


238 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Congress,  and  with  even  greater  respon- 
siveness to  the  public  will.  And  in  both 
Britain  and  America,  Bills  of  Rights  pro- 
tect the  essential  personal  liberties  of  the 
individual  against  the  tyranny  of  govern- 
ment or  the  insolence  of  officials. 

The  reconciliation  of  liberty  and  order 
is  neither  an  abstract  nor  an  antiquarian 
question.  In  our  own  day  it  has  presented 
itself  chiefly  as  a  problem  of  the  relation 
of  government  to  the  economic  order.  Be- 
cause modern  industrialism  and  war  led  to 
widespread  insecurity,  men  and  women  in 
Germany,  Italy,  Spain,  and  elsewhere 
turned  in  desperation  to  leaders  who  prom- 
ised at  least  jobs,  willingly  bartering  per- 
sonal liberties  for  economic  security. 

Progress  by  Evolution 

In  Britain,  where  the  problem  was  scarce- 
ly less  acute,  there  was  never  for  a  moment 
any  danger  of  the  sacrifice  of  liberties  or 
justice  for  "order."  With  that  genius  for 
compromise  and  accommodation,  for 
achieving  modern  ends  by  ancient  and 
familiar  means,  for  progress  through  evolu- 
tion rather  than  revolution,  which  has  for 
the  last  century  characterized  the  British 
people,  they  put  their  economic  and  social 
system  in  order  without  disturbing  their 
liberties. 

They  found,  as  had  the  Scandinavian 
peoples,  the  middle  way;  they  managed  to 
curb  the  evils  of  laissez-faire  without  crush- 
ing private  initiative,  to  regulate  business 
without  regimenting  it,  to  assure  basic 
security  in  jobs  and  medical  care  and  edu- 
cation to  all  citizens  without  sacrificing  per- 
sonal liberties.  And  this  achievement  was 
not  Britain's  alone;  it  was  an  achievement 
in  which  Australia  and  New  Zealand  (and 
to  a  lesser  degree  Canada)  shared. 

America,  faced  with  substantially  the 
same  problems  in  our  own  day,  has  bor- 
rowed much  from  British  experience  and 
will  doubtless  borrow  more.  But  more 
significant  than  particular  examples — the 
Beveridge  plan,  or  housing  reform,  or  land 
utilization — is  the  underlying  spirit  of  con- 
cession and  compromise,  the  underlying 
method  of  evolution  rather  than  revolution. 

This  is  a  spirit  which  animates  British 
and  Americans  alike,  and  which  has  ani- 
mated them  throughout  their  history.  It  is 
significant  that  the  two-party  system,  the 
most  efficacious  system  yet  devised  for  poli- 
tical compromise  and  balance,  is  to  be  found 
alone  in  the  English-speaking  nations.  In- 
deed, how  successful  both  Britain  and 
America  have  been  in  reconciling  liberty 
and  order  may  be  suggested  by  the  fact 
that  while  other  countries  have,  in  the 
words  of  Jefferson,  witnessed  "infuriated 
man  seeking  through  blood  and  slaughter 
his  long-lost  liberty"  neither  the  British  nor 
the  American  people  have  had  recourse  to 
revolution  for  three  hundred  years. 

The  Spirit  of  '76 

But,  it  will  be  asked,  what  of  the  Amer- 
ican Revolution?  The  question  suggests 
another  English  contribution,  and  one  of 
peculiar  significance  for  the  present.  For 
there  are  four  relevant  considerations  that 
we  shall  do  well  to  remember  in  connection 
with  the  American  Revolution. 


Harris  and  Ewing 

Men  of  an  American  air  force  group  presented  the  English  town  of  Thetford  with  a 
plaque,  honoring  it  as  the  birthplace  of  Thomas  Paine.  They  named  one  of  their 
planes  for  the  great  American  patriot  and  inscribed  on  it  his  famous  statement. 
With  the  pilots  is  J.  Frank  Dobie,  author  of  the  new  book,  "A  Texan  in  England" 


First,  in  the  phrase  of  one  of  our  most 
learned  historians,  it  was  "the  freest  of 
peoples  that  was  the  first  to  rebel."  The 
solemn  charges  hurled  against  George  III 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  should 
not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  the  British 
colonial  policy  of  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries  was  incomparably  the 
most  enlightened  and  liberal  in  the  world. 
It  was  because,  under  British  rule,  Amer- 
icans had  for  so  long  been  accustomed  to 
freedom  that  they  resented  so  fiercely  any 
attempt  to  infringe  upon  their  autonomy. 

Second,  the  principles  for  which  Amer- 
icans contended  were  not  new  and  revolu- 
tionary, but  old  and  conservative.  Ameri- 
cans claimed  the  "rights  of  Englishmen" 
under  the  British  Constitution;  and  they 
argued,  soundly  enough,  that  it  was  the 
glory  of  the  British  Constitution  that,  prop- 
erly interpreted  and  applied,  it  protected 
them  in  these  rights.  It  should  be  added 
that  a  powerful  element  in  British  politics 
recognized  the  validity  of  this  argument 
and,  in  the  words  of  Pitt,  rejoiced  that 
America  had  resisted. 

Third,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the 
American  solution  to  the  problem  of  feder- 
alism was  based  pretty  largely  upon  the 
experience  of  the  old  Empire — an  Empire 
in  which  authority  had  been  distributed 
among  governments.  Here,  as  in  so  many 
places,  American  debt  to  the  British  genius 
for  political  statecraft  is  a  large  one. 

And,  fourth,  we  may  note  that  within  a 
generation  after  the  completion  of  the 
American  Revolution,  Britain  had  adopted 
(or  should  we  say  readopted?)  those  basic 
principles  of  imperial  and  colonial  admin- 
istration for  which  Americans  had  fought; 
and  throughout  the  nineteenth  century 
British  imperial  and  colonial  policy  con- 


tinued to  be  more  enlightened  than  that  of 
any  other  world  power. 

Pattern  for  World  Organization 

All  this  is  important  because  it  suggests 
perhaps  the  most  valuable  contribution 
which  Britain  had  to  make  to  modern  pol- 
itics. That  is  to  the  solution  of  the  problem 
of  international  organization.  For  in  the 
British  Commonwealth  of  Nations  we  have 
the  largest  and  most  successful  international 
organization  in  history.  It  is  not  a  new 
creation  but  one  deeply  rooted  in  history 
and  experience;  it  is  not  a  blueprint  or  a 
formula  but  an  organic  and  dynamic  insti- 
tution. It  is  well  for  us  to  remember  that 
while,  during  the  1930's,  the  ties  that  bound 
nations  together — treaties,  agreements,  com- 
pacts, leagues — snapped,  the  British  Com- 
monwealth, bound  together  chiefly  by  the 
ties  of  common  sentiment,  understanding, 
and  interest,  held  firm.  The  League  of 
Nations  failed,  notwithstanding  all  the 
sanctions  theoretically  available  to  it;  the 
Commonwealth  acted  swiftly,  effectively, 
without  recourse  to  any  but  moral  sanc- 
tions. • 

Many  Americans  fail  to  appreciate  the 
significance  of  the  British  Commonwealth 
to  the  problem  of  world  order  and  peace. 
That  significance  lies  not  alone  in  the  size, 
the  power,  the  resources,  the  dignity,  of  the 
Commonwealth  system;  it  lies  rather  in  the 
principles  which  animate  that  system.  For 
here  is  a  pattern  for  the  kind  of  world 
organization  which  we  must  have  if  it  is  to 
be  effective — an  organization  built  not  on 
blueprints  or  treaties,  alone,  but  on  com- 
mon ideals,  habits,  and  values. 

Some  Americans,  even  some  well-inten- 
tioned ones,  appear  to  think  that  the  way 
to  build  a  new  world  order  is  to  start  out 


MAY     1945 


239 


by  smashing  the  only  going  concern  which 
we  now  have,  or  by  opposing  every  effort 
to  strengthen  it.  They  are  distressed,  per- 
haps at  the  failure  to  reach  an  agreement 
on  India;  they  recall  with  sorrow  the  woes 
of  Ireland;  they  question  the  right  of  Bri- 
tain to  control  the  entrance  to  the  Medi- 
terranean; they  are  genuinely  pained  at 
the  sight  of  so  much  of  one  color  on  the 
map  of  the  world.  Cherishing  the  principle 
of  self-determination,  they  fail  to  realize 
that  this  is,  in  fact,  the  animating  principle 
of  the  British  Commonwealth.  Fearful  of 
imperialism,  they  identify  the  word  Empire 
with  old-fashioned  imperialism  and  fail  to 
realize  that  for  Britain  imperialism  has  en- 
tailed as  much  responsibility  as  profit. 

Heritage 

One  other  British — and  American — char- 
acteristic or  practice,  closely  associated  with 
politics,  deserves  mention,  one  which  we 
take  so  completely  for  granted  that  we  fail 
to  appreciate  its  significance.  That  is  the 
habit  of  private  associations,  organizations, 
and  enterprises.  This  habit  is  a  natural 
product  of  the  individualism  of  the  English- 
speaking  peoples,  of  that  freedom  of  action 
and  self-assurance  which  comes  from  secur- 
ity and  liberty. 

Confronted  with  some  practical  problem, 
inspired  by  some  ambition,  the  English  and 
Americans  do  not  turn  instinctively  to  their 
government,  but  to  their  fellow-citizens. 
That  astute  French  observer,  de  Tocque- 
ville,  noted  this  a  century  ago,  and  it  is  as 
true  today  as  it  was  when  de  Tocqueville 
interpreted  it  as  an  essential  ingredient  of 
democracy  in  America.  In  the  English- 
speaking  countries,  more  than  in  any  others, 
education,  charity,  community  services, 


churches,  hospitals,  business  organizations, 
literary,  scientific  and  artistic  societies,  libra- 
ries, reform  movements  begin  as  private 
associations.  It  is  interesting  that  even  those 
organizations  looking  to  the  furtherance  of 
Anglo-American  understanding  have  been 
almost  entirely  private — the  Rhodes  Foun- 
dation, the  Pilgrim  Trust,  the  English 
Speaking  Union,  Books  Across  the  Sea, 
and  others.  This  is  all  part  of  the  "grass 
roots"  quality  of  English  and  American 
democracy,  part  of  the  faith  in  individual 
dignity  and  authority,  part  of  the  freedom 
of  enterprise  under  government.  It  is  not 
to  be  found  in  Germany  or  Russia  or 
France  or  Spain  or  even  in  the  Scandi- 
navian countries  on  anything  like  the  same 
scale;  it  is  distinctively  English  and  Amer- 
ican. 

What  shall  we  say  of  other  British  con- 
tributions? They  are,  for  the  most  part, 
too  obvious  to  justify  celebration.  It  is  per- 
haps hackneyed  to  recall  that  Britain  is  the 
Mother  Country,  and  that  from  her  we 
have  drawn  more  fully  for  spiritual  suste- 
nance than  from  any  other  source.  It  may 
be  important  to  add  that  this  is  true  for 
those  of  non-British  stock  as  well  as  ior 
those  who  boast  Mayflower  ancestry.  There 
are  millions  of  Americans  of  German  an- 
cestry, millions  of  Italian,  of  Polish,  of 
Russian,  of  Scandinavian.  Yet  the  historian 
would  have  some  difficulty  in  determining 
what  our  characteristically  American  in- 
stitutions owe  to  Germany,  Italy,  Poland, 
Russia,  or  the  Scandinavian  countries. 

Our  language  is  English,  and  all  of 
Henry  L.  Mencken's  researches  have  dis- 
covered astonishingly  few  contributions 
from  the  non-English  elements.  And  the 
English,  in  return,  have  responded  to  our 


American  language,  enriching — only  the 
pedantic  will  say  vulgarizing — their  own 
tongue  from  our  fiction  and  our  films. 

Our  literature  is  English:  Milton  and 
Wordsworth  and  Tennyson,  Dickens  and 
Thackeray  and  Trollope,  Wells  and  Ben- 
nett and  Galsworthy,  are  our  authors,  and 
contemporary  British  novelists  crowd  our 
best-seller  lists.  Again,  the  British  recipro- 
cate: it  is  Steinbeck  and  Hemingway  and 
Wolfe  that  they  admire,  often  in  preference 
to  their  own  writers.  Even  in  the  realm  of 
humor — perhaps  the  ultimate  test — the  in- 
terchange is  easy  and  illuminating:  Ameri- 
cans rejoice  in  W.  W.  Jacobs  and  Margery 
Sharp;  the  British  delight  in  Dorothy  Park- 
er, Ogden  Nash  and  James  Thurber,  in  The 
New  Yorker  as  well  as  in  Punch. 

Our  law,  too,  is  largely  English — not 
only  the  common  law,  but  equity  and 
agency,  and  contracts  and  bailments,  and 
admiralty  as  well,  always  with  important 
American  modifications. 

Our  educational  machinery  differs  mark- 
edly, but  both  peoples  reveal  the  same 
passion  for  popular  education,  and  each  has 
borrowed  heavily  from  the  other. 

We  indulge  in  different  sports.  The 
British  play  the  game  for  the  game's  sake, 
Americans  play  to  win.  But  we  share  a 
common  sense  of  sportsmanship,  a  sports- 
manship inextricably  allied  with  certain 
standards  of  honor  and  fair  play. 

The  Habit  of  Bickering 

We  are,  in  short,  notwithstanding  super- 
ficial differences  of  accent,  of  idiom,  of 
dress,  of  diet,  of  habit  and  conduct,  the  same 
kind  of  people.  How  does  it  happen  then 
that  we  so  often  quarrel?  How  does  it 
(Continued  on  page  264) 


FROM  THIS  CREEK 

THE  PILGRIM  FATHERS 

FIRST  LEFT  ENGLAND  III  tBD9 

IN    SEARCH    OF    RELIGIOUS    LIBERTY. 

THE    GRANITE    TOP    STOME   WAS 
TAKEN    FROM   PLYMOUTH I   ROCK,  MASS., 
f  AND    PRESENTED 'BY   THE 

SULCRAVE  INSTITUTION  OF  U.S.A. 


THIS  MEMORIAL  WAS  ERECTED 

BY  THE  ANGLO-AMERICAN  SOCIETY 

or  HULL. 

1934. 


British  Information  Services 


A  replica  of  John  Paul  Jones'  flag,  which  went  down 
with  his  ship  in  combat  with  H.M.S.  Serapis  in  1779, 
was  presented  to  the  U.  S.  Naval  Academy  by  the  women 
of  Yorkshire.  This  carved  plaque  accompanied  the  gift 


British  I  niorniHtitin  Services 


A  stone  in  Plymouth,  last  port  touched  by  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  on  their  voyage  to  America,  records  their  cour- 
age. This  memorial  at  Itnmingham  Creek,  on  England's 
east  coast,  honors  their  earlier  flight  to  Holland 


240 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


Press  Association 
"Men  of  good  will*  must  unite  and  organize."  Delegates  to  the  San  Francisco  conference  listening  to  President  Truman's  radio  address 


American  Choices 


The  call  on  the  USA — not  for  words  or  sentiment,  but  for  constructive  decisions 
on  such  practical  problems  as  trade,  credit,   shipping,   as  oil,  islands  and  markets. 

WALTER  MILLIS 


WE     STAND     AT     THE     CLIMAX     OF     A     SECOND 

great  war  which  we  have  waged  side  by 
side  with  British  arms,  and  in  which 
British  lands  have  provided,  more  plainly 
than  ever  before,  indispensable  bastions  of 
our  own  security  both  on  the  east  and  on 
the  west.  Today  there  is  hardly  anyone — 
outside  of  a  few  erratic  and  irresponsible 
voices — who  would  deny  the  fundamental 
significance  of  that  relationship  to  the 
future  of  the  United  States  as  well  as  to 
the  world  at  large. 

We  stand  also  at  the  climax  of  a  long 
history  which  gradually,  irregularly,  and 
yet  with  the  underlying  inevitability  of 
historic  process,  has  woven  the  destinies  and 
policies  of  the  two  powers  ever  more  closely 
together. 

It  began,  if  one  likes,  with  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine;  it  continued  with  British 
policy  during  the  Civil  War.  If  anything  it 
was  strengthened  by  the  Venezuela  incident 
in  1895 — the  last  even  seemingly  serious 
issue  between  the  two  peoples — and  it  was 
evident  at  Manila  Bay.  It  was  an  important 
theme  in  Theodore  Roosevelt's  diplomacy; 
was  clear  to  all  in  World  War  I  and  was 
dramatically  confirmed  at  the  time  of  the 
Washington  Conference  in  1922. 

That  settlement  brought  the  end  of  the 
Anglo-Japanese  alliance,  brought  Great 


— By  a  southerner  who  began  his  jour- 
nalistic career  on  the  Baltimore  News, 
moved  on  to  the  New  York  Sun,  and  has 
been  since  1924  an  editorial  and  staff 
writer  for  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune. 
His  special  field  of  interest  and  of  writ- 
ing is  international  relations. 

A  frequent  contributor  to  magazines, 
Mr.  Milli.s  has  written  several  books, 
among  them  "The  Road  to  War"  (1935) 
and  "Why  Europe  Fights"  (1940).  The 
former  was  an  incisive,  widely  read 
analysis  of  events  and  forces  converging 
on  America's  entry  into  World  War  I; 
the  latter,  an  eloquent  projection  of 
issues  at  stake  in  World  War  II. 


Britain's  historic  acceptance  of  naval  parity 
with  the  United  States;  and  also,  the 
transfer  of  the  American  fleet  to  the  Pacific, 
thus  leaving  our  Atlantic  seaboard  to  be 
defended  by  the  Royal  Navy  while  we,  in 
effect,  assumed  responsibility  for  the  safety 
of  the  great  British  territories  in  the  other 
ocean. 

But  to  recognize  the  importance  of  an 
international  relationship  is  not  the  same 
thing,  unfortunately,  as  to  define  the  bases 
upon  which  it  is  to  rest  or  to  accept  the 


implications  which  they  involve.  It  was,  or 
should  have  been,  plain  enough  after  World 
War  I  and  the  Washington  Conference  that 
our  relations  with  Great  Britain  were  cen- 
tral to  the  destinies  of  both  countries  and 
to  the  whole  structure  of  international 
affairs.  But  neither  country  drew  the  nec- 
essary deductions  from  this  fact,  or  suffi- 
ciently adjusted  its  policies  to  them.  One 
of  the  fundamental  causes  of  the  great 
tragedy  of  the  inter-war  years  lay  in  the 
extent  to  which  Anglo-American  relations 
were  allowed,  as  it  were,  to  go  by  default. 
That  default  was  permitted  to  paralyze  de- 
velopment of  a  rational  international  society. 

Where  We  Failed 

It  may  be  left  to  British  observers  to  note 
examples  of  this  in  the  policy  of  their  own 
country;  an  American  can  point  to  many 
examples  in  the  courses  followed  by  the 
United  States.  Our  rejection  of  the  League 
Covenant  in  1920  summarily  removed 
American  influence  from  European  prob- 
lems to  which  Great  Britain  was  peculiarly 
exposed,  thus  helping  to  cripple  her  in  the 
political  field.  A  naval  rivalry,  which  after 
1922  simply  made  no  sense,  was  allowed  to 
poison  the  atmosphere  (and  probably  to 
facilitate  Japan's  upbuilding  of  her  arma- 
ments) down  to  the  end  of  the  decade.  Our 


MAY     1945 


241 


tariff  policy  put  an  onerous  burden  on 
British  economic  recovery,  -aggravated  by 
our  insistence  upon  the  repayment  of  war 
debts,  which  compelled  the  maintenance  of 
a  disastrously  unsound  international  finan- 
cial structure.  Also,  our  somewhat  grandi- 
ose dreams  of  a  great  merchant  marine 
were  a  source  of  irritation  and  alarm  at 
the  beginning;  actually,  they  were  realized 
to  only  a  very  modest  extent,  but  even 
that  put  an  added  pressure  upon  one  of 
Britain's  most  vital  industries. 

While  Anglo-American  cooperation  was 
obviously  and  almost  explicitly  the  corner- 
stone of  our  foreign  policy,  we  failed  to 
build  upon  it.  Even  after  new  war  dangers 
began  to  accumulate,  cooperation  was  still 
erratic  and  uncertain.  In  the  handling  of 
the  Manchurian  crisis  in  1931  or  the  crisis 
over  oil  sanctions  against  Italy  in  1935-36, 
Britain  may  have  proved  a  reluctant  part- 
ner; but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  United 
States  was  a  most  unreliable  one.  Although 
we  ourselves  were  the  principal  authors  of 
the  defense  structure  in  the  Pacific,  we 
failed  to  foresee  what  it  really  implied  or 
to  concert  in  time  those  measures  of  full 
naval  coordination  between  Hawaii,  Singa- 
pore, and  Manila  which  were  so  clearly 
required.  And  the  disasters  of  Pearl  Har- 
bor, the  Gulf  of  Siam,  and  Bataan  were 
the  due  result.  We  cannot  afford  to  fall  for 
a  second  time  into  any  such  chapter  of 
errors. 

For  most  of  these  choices  there  was  a 
great  deal  to  be  said  at  the  time,  and  each 
matter  could  still  be  argued  indefinitely. 
The  point  is  that  although  each  issue  deeply 
affected  Anglo-American  relations,  and 
these  lay  at  the  heart  of  any  sound  Amer- 
ican foreign  policy,  decisions  were  made 
on  particular  policies,  pursued  without  any 
consistent  grasp  of  the  central  issue. 
Whether  they  were  right  or  not  in  detail, 
they  added  up  to  a  whole  which  was 
lamentable. 

We  can  see  now  that  the  naval  rivalry 
of  the  Twenties  made  no  sense;  even 
though  one  must  admit  today  that  the 
American  naval  men  were  technically  right 
in  their  insistence  upon  the  expensive  long- 
radius  cruiser  types  of  which  the  British 
objected  and  which  were  a  chief  bone  of 
contention. 

Similarly,  while  we  may  have  been  right 
in  insisting  upon  the  funding  of  the  war 
debts,  the  policy  made  no  sense  so  long 
as  it  was  pursued  without  any  consideration 
of  its  effects  upon  the  economy  of  Europe, 
in  particular  of  the  strains  which  it  might 
impose  upon  the  nation  with  which  our 
own  destinies  were  so  intimately  and  una- 
voidably linked. 

The  Choices  America  Must  Make 

That  is  the  kind  of  mistake  which  we 
cannot  afford  to  repeat.  That  is  why  it  is 
so  essential  for  American  opinion  (I  do 
not  presume  to  speak  for  the  British)  to 
look  now  more  closely  and  thoughtfully 
into  our  actual  relationship  with  the  other 
great  English-speaking  commonwealth,  and 
try  to  define  as  consciously  and  precisely  as 
may  be  the  bases  upon  which  it  is  to  rest. 
That  is  a  problem  which  presents  itself,  as 
it  were,  on  two  levels. 


(1)  The  broad  question  of  fundamental 
national  policy; 

(2)  The  much  more   detailed  and   per- 
haps  more   difficult  practical   questions   in- 
volved  in   implementing   whatever    funda- 
mental orientation  we  may  adopt. 

Broadly,  a  number  of  possible  alternatives 
appear  to  open  before  us,  though  it  may  be 
doubted  whether,  as  a  nation,  we  will  actu- 
ally enjoy  as  much  freedom  of  choice  in 
the  matter  as  we  are  inclined  to  imagine. 
A  retreat  into  a  complete  and  irresponsible 
isolationism  hardly  lies  any  longer  within 
the  realm  of  the  politically  possible.  Nor, 
it  seems  to  me,  does  the  opposite  extreme  of 
an  ironclad  Anglo-American  federal  union. 

The  peoples  are  certainly  not  ready  for 
that  as  yet,  nor  would  such  a  structure  fit 
easily  into  the  requirements  of  the  general 
international  organization  we  are  trying  to 
establish.  It  would  upset  the  balances  both 
in  Europe  and  in  the  Americas.  It  would 
present  the  British  with  all  the  old  dilem- 
mas between  their  position  first,  as  a  Euro- 
pean power;  and  second,  as  a  rather  small, 
peripheral  member  of  an  oceanic  combina- 
tion. And  it  would  present  the  United 
States  with  all  its  old  dilemmas  between 
the  relative  security  of  the  Western  Hem- 
isphere and  the  responsibilities  of  world 
empire.  Moreover,  it  would  have  a  dan- 
gerous tendency,  at  least,  to  sow  the  seeds 
of  an  ultimate  clash  between  the  Anglo- 
American  and  the  Soviet  giants. 

Short  of  these  extremes,  however,  a 
rather  more  practical  choice  presents  itself. 

While  the  general  international  organiza- 
tion, as  it  is  now  projected,  will  of  course 
impose  very  real  obligations  and  limitations 
upon  its  members,  they  still  will  be  of  a 
rather  loose  character.  Within  their  frame- 
work the  United  States,  while  living  up  to 
all  its  duties,  could  still  pursue  an  otherwise 
completely  independent  and  opportunistic 
course.  We  could  fight  for  raw  material 
sources  or  trade  advantage  in  a  purely 
egotistic  spirit;  we  could  play  Russia  against 
Britain  or  Britain  against  Russia  as  occasion 
might  seem  to  serve,  in  the  accepted  manner 
of  the  past.  Even  as  a  member  of  an  inter- 
national society  we  could  still  pursue  a 
detached  and  narrowly  nationalistic  course. 

The  danger  that  the  United  States  will 
tend  to  resort  to  such  a  course  seems  to 
many  a  much  greater  danger  than  that  of 
an  open  relapse  into  the  professed  non- 
cooperation  and  isolationism  that  we 
adopted  after  1920. 

If  the  American  people  have  really 
learned  the  lesson  that  they  cannot  stand 
alone  in  this  world,  then  we  will  have  to 
go  somewhat  further  than  Dumbarton  Oaks 
or  San  Francisco.  We  will  have  to  find  a 
rather  wider  and  firmer  base  for  a  con- 
tinuing national  policy  than  the  Oaks  plan 
provided.  We  will  have  to  find  some  means 
for  developing  the  larger  kind  of  inter- 
national cooperation  which  must  some  day 
be  infused  into  the  general  organization  if 
it  is  to  serve  the  great  ends  for  which  it 
is  being  designed. 

Theoretically,  no  doubt,  we  might  make 
our  relations  either  with  Russia  or  with 
Great  Britain  the  starting  point  for  such 
a  development.  Practically,  of  course,  there 
is  no  question  which  would  offer  the  most 


fruitful  approach.  Geography,  language, 
culture,  political  and  economic  structure, 
and  the  steady  trend  of  historical  process 
all  combine  to  point  to  a  firm  and  con- 
scious policy  of  Anglo-American  cooper- 
ation— always,  needless  to  say,  within  the 
framework  of  the  general  international  or- 
ganization-— as  the  soundest  possible  begin- 
ning toward  building  a  really  stable  and 
peaceful  international  society. 

Bases  of  Cooperation 

To  make  Anglo-American  cooperation 
the  foundation  of  our  policy  in  the  new 
world  might  ultimately  produce  some  form  » 
of  that  "common  citizenship"  which  Mr. 
Churchill  once  gracefully  envisaged,  but  it 
need  not  involve  a  political  union.  Nor 
should  it  require  a  military  alliance.  One 
fervently  hopes,  indeed,  that  the  general 
organization  will  eliminate  all  lesser  mili- 
tary alliances  from  the  world  as  useless 
anachronisms.  But  it  would,  of  course, 
definitely  and  absolutely  exclude  any  idea 
of  war  between  the  American  and  British 
commonwealths,  and  therewith  exclude  all 
questions  of  armament  competition  or  of 
rivalry  in  securing  bases  and  strategic  posi- 
tions directed  against  each  other.  Moreover, 
while  it  would  not  be  a  military  alliance, 
it  would  accept  as  fundamental  the  prin- 
ciple which  Walter  Hines  Page  once  ex- 
pressed by  saying  that  the  American  and 
British  navies  should  "always  shoot  the 
same  language." 

It  would,  also,  exclude  economic  war- 
fare between  the  two  peoples.  Doubtless  it 
is  too  much  to  hope  that  all  points  of 
economic  conflict  or  competitive  interest 
ever  could  be  eliminated;  indeed,  it  might 
not  be  desirable  to  eliminate  them  even  if 
that  were  possible.  But  effective  Anglo- 
American  cooperation  would  certainly  ex- 
clude any  idea  of  deliberate  trade  wars,  and 
would  estop  either  partner  from  pursuing 
financial  or  commercial  policies  involving 
really  destructive  pressures  upon  the  econ- 
omy of  the  other. 

Finally,  it  seems  to  me  that  a  policy  of 
conscious  cooperation  would  involve  certain 
political  postulates.  Each  partner  would 
have  to  be  willing  to  exercise  a  reasonable 
restraint  in  interfering — even  to  the  extent 
of  gratuitous  advice — in  the  domestic  affairs 
of  the  other  or  in  those  external  questions 
of  peculiar  importance  to  the  other.  The 
United  States  is  not  well  equipped  to  settle 
Britain's  Indian  or  colonial  problems,  just 
as  the  British  Commonwealth  is  not  well 
equipped  to  pass  judgment  upon  our  im- 
migration or  racial  problems  or  our  policies 
in  the  Caribbean  and  South  America. 

There  are  some  points,  today,  perhaps  of 
only  potential  difficulty,  at  which  each  must 
recognize  the  interest  of  the  other  and  ex- 
clude purely  unilateral  solutions.  The  ulti- 
mate fate  of  Hong  Kong,  together  with 
British  policy  toward  China  in  general,  ob- 
viously affects  American  policy  very  closely. 
But  the  ultimate  disposition  of  the  islands 
taken  from  the  Japanese  by  American  arms 
(many  of  them  British  possessions)  obvi- 
ously affects  the  interest  alike  of  the  United 
Kingdom  and  of  Australia,  New  Zealand, 
and  Canada  even  more  intimately.  At  such 
points,  both  peoples  must  recognize  that 


242 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


only  mutually  and  freely  agreed  solutions 
are  permissible.  Neither  can  assume  to  dic- 
tate to  the  other. 

Hopeful  Beginnings 

Such  are  the  terms,  or  some  of  the  terms, 
at  any  rate,  on  which  we  must  make  our 
decision  on  the  first  and  fundamental  level. 
If  the  American  people  decide,  by  and 
large,  to  base  their  policy  in  the  coining 
world  upon  Anglo-American  cooperation, 
they  will  provide  themselves  with  an  his- 
torically strong  platform  on  which  to  work 
toward  the  larger  international  cooperation 
which  still  is  in  only  too  rudimentary  a 
stage. 

They  will  be  able  to  conserve  many,  no 
doubt,  of  the  very  hopeful  beginnings  which 
the  two  peoples  have  already  worked  out 
under  the  stress  of  the  war.  One  thinks  of 
•General  Eisenhower's  astonishing  mixed 


"We  shall  need  an  abiding  faith  in  the  people, 
the  kind  of  faith  and  courage  Franklin  Delano 
Roosevelt  always  had  .  .  .  We  have  learned 
to  fight  with  other  nations  in  common  de- 
fense of  our  freedom.  We  must  learn  to  live 
(and  trade)  with  other  nations  for  our  mutual 
good  ...  so  that  there  may  be  increased 
production,  increased  employment  and  better 
standards  of  living  throughout  the  world." 

— Message  to  Congress,  April  16 


Anglo-American-army-navy-air  force  —  an 
achievement  wholly  unparalleled  in  the  his- 
tory of  modern  war.  One  thinks  of  the 
combined  Chiefs  of  Staff,  one  thinks  of  the 
Shipping  Pool,  and  all  the  other  elaborate 
mechanisms  which  have  actually  married 
two  economies  to  the  one  end  of  producing 
victory. 

One  thinks,  also,  of  the  international  con- 
ferences which  created  UNRRA,  the  Dum- 
barton Oaks  report,  and  the  Bretton  Woods 
report — each  of  them  a  beginning  in  in- 
ternational cooperation  of  a  very  practical 
kind,  each  impossible  without  the  founda- 
tion of  Anglo-American  cooperation.  One 
thinks  of  Moscow,  Teheran,  Yalta  and  San 
Francisco. 

And  one  thinks  of  a  great  many  more  in- 
formal arrangements  and  contacts  and 
avenues  of  mutual  support.  British  and 
American  newspapermen  work  together, 
and  the  official  information  departments  of 
each  country  have  learned  how  to  work 
with  the  press  of  the  other.  British  and 
American  engineers  and  technicians  have 
worked  together  on  as  many  great  projects, 
perhaps,  as  have  the  soldiers.  And  so  on 
through  many  other  kinds  of  human  en- 
deavor. 

Much  of  all  this  existed,  in  a  far  less 
•developed  way,  during  the  first  World 
War.  And  yet  virtually  all  was  tossed  away 
in  the  subsequent  tide  of  reaction  and  war- 
weariness  and  in  the  curiously  senseless 
mood  of  hostility  which  followed  it  in  the 
early  postwar  years.  Most  would  agree  today 
that,  if  we  had  been  less  casual  about  those 
beginnings  of  international  cooperation  be- 


tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
a  quarter  century  ago,  we  would  be  much 
farther  along  the  road  to  a  general  inter- 
national cooperation  today. 

It  is  important  that  our  new  war-forged 
Anglo-American  friendship  be  conscious 
and  continuous,  that  we  decide  to  utilize 
the  wartime  instruments  of  international 
unity  rather  than  let  things  happen,  that 
we  think  about  them  as  developing  tech- 
niques of  a  general  peace. 

Similar  instrumentalities  and  organs  of 
international  cooperation,  on  many  planes 
other  than  the  formal  one  of  diplomatic 
intercourse,  have  begun  to  appear  in  our 
relations  with  Russia,  but  in  nothing  like 
so  mature  a  form  as  they  have  already  as- 
sumed in  relations  between  the  United 


Courtesy  The  New  York  Times 
PRESIDENT  HARRY  S.  TRUMAN 
Drawn  from  life  by  S.  J.  Woolf 

States  and  the  British  Commonwealth.  It 
is  for  precisely  that  reason  that  we  should 
be  at  pains  to  conserve  them  where  they 
now  exist,  in  order  that  they  should  stand 
as  patterns  in  the  future  growth  of  a  gen- 
uine and  working  international  society. 

The  Price  to  Be  Paid 

There  is,  of  course,  a  price  to  be  paid 
for  such  gains.  There  are  some  serious 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  a  policy  of  Anglo- 
American  cooperation,  and  to  enjoy  its 
benefits  we  shall  have  to  meet  the  cost  in 
the  thought  and  effort  needed  to  surmount 
those  difficulties. 

Here  one  is  on  what  I  have  called  the 
second  level  of  the  problem,  that  concern- 
ing the  practical,  day-to-day  details  of  im- 
plementing the  basic  attitude.  I  have  already 
suggested  that  cooperation  carries  its  pol- 
itical implications;  to  fulfill  them  in  prac- 
tice may  not  be  easy.  One  can  say  glibly 
enough  that  each  power  should  leave  it 
to  the  other  to  work  out  its  own  major 
problems.  The  unfortunate  fact  is  that 
where  British  and  American  nationals 
have  been  in  contact  there  has  been  too 
little  readiness  to  accept  that  tolerant  view. 
The  British  are  inclined  to  regard  us  as 
meddlesome  busybodies,  always  prompt  to 


dictate  solutions  for  primarily  British 
dilemmas  concerning  which  we  never  offer 
to  take  the  slightest  responsibility.  And 
Americans  are  inclined  to  see  the  British, 
particularly  in  India  and  Burma,  as  cling- 
ing to  the  trappings  and  perquisites  of  an 
anachronistic  empire  in  which  the  United 
States  can  have  no  interest. 

There  was  something  a  little  alarming  in 
the  extent  to  which  some  American  troops 
in  the  India-Burma  theater  managed  to 
convince  themselves  that  they  were  simply 
being  sacrificed  to  restore  an  outworn 
British  rule  in  which  they  find  no  inspira- 
tion. There  was  something  disturbing  in  the 
reported  reluctance  of  the  American  navy 
in  the  Pacific  to  accept  with  enthusiasm 
British  cooperation  in  the  war  against 
Japan,  and  in  the  idea  in  some  American 
quarters  that  while  we  are  going  to  beat 
the  Japanese,  it  would  be  up  to  the  British 


'•We  represent  the  overwhelming  majority  of 
of  all  mankind  .  .  .  We  must  prevent,  if 
human  mind,  heart  and  hope  can  prevent  it, 
the  repetition  of  the  disaster  from  which  the 
entire  world  will  suffer  for  years  to  come." 

— Broadcast  to  San  Francisco,  April  25 

"We  must  .  .  .  build  an  abiding  peace,  rooted 
in  justice  and  in  law.  We  can  build  (it)  only 
by  ...  working  with  our  Allies  in  peace  as 
we  have  in  war." 

— Broadcast  on  Nazi  Surrender,  May  S 


and  Dutch  to  recover  their  own  former  pos- 
sessions if  they  want  to,  but  no  part  of 
America's  business. 

Some  Americans  apparently  are  con- 
vinced that  the  answer  for  this  situation 
lies  in  the  extension  of  a  supposedly  more 
enlightened,  more  liberal,  American  in- 
fluence over  the  darker  places  of  the  Brit- 
ish and  Dutch  Empires.  To  myself,  I 
confess,  this  seems  a  dangerously  unrealis- 
tic attitude.  That  American  influence,  if 
it  came  down  to  cases,  would  actually  be 
any  more  enlightened  or  liberal  than  the 
British  seems  at  best  a  very  dubious  propo- 
sition; but  at  all  events,  the  whole  ap- 
proach appears  to  be  a  mistaken  one. 
American  troops  are  actually  in  Burma  for 
the  same  reason  that  they  have  been  in 
Germany,  Iceland  or  Guadalcanal — be- 
cause the  security  and  welfare  of  the 
United  States  demand  their  presence  there. 
They  did  not  go  to  Burma  in  the  interests 
of  a  democratic  crusade;  they  could  not 
be  withdrawn  merely  because  we  happened 
to  dislike  certain  aspects  of  British  colonial 
policy.  While  British  policy  may  have  an 
obvious  bearing  upon  their  work  it  can 
only  be  a  secondary  one. 
•  If  a  policy  of  Anglo-American  coopera- 
tion is  adopted  at  all,  it  can  only  be  adopt- 
ed because  it  is  to  the  basic  and  vital 
interest  of  both  great  peoples.  If  both 
start  from  that  firm  foundation  of  mutual 
need  each  can  assist  the  other,  perhaps, 
in  its  political  problems  by  friendly,  "fam- 
ily" discussion.  They  are  unlikely  to  do 
so  unless  the  foundation  is  clearly  recog- 
nized and  accepted. 


MAY     1945 


243 


Such  views,  however,  are  far  from  uni- 
versal in  the  United  States;  and  their  con- 
verse may  be  less  than  universal  among 
the  British  peoples.  The  fact  that  there  is 
a  resultant  residuum  of  real  political  dif- 
ference, which  cannot  be  exorcised  simply 
by  polite  hymns  to  Anglo-American  unity, 
is  a  fact  which  must  be  faced. 

Two  Sides  of  the  Shield 

Probably  the  most  serious  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  implementing  a  policy  of  co- 
operation will  be  found  in  the  economic 
field. 

Many  Americans  are  suspicious  that  the 
British  Commonwealth  may  use  our  con- 
tributions to  the  winning  of  the  war  as 
props  for  maintaining  in  the  peace  an  im- 
perial economic  system  that  might  other- 
wise fall  apart.  Our  military  effort,  these 
Americans  say,  is  winning  back  British 
markets  and  British  opportunities  for 
economic  exploitation;  our  lend-lease  con- 
tributions subsidize,  directly  or  indirectly, 
a  revival  of  British  competition  against  us 
in  Latin  America  and  elsewhere  or  bol- 
ster the  British  position  in  sea  and  air 
carrying  trades  which  our  superior  techni- 
cal resources  entitle-us  to  claim  as  our  own. 

To  many  British  observers,  needless  to 
say,  the  situation  appears  in  a  diametrically 
opposite  light.  The  British  Common- 
wealth, some  of  them  say,  sacrificed  every- 
thing to  a  war  effort  which  the  United 
States  entered  only  tardily.  The  British 
people  stood  in  the  forefront  of  the  bat- 
tle; they  took  the  blitz  and  the  rocket 
bombing,  they  sacrificed  their  foreign  in- 
vestments, they  scrapped  their  whole  ci- 
vilian economy  and  turned  every  produc- 
tive energy  to  the  waging  of  war,  while 
the  Americans  were  either  still  at  peace 
or  were  largely  untouched  by  the  direct 
pains  of  the  struggle. 

We  first  profited  by  their  blood  and 
then  took  their  money;  and  when  we  were 
finally  catapulted  by  the  Axis  attack  into 
a  full  participation  in  the  war,  we  still 
enjoyed  an  accidental  advantage.  While 
Britain  was  concentrating  upon  the  purely 
military  aspects  of  the  common  effort,  the 
United  States  was  allotted  a  major  share 
of  those  war  activities  which  will  retain 
a  peacetime  value. 

Thus,  Britain  built  fighters,  bombers, 
tanks,  military  airfields  on  British  soil,  and 
consumed  her  energies  in  the  repair  and 
Jispersion  of  existing  plant.  Meanwhile, 
for  obvious  and  in  themselves  compelling 
reasons  of  strategy  and  efficiency,  it  fell 
to  the  United  States  to  build  vast  quan- 
tities of  transport  airplanes,  trucks  and  mer- 
chant tonnage,  to  install  globe -girdling 
transport  air  lines  and  build  great  air- 
fields which  would  have  a  commercial  use. 
Safe  from  bombs,  the  immense  war 'plant 
we  installed  could  be  efficiently  designed 
and  located  and  is  therefore  more  readily 
convertible  to  peacetime  use. 

For  such  reasons,  many  Britons  feel 
that  while  they  were  all  but  ruining  their 
own  economy  for  the  common  cause,  the 
United  States  was  profiting  by  the  war  to 
secure  a  competitive  position  of  absolutely 
crushing  strength.  , 

This    feeling    is    almost    certainly    exag- 


gerated— as  exaggerated,  perhaps,  as  the 
American  feeling  that  the  British  are  un- 
duly exploiting  the  American  contributions 
in  order  to  secure  their  own  postwar  posi- 
tion. Actually,  it  is  very  difficult  to  see  any- 
fundamental  conflict  of  economic  interest 
between  the  two  great  commonwealths,  or 
to  see  any  gains  that  either  could  achieve 
through  a  policy  of  ruthless  trade  rivalry 
that  would  not  be  far  outweighed  by  its 
costs.  If  these  mutual  fears  and  suspicions 
were  all  there  were  to  it,  one  could  say 
with  confidence  that,  while  they  might  be 
expected  to  give  rise  to  various  frictions 
here  and  there,  they  would  hardly  create 
any  issues  that  could  not  be  settled  by  the 
ordinary  processes  of  international  give  and 
take  and  normal  competitive  adjustment. 

"Managed  Economy"  vs.  Individualism 

Unfortunately,  however,  there  seems  to 
be  a  deeper  difficulty  beneath  these  points 
of  potential  conflict.  It  springs  from  the 
fact  that  the  British  economy  has  been 
so  clearly  developing  in  a  different  direc- 
tion than  has  that  of  the  United  States — 
or  as  some  would  put  it,  so  much  more 
rapidly  in  the  same  direction.  Many  Amer- 
icans probably  do  not  realize  how  far 
Great  Britain  has  already  gone  toward  a 
"managed"  economy;  nor  understand  how 
firmly  convinced  most  shades  of  British 
opinion  have  become — in  face  of  the  ap- 
palling tasks  of  material  and  social  re- 
construction which  now  confront  them — 
that  the  planned  controls  which  brought 
them  through  the  crisis  of  the  war  will 
have  to  be  maintained  in  large  measure. 
One  need  not  explore  this  tendency  in 
detail  to  recognize  that  it  is  bound  to  add 
to  the  difficulties  of  firm  Anglo-American 
cooperation. 

In  current  British  thought  and  comment 
one  often  observes  anxiety  on  this  score — 
a  definite  fear  that  the  new  Britain  will 
find  it  impossible  to  work  with  American 
"orthodoxy,"  and  an  almost  equally  defi- 
nite resolve  to  make  the  new  Britain  work 
anyway,  regardless  of  whether  American 
opinion  accepts  it  or  not. 

The  conflict  manifests  itself  in  joint 
boards  and  conferences.  For  example,  at 
the  aviation  conference  at  Chicago  the 
British  were  working  toward  a  world  air 
transport  system  that  would  be  interna- 
tionally "planned";  the  Americans  were 
working  for  a  competitive  structure.  The 
difference  in  attitude  sprang  from  an  ob- 
vious conflict  of  immediate  interest;  but 
behind  that  there  was  also  a  conflict  of 
basic  philosophy  that  made  any  com- 
promise of  the  surface  interests  more  dif- 
ficult than  it  otherwise  would  have  been. 

And — another  example —  at  the  bottom 
of  the  recent  debate  over  the  Bretton 
Woods  report  there  is,  somewhat  obscurely 
embedded,  a  conflict  between  the  British 
determination  no  longer  to  be  bound  by 
the  limits  of  orthodox  finance  and  the  de- 
sire of  the  American  banking  community 
to  retain  both  the  controls  and  the  per- 
quisites of  the  old-style  international  money 
market. 

The  issue  may  be  stated,  perhaps,  a 
little  crudely.  The  United  States  promises 
to  emerge  from  the  war  with  enormous 


financial  and  economic  resources  and  with 
an  economic  philosophy  dominated  by  pre- 
war concepts  of  nationalistic  competitive 
enterprise.  Britain  promises  to  emerge 
from  the  war  in  a  condition  of  severe  strain, 
which  at  best  probably  will  demand  a  large 
degree  of  socialistic  planning. 

If  the  United  States  follows  courses  sim- 
ilar to  those  adopted,  under  somewhat 
similar  conditions,  after  the  last  war — if 
we  erect  a  prohibitive  tariff  around  our 
domestic  market — if  at  the  same  time  we 
force  exports  and  claim  a  lion's  share  in  the 
"invisible"  exports  of  the  carrying  trades 
— if  we  use  our  capital  resources  to  crowd 
the  British  out  of  the  development  of  the 
world's  oil  and  other  raw  material  sources 
— if,  in  short,  we  follow  the  usual  pattern 
of  untrammeled  nationalistic  capitalism, 
we  will  be  putting  the  British  under  an  in- 
tolerable pressure. 

And  the  British  will  respond  by  adopt- 
ing a  really  totalitarian  nationalism,  in  the 
economic  sense,  and  utilizing  it  to  fight  us 
on  their  own  terms. 

One  cannot  doubt  that  the  British  would 
like  to  restore,  insofar  as  it  is  now  possible, 
an  international  free  market  on  the  pre- 
1914  pattern.  But  even  an  approximation 
of  such  a  market  will  be  impossible  unless 
the  tremendous  economic  power  of  the 
United  States  is  used  with  a  post-1939  sense 
of  restraint  and  responsibility.  If  it  is  not 
so  used,  the  British  will  certainly  not  ex- 
pose themselves  meekly  to  the  "economic 
blizzards"  which  inevitably  would  result. 

They  have  no  intention  of  accepting 
after  this  war  the  decades  of  unemploy- 
ment and  stagnation  which  they  experi- 
enced after  the  last  one.  If  necessary  to 
avoid  them,  they  will  use  every  uncon- 
ventional device  of  governmental  planning, 
managed  currency,  socialistic  competition, 
which  suggests  itself. 

The  issue  is  real;  again  it  demands 
serious  thought  by  Americans  and  again 
it  cannot  be  met  by  mere  hands-across-the- 
sea  sentiment. 

Let's  Go! 

A  realistic  working  policy  of  Anglo- 
American  cooperation  within  the  frame- 
work of  the  general  world  order  must 
recognize  these  and  other  differences — it 
must  take  account  of  them  and  be  willing 
to  make  the  effort  necessary  to  surmount 
them.  The  effort  would  hardly  seem  to  be 
too  formidable,  in  comparison  with  the 
much  more  gigantic  tasks  that  both  the 
American  and  the  British  peoples  will  face 
in  the  new  world. 

If  this  calls  for  some  readiness  on  the 
part  of  Americans  to  see  the  British  point 
of  view,  for  some  sacrifice  of  short-term 
advantages  or  some  restraint  in  utilizing 
them,  that  will  not  be  simple  altruism.  It 
will,  on  the  contrary,  represent  enlightened 
self-interest,  an  accurate  understanding  of 
where  our  long-term  advantage  really  lies. 
National  policies  are  never  altruistic — or  if 
they  ever  are,  they  are  likely  to  be  unre- 
liable and  their  results  unfortunate. 

The  United  States  must  protect  its  own 
interests,  but  it  must  protect  its  real  and 
permanent  interests,  not  its  passing  or 
illusory  ones. 


244 


Replica  of  St.  Gaudens'  famous  monument  in  Lincoln  Park,  Chicago 


British    Combine 


Lincoln's  Statue  Stands  Unscathed  in  London 

Thanksgiving  Day  Address  by  JOHN  G.  WINANT,  Albert  Hall,  London,  1944 


"The  common  ideals  of  the  English-speaking  peoples  of  the 
world  are  not  ideals  from  which  other  peoples  of  the  world  are 
excluded.  They  are  ideals  which  are  alien  in  no  country  that  loves 
liberty  and  hates  tyranny.  They  are  ideals  which  are  common  to 
all  men  and  women  of  this  earth  who  do  justice,  who  love  mercy, 
and  who  walk  humbly  with  God. 

"In  1941,  when  enemy  bombs  destroyed  the  Commons  Room  of 
the  Parliament,  and  smashed  the  altar  of  Westminster  Abbey,  I 
suggested  that  these  two  hits  symbolized  the  objectives  of  the 
dictator  and  the  pagan.  Across  the  street  from  this  wreckage,  by 
chance  the  statue  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  untouched.  It  seemed 
to  me  at  the  time  that  he  stood  there  quietly  waiting,  certain  of 
support  for  those  things  for  which  he  had  lived  and  died,  for  he 
loved  God,  he  denned  and  represented  democracy,  and  he  hated 
slavery.  .  .  . 

"Since   then   our    soldiers   have    passed   through   England,    not   in 


thousands  but  in  hundreds  of  thousands,  and  crossed  the  Channel 
with  yours,  and  fought  their  way  through  France  with  yours,  and 
are  battling  within  the  frontiers  of  Germany  with  yours  on  their 
way  to  victory. 

"We  are  grateful  that  you  have  joined  us  on  this  day  of  Thanks- 
giving because,  through  common  sacrifice  and  a  sustaining  Provi- 
dence, we  have  been  able  together  to  preserve  our  way  of  life,  and 
have  maintained  a  unity  of  spirit  which  has  made  our  nations 
strong. 

"Our  greatest  harvest  has  been  the  willing  hands  and  the  brave 
hearts  that  have  carried  forward  an  abiding  faith  in  freedom  and 
the  promise  of  an  enduring  peace. 

"When  the  strife  is  over  and  the  battle  done,  grant  us  brother- 
hood not  for  this  day  only,  but  for  the  years  to  come;  hope  without 
despair;  faith  in  humankind;  and  understanding  hammered  out  in 
these  war  years  that  will  unite  the  nations  for  all  times." 


CLOSE-UP 

(Continued  from   page  161) 


European  edition  of  the  New  York  Herald 
Tribune.  That  will  be  flown  across  the 
Channel  in  less  than  two  hours  after  leav- 
ing its  Paris  presses. 

There  are  obstacles  to  these  unique  op- 
portunities for  mass  international  communi- 
cation. We  should  revise  our  tariff  on  books 
— especially  permitting  free  import  of  spe- 
cialized British  works  which  could  hardly 
be  printed  here.  The  British  quota  systems 
for  movies  should  be  modified  to  meet  the 
postwar  world,  and  our  distributors  should 
admit  and  show  every  good  British  film. 
We  must  modernize  our  copyright  laws; 
and  our  commercial  radio  chains  should 
meet  the  British  government  monopoly 
with  a  spirit  of  give  and  take  and  vice 
versa.  We  will  have  irritating  problems  of 
double  taxation.  These  are  unfinished  busi- 
ness to  be  cleared  up  promptly  if  we  are  to 
meet  the  call  of  new  times. 

What  is  significant  is  that  after  the  war, 
more  than  ever  before,  Englishmen  and 
Americans  will  be  poring  over  the  same 
books,  and  seeing  the  same  movies,  and 
hearing  much  of  the  same  radio.  We  shall 
be  reading  the  same  magazine  stories  and 
identical  news. 

The  Correspondents  and  Their  Part 

Already  we  read  more  of  the  same  news 
reports  than  we  know.  On  every  front  the 
British  and  American  correspondents  make 
up  one  big  family.  More  than  a  dozen 
Americans  are  regular  correspondents  for 
British  newspapers;  more  Englishmen  write 
regularly  for  American  papers,  news  agen- 
cies or  syndicates.  Many  American  news- 
papers pick  up  the  work  of  correspondents 
for  London  papers  without  indicating  that 
they  were  originally  written  by  Englishmen 
for  English  readers.  That  would  be  im- 
possible with  correspondents  for  French, 
Scandinavian  or  any  other  papers  on  earth. 
We  and  the  English,  and  only  we  and  the 
English,  have  the  same  sense  of  news 
values.  That  is  another  aspect  of  that  com- 
mon mind  of  which  both  peoples  are  only 
beginning  to  be  aware. 

Yet  if  readers  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean 
(vere  more  aware  of  this  common  mind, 
our  mutual  reporting  would  be  better  than 
it  is.  As  a  wartime  measure,  many  London 
newspapers  have  introduced,  partly  at  the 
demand  of  their  GI  readers,  a  regular  col- 
umn of  American  news  reports  which  they 
did  not  have  before  the  war.  Thus  Eng- 
lishmen are  becoming  more  accustomed  to 
reading  news  about  America.  Nonetheless, 
the  amount  and  quality  of  British  corre- 
spondence from  America  is  still  appallingly 
low  (the  BBC  does  far  better  than  the 
London  papers).  If,  for  their  part,  Ameri- 
can correspondents  are  filing  far  more 
from  London,  their  coverage  still  lacks  both 
continuity  and  depth.  It  tends  to  be  con- 
fined to  the  political  level;  it  has,  in  the 
main,  failed  to  interpret  adequately  the 
deeper  currents  of  life  in  wartime  Britain. 
This  is,  of  course,  a  logical  consequence  of 
the  American  newspaper's  concentration  on 


"spot  news,"  cabled  in  hasty  competition, 
but  it  is  a  fact,  and  it  might  be  an  ominous 
fact. 

Just  as  the  American  correspondents  live 
and  write  in  London,  so  the  London  cor- 
respondents seldom  get  far  away  from  the 
railway  line  that  links  the  New  York  City 
night  clubs  with  Capitol  Hill  and  the  White 
House  in  Washington.  The  English  news- 
paper reader  hears  little  of  New  Hampshire 
town  meetings,  Pittsburgh  foundries,  Wyo- 
ming ranches  or  Columbia  River  irrigation 
projects;  the  American  correspondent  knows 
little,  and  reports  less,  of  Birmingham, 
Oxford,  Plymouth  and  the  North  Riding. 
No  one  knows  either  England  or  America 
who  knows  only  their  parliaments  and  their 
theaters.  A  wide  open  field  awaits  the 
correspondent  who  gets  away  from  the 
capitals,  who  meets,  and  reports,  the  home- 
town people — still  the  core  of  both  nations. 

It  is  possible  that  in  the  subsoil  of  their 
gray  matter,  Americans  are  at  present  more 
aware  of  the  common  mind  of  England  and 
America  than  are  the  English;  possible, 
also,  that  the  English  are,  at  an  upper 
level  of  consciousness,  more  aware  of  im- 
mediate common  interests  in  the  world  at 
large.  This,  if  true,  would  explain  why 
Americans  are  so  easily  and  frankly  and 
sometimes  hurtingly  critical  of  British  poli- 
cies and  politicians,  and  why  we  resent 
such  eccentric  outbursts  of  criticism  of 
America  as  not  long  ago  exploded  in  the 
London  Economist. 

We  should  expect,  as  wartime  exigencies 
moderate,  more  Englishmen  to  express  their 
resentment  with  the  frankness  which  made 
Geoffrey  Crowther  of  the  Economist  sound 
so  like  a  British  edition  of  Colonel  McCor- 
mick  of  the  Chicago  Tribune  when  last 
December  he  blurted  out  his  irritation  at 
American  smugness.  It  was  annoying,  and 
surprising,  coming  from  such  a  friendly  and 
well-informed  source.  Yet  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that,  in  the  long  run,  we'll  both 
get  on  better  when  we  move  our  mutual 
irritations  out  into  the  sunlight. 

"In  the  Family" 

At  our  end,  most  articulate  Americans 
understand  British  politics  and  policies  at 
least  as  well  as  Californians  understand, 
say,  Louisiana  or  North  Dakota  politics, 
and  we  feel  ourselves  as  free  to  comment 
on  them.  For  us  it's  all  in  the  family — 
though  the  British  do  not  always  under- 
stand it  that  way.  They  do  not  appreciate 
how  much  it  means  that  we  haven't  the 
same  easy  familiarity  with  the  names  of 
men  in  France  or  China  or  Russia  as  with 
the  Edens  and  Hoares,  the  Scobies  and 
Wavells,  the  Beveridges  and  Bevinses  of 
England. 

Neither  the  internal  nor  the  external 
problems  of  continental  countries  move  us 
as  do  British  policies.  When  the  Bever- 
idge  Plan  for  social  insurance  was  issued 
two  years  ago,  we  thought  of  it  in  terms 
of  our  own  social  security  program.  Sir 
William's  new  book  on  "Full  Employment 


in  a  Free  Society"  is  as  familiar  to  Ameri- 
can newspaper  readers  as  the  "Full  Em- 
ployment Bill  of  1945"  introduced  in  Janu- 
ary by  our  own  Senators  Murray,  Wagner, 
et  al.  Maynard  Keynes  is  as  recurrent  a 
name  in  discussions  among  American  bank- 
ers and  economists  as  Marriner  Eccles  or 
Beardsley  Ruml. 

Our  cooperatives  are  modeled  after  Brit- 
ish cooperatives,  possibly  too  much  so;  Brit- 
ish employer-worker  relationships  are  part 
of  the  pattern  of  American  thinking  about 
labor.  We  even  argue  the  Indian  question 
so  hotly — and  this  the  British  certainly  do 
not  understand — in  part  because  in  oui 
hearts  we  .know  it  is  a  segment  of  the 
world  problem  of  race  relations  about  which 
we  always,  even  when  we  are  least  con- 
scious of  it,  have  a  guilty  conscience. 

Family  Friction 

This  "family  sense,"  unfortunately,  acts 
most  effectively  at  least  conscious  levels. 
We  don't  let  the  British  in  on  the  secret. 
And  it  sometimes  fails  us  at  critical  mo- 
ments. It  was  a  curious  phenomenon,  for 
instance,  during  the  tense  Greek  crisis, 
that  so  much  American  reaction  which 
might  have  been  quite  helpful  was  ex- 
pressed in  lump  criticism  of  "England." 
Possibly  this  was  in  part  the  fault  of  oui 
own  American  correspondents.  The  fact 
is  that  at  that  very  time  the  overwhelming 
bulk  of  the  British  press,  including  the 
London  Times,  was  crusading  passionately 
against  the  Churchill-Scobie  policy  in 
Greece.  The  terms  in  which  American 
criticism  was  often  voiced — again  in  part 
due  to  the  way  in  which  it  was  reported 
to  London — tended  to  irritate  and  hamper 
Englishmen  in  confronting  a  situation 
which  appalled  them. 

We  might  well  have  realized,  and  said, 
that  General  Scobie's  policy  was  a  calami- 
tous continuance  of  the  American  policy 
in  North  Africa  which  had  been  carried 
on,  with  variations,  jointly  by  Americans 
and  Englishmen  in  Italy.  We  might  have 
recognized  that  in  our  opposition  to  it  we 
had  the  mass  of  England  with  us.  Instead, 
too  many  Americans  talked  as  if  an  im- 
peccably liberal  America  were  horrified  at 
an  impenitently  imperialist  Britain.  That 
was  pretty  silly. 

If  we  are  liberals,  we  liave  in  England 
allies  who  speak  our  language.  If  we  are 
conservatives,  again  we  have  in  England 
allies  who  speak  our  language.  The  sub- 
soil of  the  debate  is  the  same.  We  are 
closer  to  England,  in  time  of  travel,  in 
habits  of  thought,  in  figures  of  speech,  in 
the  tunes  we  hum,  the  slang  we  use,  the 
witticisms  of  daily  life,  than  we  were  to 
Canada  when  together  we  gave  up  forti- 
fying that  long  frontier  to  our  north.  By 
the  same  tokens,  we  are  closer  to  England 
today  than  our  new  states  were  to  each 
other  when  revolting  British  colonies  in  the 
New  World  formed  our  federal  Union. 

If  we  awaken  to  realization  of  the  depth 
of  that  unity,  the  rest  still  may  not  be 
easy.  At  least  it  will  be  no  more  difficult 
than  were  the  problems  of  building  this 
Union  of  ours  a  little  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  ago. 


246 


THE  ONE  PEACE  PLAN  That  Has  Always  Worked 

You  have  read  and  listened  to  so  much  about  peace  that  you  probably  feel  nothing  remains 
to  be  said.  Yet,  realizing  this  surfeit  of  peace  articles,  we  have  chosen  one  for  the  lead 
feature  in  the  May  AMERICAN  MERCURY.  It  is  that  kind  of  article  —  one  that  simply  cannot 
be  by-passed  by  editor  or  reader.  The  way  to  permanent  peace  is  not  via  the  Yalta  and 
San  Francisco  routes,  not  by  repeating  the  mistakes  of  World  Peace  I,  not  by  a  League 
of  Nations  with  a  new  name,  nor  by  an  international  police  force  nor  a  universal  debating 
society.  Emery  Reves  has  an  idea  — new  in  the  discussion  of  future  peace,  yet  tried  and 
tested  through  many  centuries.  This  distinguished  writer  and  thinker,  author  of  the  widely 
acclaimed  "Democratic  Manifesto,"  expresses  a  concept  so  fundamental  that  all  othei 
proposed  peace  plans  must  be  measured  by  it.  Read  ''The  New  League  and  the  Next  War." 

SHALL  WE  RETALIATE  ON  WAR  PRISONERS? 

The  entire  country  is  shocked,  horrified,  at  the  Nazi  mistreatment  of  prisoners  of  war. 
Yet  we  hear  rumors  of  extraordinary  consideration  for  German  prisoners  in  our  hands. 
What  is  the  truth  of  the  matter?  Precisely  how  do  we  handle  our  prisoners  and  why?  Are 
they  abused,  mollycoddled,  treated  sensibly?  Do  they  get  food  and  privileges  denied  to 
our  civilians?  What  is  the  effect  of  our  policy  upon  German  soldiers  in  the  field  and  upon 
American  prisoners  in  German  hands?  No  less  an  authority  than  the  Provost  Marshal 
General  himself,  the  officer  in  charge  of  all  prisoners,  describes  our  policies,  methods,  and 
results.  This  is  the  War  Department  report  —  official,  authoritative,  factual,  detailed.  Read 
"The  Army  Reports  on  Prisoners  of  War"  by  Major  General  Archer  L.  Lerch. 

THE  AMERICAN  MERCURY-for  May-Now  ON  SALE 

Are  the  oil  wells  and  strategic  needs  in  the  Near  East  brewing  a  fresh  cause  of  war? 
Read  The  Big  Three  in  the  Near  East  by  Andre  Visson.  Read  Senator  Ball  of  Min- 
nesota, a  frank  analysis  by  Roscoe  Drummond.  East  and  West  by  Pearl  Buck  will 
help  you  to  understand  the  Orient.  The  Behavior  of  Pain  by  Betsey  Barton  is  an  im- 
portant aid  in  removing  the  psychological  barrier  erected  about  our  wounded  veterans. 
Claire  Phillips  tells  her  own  story  of  her  career  as  an  American  spy  in  the  Philippines, 
and  Stewart  H.  Holbrook  produces  a  history  of  Dorothea  Dix  who,  a  century  ago, 
waged  single-handed  war  for  humane  treatment  of  the  insane.  Rollin  Kirby,  dean 
of  the  American  cartoonists,  writes  an  appreciation  of  Low,  the  great  British 
caricaturist.  Channing  Pollack  tells  good-humoredly  about  The  Plagiarism  Racket. 
There's  Willard  Shelton  on  The  Wartime  Press  and  Labor.  Leona  Alberts  Wassersug 
writes  about  Prostigmine  —  A  New  Wonder  Drug.  There's  a  typical  Mercury  story 
by  Marjorie  Stengel.  And  we  have  George  Jean  Nathan  and  Alan  Devoe,  both  in 
fine  form,  and  the  usual  departments,  The  Library,  Check  List,  and  Open  Forum. 
Altogether  a  vibrant,  stimulating  issue— varied,  thought-provoking,  readable. 

Unpopular  Truths 

THE  AMERICAN  MERCURY  is  deservedly  unpopular  with  ostriches  and  yes-men.  That  is 
because  it  does  not  hesitate  to  tell  an  unpopular  truth,  regardless  of  the  price  in  circula- 
tion loss.  It  dares  to  make  enemies.  It  has  no  vested  interest  in  a  point  of  view.  It  believes 
in  facing  dangers  instead  of  ignoring  them.  It  believes  as  a  fundamental  creed  in  the  cura- 
tive powers  of  the  printed  page.  It  dares  to  oppose  facts  to  prejudices  no  matter  how  deep- 
seated.  But  for  the  sake  of  its  own  publishing  conscience,  it  does  not  dare  to  distort,  neglect, 
or  conceal  the  truth.  THE  MERCURY  "calls  'em  as  it  sees  'em." 


PUBLISHER 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 
247 


-K 


I 


"THE  TIME  HAS  COME  for  the  free  people 
to  sit  down  and  do  their  own  thinking.  The 
politicians  cannot  save  us.  The  generals  cannot 
save  us.  Only  ourselves  will  save  us. 

"THIS  BOOK  IS  an  attempt  to  examine  the 
people's  need  and  to  inquire  where  their  benefit 
lies.  If  the  case  is  examined  truly,  an  answer 
must  come  clear  and  point  us  to  a  course  of 
action.  But  the  inquiry  must  be  honest  and 
cautious." 

—so  begins  THE  GREAT  UNION,  a  popular 
treatment  of  the  much-discussed  plan  for  a 
federal  union  of  the  democracies.  Written  by 
David  Cort,  one  of  the  editors  of  LIFE,  in  an 
easy-to-read  text  reinforced  with  many  dramatic 
and  fitting  photographs. 

".   .   .  reaches    the   heart,   brain  and   the 
eye." — mmjt    Dorothy    Canfield     Fisher. 

This  is  a  plan  every  responsible  citizen  should 
know.  A  program  no  one  can  appraise  until 
he  truly  understands  it.  Make  your  inquiry 
now  by  reading  this  timely  book.  Ask  for  it  at 
your  booksellers,  or  send  $1  and  your  address 
with  this  request:  "I  want  to  read  The  Great 
Union,"  to: 


FEDERAL   UNION,    Inc. 

700   Ninth   Street   NW 
Washington   1,   D.  C. 

We'll  Send  You  A  Copy 


BACK  THE  ATTACK 
BUY  WAR  BONDS 


TRAVEL  IN  CANADA 


FBIENDS  OF  BRITAIN 

When  You  Will  Think  Of 

POST-WAR 
HOLIDAYS 

You  Will  Remember 

NOVA  SCOTIA 

Canada's  Ocean  Playground 

Where 

British  North  America 
Began 

WISTFUL  SCENIC  BEAUTY  —  MODERN 
ROADS— TEMPERATE  CLIMATE— WELL 
APPOINTED  HOTELS  —  HOSPITABLE 
PEOPLE. 

For  Particulars  Write 

Nova  Scotia  Bureau  of  Information 

Province  House,  Halifax 


PACIFIC  BASIN  AND  INDIA 

(Continued  from  page  202) 


House  in  St.  James  Square,  London.  Half 
of  those  present  were  British  and  half 
American,  and  they  constituted  his  imme- 
diate staff  at  the  start.  With  his  charac- 
teristic genial,  human  smile,  the  general 
stood  on  a  chair  and  began  by  saying  he 
hoped  a  phrase  he  had  repeatedly  heard 
would  never  be  used  again  at  Norfolk 
House.  For  each  function  at  SHAEF,  a 
Briton  and  an  American  had  paired  off. 
Each  referred  to  the  other  as  his  "opposite 
number."  From  then  on,  he  announced, 
there  would  be  no  "opposite  numbers." 

The  staff  was  a  team,  a  unit  engaged 
in  a  common  task.  _  They  were  no  longer 
primarily  Englishmen  or  Americans.  They 
were  a  single  group  in  the  service  not  only 
of  their  own  countries  but  of  all  the 
United  Nations — of  humanity  as  a  whole. 

It's  history,  now,  how  General  "Ike" 
succeeded  in  welding  men  of  disparate 
backgrounds  into  a  mighty  international 
team. 

Here  lies  the  basis  of  a  great  hope  for 
the  future.  After  V-J  Day  much  of  the 
world  will  feel  that  the  necessity  for  in- 
ternational cooperation  will  diminish.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  the  precise  opposite  will 
be  true.  "The  savage  wars  of  peace"  will 
require  greater  statesmanship,  greater  mu- 
tual accommodation,  greater  intellectual 
and  political  insight  than  ever  before. 

Japan 

Take  Japan,  China,  and  India.  The  gulf 
between  some  British  and  some  American 
thinking  with  respect  to  the  treatment  of 
Japan  in  defeat  is  as  great  as  that  which 
is  said  to  exist  between  sections  of  British 
and  French  opinion  vis-a-vis  Germany.  Or 
broadening  the  base,  Great  Britain,  the 
United  States,  China,  France,  the  Soviet 
Union  and  India  have  some  attitudes  in 
common,  some  that  may  conflict.  All  want 
to  see  Japan's  militarism  permanently 
crushed.  There  is  general  agreement  on  un- 
conditional surrender;  but  as  to  what  next, 
attitudes  vary,  not  so  much  along  national 
lines  as  accocding  to  political  and  economic 
outlooks  running  through  all  the  countries. 

In  the  last  analysis,  answers  hang  on  the 
larger  question  as  to  how  successful  the 
United  Nations  will  be  in  creating  effec- 
tive international  machinery  for  security 
and  economic  development.  Within  this 
framework,  there  is  considerable  divergence 
as  to  objectives,  methods  and  timing  in  the 
Far  East.  Among  the  factors  to  be  reck- 
oned with  are  the  internal  economic  con- 
sequences of  a  long  war;  the  extent  of 
disarmament,  reparations,  and  economic 
controls  to  be  imposed  upon  Japan  by  the 
United  Nations;  the  ability  of  the  Japanese 
to  revive  their  industrial  strength;  postwar 
world  economic  conditions,  possibilities  of 
Japanese  access  to  raw  materials  and  mar- 
kets, and  finally  the  relative  economic  and 
military  strength  not  only  of  the  United 
Nations  security  system  as  a  whole,  but  of 
individual  nations  in  the  Pacific  area  vis- 


a-vis Japan's  postwar  industrial  potential. 

At  the  Hot  Springs  Conference,  some 
participants  believed  total  defeat  would 
oblige  the  Japanese  to  reconsider  the  whole 
range  of  political  and  social  assumptions 
underlying  their  society.  They  might  or 
might  not  reach  conclusions  that  would 
meet  with  United  Nations  approval.  Others 
thought  that  there  was  almost  certain  to 
be  hatred  of  the  victors — and  especially  of 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.* 

Along  with  this,  however,  there  would 
be  a  desire  to  understand  the  secret  of  Al- 
lied success.  The  middle  or  upper  class 
might  try  to  emulate  the  Western  demo 
racies;  the  working  class  copy  the  USSI 

There  was   speculation  that  the  end 
the   war — and   with   it   the   defeat   of   tfr 
Japanese   rulers   who   had   so  severely   op 
pressed   the   people — might  be  popular 
certain  quarters  in  Japan.     Pre-Pearl  Har- 
bor strikes  in  several  war  industries  wer 
cited  in  which  anti-war  slogans  were  raisec 
The  evidence  was  thought  far  too  slende 
to  count  upon,  but  note  was  taken  of  the 
potentialities  of  anti-fascist  Japanese,   who 
have    been    captured    or    who    have    sur- 
rendered in  China,  as  supporters  of  peace- 
ful, democratic  development. 

China — and  the  Commonwealths 

Australia  and  New  Zealand  have  made 
a  special  contribution  to  the  future  of  the 
Pacific  by  signing  what  is  known  as  the 
Anzac  Agreement — grounded  on  their 
prewar  knowledge  of  Japan,  and  under 
lined  by  events  following  the  attacks  01 
Hong  Kong,  Singapore  and  Pearl  Harbor. 
In  this  they  have  done  more  than  out- 
line the  kind  of  international  structure  in 
which  they  wish  to  live.  They  have  held 
up  an  object  lesson  to  the  world. 

Some  Americans  profess  that  London 
is  less  enthusiastic  than  Washington  to- 
ward a  strong,  united,  independent  China. 
They  assert  that  fairly  powerful  British  in- 
fluences have  been  trying  to  persuade  the 
Foreign  Office  that  British  needs  would  be 
better  served  by  a  "sphere  of  influence" 
China  than  by  a  united  China.  Doubt- 
less there  is  a  small  handful  of  English- 
men who  would  prefer  special  privileges 
in  special  areas,  to  the  development  of 
China  as  a  powerful  modern  state.  Yet 
for  almost  every  Englishman  who  would 
like  to  see  the  British  regain  special  ad- 
vantages, say  in  the  Yangtze  valley,  one 
could  find  an  American  who  would  like  the 
same  sort  of  thing  for  American  business. 

An  American  with  considerable  experi- 
ence in  India  has  declared:  "India  is  an 
Anglo-American  problem."  This  is  an 
oversimplification,  for  at  a  minimum  it  is 
an  Anglo-Indian-American-Chinese  prob- 
lem. China  feels  she  can  never  be  free 
so  long  as  her  great  sister-neighbor  is  still 

*  Readers  interested  in  further  study  of  such  ques- 
tions are  referred  to  the  chapter  on  "The  Future  of 
Japan"  in  "Security  in  the  Pacific" — Report  of  the 
Hot  Springs  Conference,  Institute  of  Pacific  Rela- 
tions. New  York,  1945. 


: 

* 


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248 


swathed  in  colonialism  and  Asiatics  are 
held  up  as  needing  tutors. 

Many  Westerners  feel  that  China  herself 
will  drag  at  her  destiny  so  long  as  the 
country  is  divided  and  antiquated  privilege 
cramps  the  development  of  her  great  natur- 
al resources — and  the  blueprints  of  Sun 
Yat-sen  for  the  Chinese  Republic  have  still 
to  be  put  to  work. 

As  stalemate  has  followed  stalemate  in 
India,  the  British  have  been  regarded  as 
intransigent  by  the  Chinese  no  less  than 
by  the  Indians. 

India 

Some  Americans  felt  that  their  mere  pres- 
ence in  wartime  India  has  tended  to  iden- 
tify American  policy  there  with  British 
policy.  Others,  eager  to  see  India  look 
to  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
for  economic  and  cultural  cooperation,  have 
come  to  believe  that  the  only  great  power 
to  which  India  is  likely  to  look  is  Rus- 
sia because  of  what  Owen  Lattimore'  un- 
derscores in  his  recent  book,  "Solution 
in  Asia."  In  a  remarkable  chapter  on  "Poli- 
tics of  Attraction,"  he  points  out  that  the 
Soviet  Union  has  dealt  with  those  who 
had  been  classified  under  the  Tsar  as 
"colonial  peoples,"  in  ways  which  have 
led  Indians  of  many  schools  of  thought 
to  feel  the  USSR  has  the  most  to  offer  in 
the  treatment  of  racial  minorities,  in  health, 
education,  scientific  advancement,  and  in- 
dustrial and  agricultural  progress. 

Americans  have  India  very  much  on 
their  consciences.  Many  of  them  express 
opinions  similar  to  those  of  Tommy  Atkins 
in  the  malarial  jungles  of  Burma  when  he 
grouses  about  British  imperialism.  None- 
theless, it  is  well  to  realize  that  Britain  has 
far  greater  responsibilities  in  Asia  and  the 
Pacific  than  the  United  States  has  ever 
assumed,  either  prior  to  Pearl  Harbor  or 
since.  Britain  has  dug  deep  into  this  vast 
area.  Responsible  Englishmen  know  that 
they  simply  cannot  clear  out  overnight. 
Progressive  Americans  can  best  aid  their 
own  country,  the  subject  peoples  of  India, 
and  Great  Britain  herself  by  recognizing 
these  British  responsibilities,  by  acquainting 
themselves  with  the  unfolding  of  a  more 
progressive  British  policy  (as  shown  in 
British  press  comments  on  Zafrulla  Khan's 
recent  London  speech)  and  by  backing 
every  democratic  British  move  in  the  whole 
Pacific  area. 

Under  pressure  from  the  Indian  opposi- 
tion and  from  enlightened  public  opinion 
in  the  United  Kingdom,  the  British  author- 
ities have  shown  considerable  genius  in  the 
art  of  conciliation.  By  a  friendly  and  con- 
structive attitude,  Americans  can  aid  both 
the  British  and  the  Indians  in  making  those 
major  compromises  and  readjustments  for 
which  the  whole  world  waits.  If  Sir  Staf- 
ford Cripps  had  had  more  latitude,  Indian 
leaders  more  statesmanship,  the  world 
might  have  witnessed  yet  another  example 
of  constructive  British  compromise. 

It  is  to  the  interest  not  only  of  India  and 
Britain  but  of  the  United  States  to  back 
affirmative  proposals  advanced  in  the  near 
future  by  His  Majesty's  Government  and 
by  responsible  Indian  leaders.  It  remains  to 
be  seen  whether  a  new  Cripps  will  emerge 


in  a  role  similar  to  that  of  General  Smuts 
as  healer  in  South  Africa,  or  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  as  emancipator  in  the  United  States. 

In  1942,  certain  highly  placed  Indians 
advanced  the  idea,  probably  with  some 
official  British  support,  that  an  exploratory 
commission  on  Indian  constitutional  matters 
should  be  instituted,  representing  the  vari- 
ous political  parties.  It  was  proposed,  also, 
that  an  expert  United  Nations  advisory 
committee  be  set  up.  Neither  proposal  has 
been  implemented  as  yet  in  ways  which 
might  break  the  bitter  deadlock. 

But  a  reading  of  the  recent  British  press 
suggests  that  even  now  the  British  Prime 
Minister  may  be  supporting  the  Cabinet  and 
the  India  Office  in  preparing  new  steps. 

Constructive  Compromise 

For  years  the  Soviet  Union  had  no  more 
virulent  foe  than  Winston  Churchill.  Yet 
when  the  very  life  of  England  and  the 
Empire  was  at  stake  he  rose  to  great  stature 
in  linking  British  and  Soviet  war  aims  as 
identical.  Churchill's  former  contempt  for 
the  Bolsheviks  was  probably  as  deep-seated 
as  any  feeling  he  has  against  the  Indian 
Nationalists.  He  bridged  one  seemingly  im- 
passable gulf,  with  his  rare  imagination 
and  cosmic  human  qualities.  He  could 
match  this  by  striking  hands  with  the  peo- 
ple of  India,  by  sitting  down  with  their 
leaders  and  enlisting  their  concert  as  some- 
thing as  indispensable  in  peace  as  that  of 
the  Russians  in  war.  The  Prime  Minister 
has  been  of  no  mind  to  preside  over  the 
liquidation  of  the  British  Empire.  He 
would  not  be  doing  that  in  such  a  move. 
Rather,  once  more,  he  would  be  writing 
tremendous  history.  Why  then  turn  it  over 
to  Cripps  again,  to  Nehru,  Auchinleck  and 
Zafrulla  Kahn,  or  to  the  Generalissimo,  to 
Stalin  or  Truman?  Why  doesn't  Mr. 
Churchill  do  the  job  himself? 

Indian  leaders,  on  the  other  hand,  may 
shortly  have  an  opportunity  to  demonstrate 
their  own  political  maturity.  They  have 
reason  to  take  British  assurances  with  a 
pinch  of  salt,  but  some  among  them  believe 
that  the  hallmark  of  Indian  statesmanship 
will  be  to  forget  the  past  and  begin  treating 
the  British  as  the  Indians  want  the  British 
to  treat  them.  Indian  leaders  may  yet  arise 
and  say  to  Britain:  "You  have  promised  us 
freedom.  We  have  come  for  it  to  a  people 
who  keep  their  promises." 

If  things  are  allowed  to  drift,  the  peace 
of  the  world  may  be  endangered,  for 
India's  industrial  potential,  under  the  spur 
of  the  war,  has  become  as  great  as  her 
agricultural  potential. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  conserving 
Anglo-American  understanding  and  coop- 
ation,  it  behooves  people  in  the  United 
States  to  become  much  better  informed  on 
India's  deadlock,  on  Britain's  responsibilities 
and  moves.  Americans  have  only  themselves 
to  blame  if  their  principal  sources  of  in- 
formation as  to  India  are  largely  propa- 
gandist, from  one  side  or  the  other.  To  date 
no  American  university  has  a  competent 
department  of  Indian  studies  with  library 
facilities  and  with  personnel  comparable  to 
those  which  serve  international  relations  in 
other  fields.  The  same  is  true  for  Burma, 
(Continued  on  page  250) 


"WE  FEEL  at  HOME 

in  Britain" 


™,  - 

•; 


An  American  soldier  wrote  those 
words.  "Do  you  wonder,"  his 
letter  read,  "we  feel  at  home  in 
Britain  after  we  have  seen  the  orig' 
inal  stars  and  stripes  on  George 
Washington's  armorial  shield  over 
the  door  at  Sulgrave  Manor?" 

Generations  of  visitors  have  felt 
that  same  stirring  of  the  pulse 
when  seeing,  for  the  first  time, 
that  ancestral  home  — so  dear  to 
American  hearts. 

And,  along  the  railways  and 
highways  of  Britain  are  countless 
other  places  whose  names  awaken 
thoughts  of  home  in  the  minds 
of  these  welcome  visitors. 

Today,  in  time  of  war,  British 
Railways  are  giving  service  to  the 
uniformed  sons  and  daughters  of 
the  nation  which  joined  us  once 
before  in  the  fight  for  democracy. 
Tomorrow,  those  namesake  cities 
and  towns— all  Britain— will  wel' 
comeyou  and  makeyoufeelat  home! 


Representation  in  America  is  maintained 
through    cur    General  Traffic   Manager, 
T.  D.  Slattery,  9  Rockefeller  Plaza, 
20,  K  T. 


Rooms  or  apartments  to 

rent?  Advertise  them  in 

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249 


(Continued  from  page  249) 
Malaya,  Indo-China,  Thailand,  and  other 
areas  of  the  Pacific  Basin.  At  huge  expense, 
the  U.  S.  army  and  navy  have  been  labori- 
ously trying  to  fill  in  the  gaps  by  high 
pressure  language  teaching,  by  utilizing 
travelers,  nationals,  and  the  relatively  sub- 
stantial sources  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific 
Relations. 


But  just  as  the  Institute's  studies  of  China 
must  be  supplemented  by  wholly  new 
programs  of  university  research,  so  Amer- 
ican colleges,  research  institutions,  and 
public  schools  should  become  authentic 
sources  for  understanding  of  India  and 
southeastern  Asia,  and  of  the  needs,  the 
natural  resources,  the  aims  of  a  billion 
people  just  across  a  shrunken  ocean. 


NORTHERN  NEIGHBORS 

(Continued  from  page  227) 


In  peace  the  conflict  of  aim  and  interest 
between  English  and  French  Canadian 
tends  to  subside.  The  entente  is  resumed, 
though  it  is  never  cordial.  But  in  peace  as 
in  war,  Canada  is  subject  to  strains  caused 
by  the  anomaly  of  her  position  as  a  North 
American  nation,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
member  of  the  worldwide  British  Com- 
monwealth on  the  other;  as  ally,  friend, 
neighbor,  and  protege  of  the  United  States 
and  as  a  young  nation  still  attached  by 
ties  of  family,  tradition,  constitution,  and 
economic  interest  to  her  Mother  Country, 
Great  Britain. 

On  behalf  of  the  French  Canadian,  it 
can  be  said  that  no  sentimental  attachment 
to  France  complicates  his  loyalty  to  Canada. 
English  Canada,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
founded  by  loyal  subjects  of  George  III 
who  preferred  a  new  life  of  hardship  in 
the  forests  of  the  north  to  acceptance  of 
the  American  Revolution.  Today,  less  than 
half  Canada's  population  is  of  British  de- 
scent, but  the  descendants  of  the  "United 
Empire  Loyalists"  count  for  more  than 
their  numbers  so  that,  in  important  issues 
involving  "loyalty"  to  the  Mother  Country, 
the  word  Canadian  becomes  almost  auto- 
matically synonymous  with  the  word  Brit- 
ish. It  was  so  in  the  last  war.  It  was  so 
in  1912  when  the  proffer  of  commercial 
"reciprocity"  by  the  United  States  was  re- 
jected by  Canada  because  some  of  its  Amer- 
ican advocates  urged  it  as  a  step  toward 
annexation.  It  is  still  so. 

The  Vanishing  Border 

At  the  same  time  even  the  most  ardent 
Canadian  imperialist  finds  it  impossible  to 
look  at  the  map  without  realizing  that 
Canada  and  the  United  States  are  within 
the  same  orbit.  If  he  had  any  illusions 
about  the  matter,  this  war  must  have  dis- 
pelled them.  It  has  resulted  in  an  integra- 
tion of  the  defenses  and  economies  of  the 
two  countries  which  has  practically  abol- 
ished the  border.  Five  joint  committees  co- 
ordinate Canadian-American  war  activities, 
whether  in  the  fields  of  defense,  economics 
or  war  production.  The  Alaskan  High- 
way, 1,500  miles  long,  was  built  by  United 
States  engineers  with  American  labor  and 
dollars;  so  was  the  "Canol"  project  for 
the  exploitation  of  the  Fort  Norman  oil- 
fields in  Canada's  north.  Millions  of  Amer- 
ican dollars  have  been  expended  on  the 
construction  of  airplane  routes  and  bases 
in  Canada.  The  United  States  Army  has 
been  permitted  to  exercise  authority  over 
these  temporary  extra-territorial  installations 
in  a  manner  which  to  some  Canadians 


seemed  seriously  to  challenge  Canada's  sov- 
ereignty. Yet,  the  fact  that  the  exercise  of 
this  jurisdiction  has  given  rise  to  no  "inci- 
dents" or  other  interruptions  of  Canadian- 
American  amity  has  been  a  striking  demon- 
stration of  the  instinctive  ability  of  Cana- 
dians and  Americans  to  cooperate  with 
each  other. 

The  facts  that  the  United  States  and 
Britain  were  close  allies,  and  that  Britain 
herself  had  set  the  example  by  granting 
bases  to  the  United  States  in  the  West  In- 
dies, Bermuda,  and  Newfoundland,  made 
matters  easier.  No  question  of  "disloyalty" 
to  Britain  arose,  and  such  an  issue  might 
have  been  depended  on  to  cause  more  con- 
troversy than  any  temporary  surrender  of 
Canada's  sovereignty  to  the  United  States. 

Canada's  present  government  has  seemed 
to  fear,  rather,  that  Canadian  sovereignty 
might  be  compromised  by  too  close  associ- 
ation with  Britain.  This  feeling  is  un- 
doubtedly a  legacy  of  Canada's  days  of 
adolescence  when,  in  the  process  of  becom- 
ing a  nation,  she  had  to  break  loose  from 
colonial  leading  strings.  She  came  formally 
of  age  in  1931  when  the  Statute  of  West- 
minster recognized  her  as  an  autonomous 
nation  coequal  with  Britain,  under  the 
same  king.  Sometimes  she  seems  not  to 
trust  herself  to  hold  her  own  in  any  or- 
ganization of  the  British  Commonwealth 
of  Nations  designed  to  achieve  a  common 
foreign  policy.  This  feeling — and  the  fear 
that  it  might  embarrass  her  close  relations 
with  the  United  States — led  her  government 
to  reject  a  proposal  made  last  year  by  Lord 
Halifax  for  the  British  government,  and 
endorsed  by  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and 
South  Africa,  that  the  dominions  should 
cooperate  with  the  United  Kingdom  not 
only  to  win  wars  but  to  prevent  them. 

Mr.  King  said  "No"  in  the  Canadian 
Parliament  to  Lord  Halifax's  proposal  and 
he  said  it  again  at  the  Imperial  Conference 
in  London  in  1944.  There  he  argued  elo- 
quently against  any  attempt  to  establish  a 
separate  bloc  of  British  nations  or  to  limit 
their  freedom  in  dealing  with  peoples  out- 
side the  Commonwealth.  The  unity  of  the 
Commonwealth,  he  urged,  must  be  based 
on  principles  which  could  be  applied  uni- 
versally. Canada,  in  particular,  must  ever 
work  to  maintain  a  fraternal  association  of 
the  British  and  American  peoples. 

In  this  position,  Mr.  King  identified  him- 
self with  the  position  sometimes  expressed 
by  the  American  State  Department,  that  a 
world  peace  organization  must  spring  full 
armed  from  otherwise  completely  indepen- 
dent and  uncommitted  sovereign  nations, 
rather  than  be  built  up  by  the  marriage  of 


groups  of  nations  associated  on  the  basis 
of  regionalism  or  racial  affinity. 

Yet  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  effective 
world  organization  for  peace  with  unlim- 
ited national  sovereignty  would  seem  ob- 
vious. If  the  British  Commonwealth  of 
Nations  finds  it  impossible  to  achieve  a 
common  foreign  policy  because  it  would 
"limit  their  freedom,"  the  hope  that  other 
nations  will  do  so  would  seem  almost 
negligible.  Moreover,  Canada  can  hardly 
make  full  use  of  her  unique  position  to 
"maintain  a  fraternal  association  of  the 
British  and  American  peoples"  unless  she 
is  able  to  influence  the  foreign  policies  of 
the  British  government,  and  it  is  impossible 
for  Canada  to  do  this  while  she  declines 
even  to  be  consulted  about  the  formulation 
of  these  policies  for  fear  of  becoming  for- 
mally responsible  for  them. 

Canada's  refusal  to  cooperate  balked  the 
hope  of  the  British  government  that  in 
the  closer  integration  of  its  Empire  it  could 
find  a  source  of  new  strength  which  would 
enable  it  to  deal  on  more  equal  terms  with 
those  continental  colossi — the  USA  and  the 
USSR.  Later,  the  British  tended  to  the 
alternative  policy,  recommended  by  Field 
Marshal  Smuts,  of  seeking  hegemony  over 
a  bloc  of  West  European  nations,  looking 
apparently  to  regionalism  rather  than  ra- 
cialism for  a  solution  of  difficulties. 

The  CCF — and  Election  Possibilities 

The  consequences  may  be  fateful  for 
Britain.  For  Canada,  Mr.  King's  choice 
would  chart  a  future  as.  a  North  American 
nation  in  ever  closer  association  with  the 
United  States.  It  is  not  impossible  that  his 
Liberal  Party  may  go  out  of  power  in  the 
1945  election;  but  it  might  be  succeeded 
by  the  Cooperative  Commonwealth  Feder- 
ation, the  members  of  which,  as  socialists 
concerned  primarily  with  policies  of  do- 
mestic reform,  tend  to  another  pattern  of 
isolationism. 

Not  yet  a  dozen  years  old,  the  Coopera- 
tive Commonwealth  Federation  has  pros- 
pered with  the  disintegration  of  the  Con- 
servative Party  which  it  has  replaced,  to  all 
intents,  as  the  major  opposition  party  to 
Mr.  King's  government. 

The  CCF  is  based  almost  entirely  on  the 
British  labor  movement  and  its  program  is 
constructed  around  a  plank  for  the  na- 
tionalization of  natural  resources  and  of  all 
forms  of  public  transport  and  public  ser- 
vice. Mainly  it  has  derived  its  strength  from 
western  Canada  where  it  was  born  and 
nurtured  through  the  lean  years  of  its 
growth.  It  is  the  official  opposition  in  the 
provincial  legislature  of  Brkish  Columbia. 
It  holds  the  government  of  Saskatchewan 
and,  until  the  recent  dissolution  of  the 
Ontario  legislature,  it  was  the  official  op- 
position in  that  rich  industrial  province. 

The  chances  of  the  CCF  gaining  power 
in  the  forthcoming  general  election  would 
be  immeasurably  improved  if  it  had  made 
any  inroads  into  eastern  Canada.  It  is  likely 
to  be  the  predominant  party  in  western 
Canada  and  only  a  complete  rebuff  from 
the  Maritime  Provinces  and  Quebec  can 
prevent  it  from  running  Mr.  King's  liberals 
a  stern  race  at  the  polls.  If  it  maintains  its 
hold  in  the  West  and  can  expend  the 


250 


same  organizational  energy  in  the  East,  it 
stands  at  least  an  even  chance  of  winning 
despite  Quebec's  apathy  to  its  program  and 
personalities. 

Postwar  Markets 

There  are,  however,  sharp  limits  to  Can- 
ada's ability  to  prosper  on  a  basis  of  North 
Americanism  or  to  remain  in  other  than 
close  association  with  Great  Britain.  Can- 
ada is  still  largely  agricultural  and  Great 
Britain  is  an  indispensable  market.  Before 
the  war,  Canada  exported  half  her  surplus 
there.  She  will  be  seriously  embarrassed 
after  it  by  the  fact  that  she  is  outside  the 
sterling  bloc,  that  Britain  will  be  her  debtor 
and  will  be  short  of  both  Canadian  and 
American  dollars.  In  the  past  Canada 
turned  the  sterling  which  she  received  from 
Britain  for  her  wheat  into  American  dollars 
with  which  she  bought  from  the  United 
States  so  widely  as  to  be  their  second  best 
customer.  The  only  solution  suggested  for 
the  new  problem  is  that  Canada  should 
become  a  heavy  investor  herself  in  British 
securities  and  resell  them  to  the  USA. 

What  Canadians  fear  most  is  that  the 
postwar  policies  of  Britain  and  the  United 
States  might  drift  so  far  apart  that  Canada 
would  be  forced  to  choose  between  them. 
She  had  to  do  this  at  the  Chicago  Aviation 
Conference  where  her  strenuous  efforts  to 
compromise  Anglo-American  differences 
failed.  Her  choice — dictated  by  the  fact  that 
like  Britain  she  wants  to  rule  her  own  air 
but  temporarily  lacks  the  equipment — was 
this  time  in  line  with  Britain's. 

It  will  be  a  more  serious  matter  for  Can- 
ada if  it  proves  impossible  to  organize  post- 
war world  trade  on  multilateral  lines  as 
the  United  States  desires,  and  if  Britain 
falls  back  on  bilateral  barter  and  the  ster- 
ling bloc.  Canada  would  be  bankrupted  by 
the  loss  of  the  British  market  unless  the 
United  States  came  to  her  aid.  But  it  seems 
unlikely  that  the  American  farm  bloc  would 
ever  permit  Canada  to  find  a  market  in 
the  United  States  for  her  wheat  or  meat. 

These  anxieties  represent  the  defects  of 
the  merits  of  the  preferred  position  Canada 
has  enjoyed  as  a  nation,  growing  up  under 
the  joint  protection  of  Britain  and  the 
United  States.  Others  than  she  would  suffer 
if  the  English  speaking  democracies  should 
fall  out,  but  for  none  would  the  conse- 
quences be  so  dislocating  psychologically. 
This  is  so  because  Canada  has  scarcely  yet 
attained  a  true  national  self-consciousness. 
She  is  half  British  and  half  American  and 
the  two  do  not  yet  add  up  to  being  wholly 
Canadian. 

Given  a  peaceful  world  and  Anglo-Amer- 
ican accord,  however,  Canada's  future 
should  be  bright.  Like  the  United  States, 
invasion  has  not  scathed  her.  But  the  war 
enlarged  her  capacities  and  stimulated  her 
energies.  Her  natural  resources  are  not  var- 
ied but  they  are  so  extensive  that  Canadians 
hold  many  world  records  as  producers,  man- 
ufacturers, and  traders.  She  has  peaceful 
neighbors  and  room  for  a  population  three 
times  its  present  size.  To  the  inhabitants 
of  many  a  European  nation,  twice  devas- 
tated by  war  in  twenty-five  years,  Canada 
may  well  look  like  a  paradise  of  peace  and 
plenty. 


ENGLAND'S  ROAD 
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251 


PARTNERS  IN  THE  PACIFIC 

(Continued  from   page  231) 


Their  Position  in  the  Pacific 

If  their  new  internal  problems  are  exi- 
gent, the  Australians  and  New  Zealanders 
find  their  external  situation  even  more 
perplexing.  Here  is  a  combined  population 
of  about  eight  and  a  quarter  million  lying 
only  a  day  or  two  by  air  from  a  seething, 
feverish,  hungry  continent  of  a  billion 
Asiatics.  They  realize  that  in  1940-41  they 
escaped  disaster  only  by  a  narrow  margin. 

Australian  leaders,  fearing  an  imminent 
Japanese  invasion,  were  planning  to  retreat 
to  the  Brisbane-Adelaide  line,  and  to  hold 
only  the  southeastern  third  of  their  conti- 
nent. New  Zealanders  hardly  yet  under- 
stand why  Japanese  warships  did  not  wreck 
Auckland  and  Wellington.  The  first 
American  marines  were  greeted  like 
rescuers. 

When  news  came  that  Gen.  Douglas 
MacArthur  had  landed,  Australia  had  a 
night  of  wild  rejoicing.  In  the  ensuing 
months  Australia  became  a  great  military 
base,  and  New  Zealand  a  naval  base,  to 
meet  the  first  desperate  demands  of  the 
Pacific  war.  A  new  era  had  dawned,  and 
no  man  could  fail  to  grasp  the  fact. 

For  the  first  time  Australasians  have  had 
reason  for  uneasiness  over  their  world  posi- 
tion, and  for  hard  thinking  upon  their  re- 
sponsibilities and  duties.  In  the  years  when 
Asia  was  fairly  quiescent  and  Japan  was 
Britain's  ally,  the  dominions  took  but  an  in- 
termittent and  remote  interest  in  foreign 
affairs.  They  were  not  isolationist — the  first 
World  War  proved  that.  But  Prime  Minis- 
ter Menzies  could  say  that  Australia  had 
given  less  study  to  international  questions 
than  any  other  part  of  the  Empire.  The 
British  navy  seemed  powerful.  So  long  as 
air  power  was  undeveloped,  Pacific  dis- 
tances appeared  to  be  a  strong  shield.  Even 
in  1938  an  eminent  Australian  novelist 
wrote  that  the  Commonwealth  had  "no 
pressing  fear  of  envious  neighbors."  It  is 
true  that  men  talked  of  the  danger  of  an 
empty  continent  and  the  importance  of  fill- 
ing it;  but  they  talked  in  terms  of  leisurely 
action. 

Today,  all  the  way  from  Darwin  to 
Dunedin,  a  very  different  view  obtains.  Dis- 
cussion of  the  foreign  policy  of  Australia 
and  New  Zealand  ranges  over  a  wide  va- 
riety of  topics.  And  from  the  ceaseless  de- 
bate in  parliaments,  public  meetings,  and 
the  press,  three  main  conclusions  have 
emerged. 

The  first  is  that  the  two  dominions  must 
act  energetically  to  increase  their  population. 
Everyone  agrees  on  that.  Everyone  agrees 
that  it  is  desirable  to  bring  in  non-British 
elements,  as  for  example  the  Mediterranean 
peoples,  to  raise  the  population  totals;  and 
everyone  agrees  that  the  birthrate  should 
be  stimulated.  Both  Australia  and  New 
Zealand  could  quadruple  their  present  popu- 
lations without  overcrowding.  They  hope, 
it  may  be  added,  for  a  considerable  influx 
of  Americans  who  have  had  a  chance  to 
measure  their  attractions. 


The  other  conclusions  provoke  debate. 

The  second  is  that,  while  Australia  and 
New  Zealand  will  cling  to  their  old  posi- 
tions in  the  British  Commonwealth,  that  is 
not  enough  to  assure  them  of  safety.  After 
all,  Britain  was  helpless  to  aid  them  in 
1940-41.  They  must  cultivate  good  rela- 
tions with  the  United  States  and,  above  all, 
they  must  help  support  a  world  organiza- 
tion to  maintain  peace. 

Along  with  this  conclusion,  the  domin- 
ions have  reached  a  third  conviction  that 
they  must  accept  their  destiny  as  Pacific 
Powers,  and  insist  upon  a  position  among 
the  chief  arbiters  of  Pacific  policy.  They 
did  not  use  to  regard  themselves  as  Pacific 
nations  at  all.  They  thought  of  themselves 
as  British  salients,  rather  alien  to  the 
Pacific  ocean  and  detached  from  the  Orient. 

When  Asia  Counts  for  More 

Now  they  perceive  that  a  new  world  is 
emerging;  that  Europe  will  count  for  less, 
and  Asia  for  more  than  formerly;  and  that 
they  are  neighbors  to  an  area  where  events 
decisively  affecting  the  future  of  mankind 
will  take  place.  Indeed,  they  are  more  than 
neighbors.  Australia,  fronting  on  both  the 
Indian  and  Pacific  oceans,  is  definitely  near 
the  center  of  the  critical  area. 

For  both  sentimental  and  practical  rea- 
sons, Australasians  have  no  intention  of 
weakening  their  British  Commonwealth 
ties.  They  cannot  forget  tradition,  blood, 
cultural  affinities,  economic  relationships 
(for  Britain  is  much  their  best  market), 
nor  the  value  of  British  sea  power.  But 
both  countries  are  becoming  less  "colon- 
ial." 

The  New  Zealanders  used  to  be  more 
British  than  the  British  themselves,  and  still 
talk  of  Britain  as  "home."  Even  they,  how- 
ever, are  busy  developing  their  own  culture, 
outlook,  and  sense  of  nationality.  The  Aus- 
tralians, whose  forbears  included  many  peo- 
ple with  no  special  reason  to  love  England, 
are  much  further  advanced  toward  a  sepa- 
rate national  character.  They  think  and 
act  for  themselves  in  everything  from  art 
to  politics.  Nevertheless,  even  in  Australia 
the  foreign  minister,  Mr.  Evatt,  says  with 
general  approval  that  the  imperial  bond  is 
"fundamental  in  our  external  policy."  The 
arrival  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  as  the 
latest  governor-general  aroused  sincere  ex- 
pressions of  attachment  to  the  Crown. 

Thus  the  Empire  will  continue  to  be  cher- 
ished in  the  South  Pacific. 

Self-dependence  with  Security 

But  the  Empire  nowadays  has  to  be 
supplemented  by  other  protections.  It  is 
perfectly  clear  to  the  eight  million  Aus- 
tralasians that  they  can  never  stand  alone 
if  the  Asiatic  hordes  once  move  aggressively 
against  them. 

The  next  two  generations  may  see  China 
and  India  heavily  industrialized.  Who  can 
tell  what  the  temper  of  these  countries  will 
be?  Who  can  predict  the  policy  of  Russia- 
in-Asia  fifty  years  hence?  If  a  new  crisis  like 


that  of  1940-41  comes,  Great  Britain  may 
or  may  not  be  in  a  position  to  assist.  The 
United  States  may  or  may  not  be  ready  to 
exert  her  power. 

So  it  seems  to  thoughtful  Australians  and 
New  Zealanders  that  strong  world  organ- 
ization is  imperatively  necessary.  While 
they  are  increasing  their  population  and 
developing  their  institutions,  a  system  of 
collective  security  can  give  them  the  safety 
they  require.  Both  countries  have  kept  full 
membership  in  the  League  of  Nations,  and 
paid  their  annual  dues.  In  both,  and  par- 
ticularly in  Australia,  leaders  of  opinion 
have  not  been  slow  to  criticize  Mr.  Church- 
ill for  his  apparent  leaning  toward  regional 
groupings.  They  want  an  inclusive  world 
organization,  and  they  want  small  nations 
to  play  a  due  part  in  it. 

As  for  Pacific  policy,  both  the  speeches  of 
Australasian  leaders  and  the  Australian- 
New  Zealand  agreement  clearly  indicate  the 
main  objects  of  the  dominions.  The  people 
feel  that  the  island  groups  which  lie  like  a 
great  crescent  to  the  north  of  them  must 
to  some  extent  be  organized  for  their 
security.  Canberra  in  especial  takes  a  tren- 
chant line.  It  holds,  as  Mr.  Evatt  has  said, 
that  "our  predominant  interest  must  lie  in 
the  Pacific  regions";  that  "Australia  has  a 
leading  part  to  play  in  those  regions";  that 
the  Dutch  Indies,  Portuguese  Timor, 
French  New  Caledonia,  the  New  Hebrides, 
the  Solomons,  and  Samoa,  with  Papua  and 
mandated  New  Guinea,  all  come  "within 
an  extended  Australian  zone";  and  that 
while  foreign  sovereignty  must  be  respected 
in  the  appropriate  areas,  "it  will  be  essen- 
tial that  the  islands  should  be  grouped  in 
the  same  defense  zone  as  Australia,  and 
that  special  efforts  within  the  zone  shall 
be  made  in  relation  to  air  transport  and 
economic  betterment." 

In  short,  they  hold  a  security  belt  should 
be  created  by  proper  international  measures. 

The  formal  accord  of  the  two  govern- 
ments indicates  that  they  expect  to  play  a 
leading  role,  if  not  the  leading  role,  in 
Organizing  this  insular  security  belt.  All 
parts  of  this  regional  defense  zone  will 
have  to  look  to  Australia  and  New  Zealand 
for  their  major  bases.  The  two  countries 
have  formally  declared  that  no  change  in 
sovereignty  in  any  South  Pacific  island 
should  take  place  without  their  consent. 

More,  they  have  gone  on  record  that  the 
main  concern  of  European  governments  in 
the  islands  must  be  the  welfare  of  the 
native  peoples.  They  plainly  wish  to  see  a 
greater  acceptance  of  the  principle  of  trus- 
teeship, and  a  closer  collaboration  of  'the 
Dutch,  British,  French,  and  themselves  in 
promoting  education,  communications  and 
economic  growth. 

They  welcome  American  commitments 
in  the  Pacific.  Most,  if  not  all,  Australasians 
would  be  delighted  if  the  United  States 
takes  over  the  Japanese  mandated  islands. 

The  North  American  Invasion 

Closer  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Australasia  are  certain  if  only 
because  from  a  quarter  to  a  half  million 
young  Americans  will  bring  back  from  their 
war  service  vivid  memories  of  life  in  these 
young  lands. 


252 


They  have  milled  up  and  down  Queen 
Street  in  Auckland,  and  climbed  the  moun- 
that   overlooks    its    beautiful    harbor. 


tain 


tries.  And  beyond  question  these  lands, 
hungry  for  men,  capital,  and  enterprise,  will 
welcome  those  who  do  come  as  homeseek- 


They  have  seen  the  white  sheep  scattered 
in  tens  of  thousands  over  the  green  slopes 
of  the  North  Island,  splashed  with  the 
vivid  gold  of  the  omnipresent  gorse.  Some 
have  seen  the  New  Zealand  Alps  lift  their 
icy  pinnacles  across  the  Canterbury  Plain 
where  Samuel  Butler  had  his  pioneering 
adventures.  In  Australia,  they  have  made 
purchases  along  stately  Collins  Street  in 
Melbourne,  and  admired  the  civic  build- 
ings, the  art  gallery,  the  library,  and  the 
university  that  give  dignity  to  well-planned 
Adelaide.  Multitudes  have  fallen  in  love 
with  the  magnificent  bay  at  Sydney,  its 
deep  blue  fingers  running  into  scores  of 
inlets.  Others  have  found  a  strange  fascin- 
ation in  the  deep  eucalyptus  forests,  with 
their  shimmering  leaves  and  scaly  trunks, 
or  in  wide  plains,  waving  green  in  spring 
and  burned  a  bright  yellow  in  midsummer. 

By  and  large,  the  Americans  "hit  it  off" 
with  the  people  of  New  Zealand  and  Aus- 
tralia from  the  start.  When  Japanese  in- 
vasion threatened,  their  own  troops  were 
overseas,  and  our  armed  forces  brought  a 
welcome  sense  of  security.  Not  only  were 
the  newcomers  met  with  an  outgiving 
friendliness;  likenesses  and  liking  were 
quickly  discovered  on  either  hand. 

This  does  not  mean  that  annoyances 
did  not  crop  out  with  the  North  American 
invasion.  "We  like  some  American  ways 
better  than  others,"  a  prominent  Australian 
remarked  dryly.  Friction  over  girls,  drinks, 
cigarettes,  and  pay  led  Australasian  and 
American  troops  into  some  stiff  street  fight- 
ing. That  was,  perhaps,  natural  enough; 
so  was  the  irritation  of  cities  which  found 
their  facilities  overcrowded,  their  goods  de- 
pleted by  ravenous,  noisy  Americans.  But 
the  nearer  men  of  the  forces  came  to  the 
front  lines  the  more  they  fraternized,  until 
in  the  jungles  of  New  Guinea  or  on  the 
beaches  of  the  Solomons  they  readily  died 
for  each  other. 

Nor  did  many  people  at  home  fail  to 
display  an  appealing  hospitality.  Marines, 
sailors,  soldiers,  and  airmen  who  wanted  to 
to  stick  to  pubs,  cinemas,  and  dance-halls 
could  do  so.  But  the  American  Red  Cross, 
the  Australian-American  and  New  Zealand- 
American  Cooperation  Movement,  helped 
arrange  for  others  to  go  to  farms,  cattle- 
stations,  and  suburban  households.*  Thous- 
ands responded.  By  1944,  the  troops  had 
swept  Australasian  shops  almost  clean  of 
books  on  antipodean  history  and  life;  had 
bought  up  all  the  saleable  paintings. 

Not  a  few  Americans  have  professed  a 
desire  to  settle  in  the  Southwest  Pacific  and 
grow  up  with  the  country.  Many  will  wish 
to  come  back  for  visits.  Certainly  some  of 
the  thousands  who  have  married  young 
Australian  and  New  Zealand  women  will 
feel  henceforth  that  they  have  two  coun- 


ers. 


*  See  "Red  Cross  Under  the  Southern  Cross,"  by 
Helen  Hall,  Survey  Graphic,  January,  1944,  for  an 
account  of  the  part  which  Australians  and  New 
Zealanders  played  in  carrying  on  American  Service 
Clubs,  and  the  welcome  extended  by  these  to  their 
own  servicemen.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  the  part 
played  by  thousands  of  "adopted  families"  who  turned 
their  places  into  "individual  rest  homes,"  to  which 
our  servicemen  returned,  time  and  again,  whenever 
they  got  back  from  Guadalcanal,  New  Guinea,  or 
beyond. 


Australasia  on  the  Alert 

The  vigorous  young  democracies  of  the 
South  Pacific,  to  sum  up,  are  alert  to  all  the 
challenges  of  the  new  age  just  dawning 
upon  them.  For  the  first  time,  they  think 
of  themselves  as  fully  independent  nations 
with  an  independent  set  of  policies.  For 
the  first  time,  they  are  anxious  to  be  leaders 
in  their  own  area  of  the  globe. 

Though  by  no  means  unaware  of  the 
great  potentialities  of  the  adjacent  islands 
— a  million  square  miles  with  many  re- 
sources that  need  only  capital,  labor,  and 
brains  for  profitable  exploitation — they 
have  no  aggressive  designs. 

Like  Americans,  they  are  intent  upon 
home  development;  and  like  us,  they  real- 
ize that  such  development  is  possible  only 
if  peace  and  safety  can  be  guaranteed.  They 
must  use  foreign  policy  to  protect  their  in- 
ternal welfare. 

Both  Australia  and  New  Zealand  de- 
serve well  of  the  world.  They  have  been 
in  many  respects  model  democracies;  they 
are  among  the  bravest  of  fighters  for  free- 
dom; and  they  have  already  made  rich 
cultural  gifts  to  civilization.  Holding  an 
exposed  position,  an  outwork  of  Western 
civilization  in  the  Orient,  they  warrant  our 
sympathy  and  cooperation. 


HEALTH  TODAY— TOMORROW 

(Continued  from  page  212) 


matter  of  fisticuffs  in  California — has  shown 
too  many  disadvantages  during  a  quarter- 
century  to  be  made  an  issue  in  Britain.  It 
will  be  neither  banned  nor  encouraged. 

The  British  medical  profession  recognizes 
officially  that  the  administration  and 
finances  of  medical  service  plans  are  public 
matters,  with  which  physicians  should  be 
concerned  but  which  they  should  not  ex- 
pect to  control.  Laymen  and  physicians 
agree  that  physicians  should  control  profes- 
sional matters.  But  what  constitutes  "con- 
trol," and  how  define  "professional?"  The 
BMA  takes  the  stand  that  the  machinery 
proposed  in  the  White  Paper  would  subor- 
dinate the  profession  as  a  whole  and  inter- 
fere with  the  individual  physician's  exer- 
cise of  professional  judgment  concerning  his 
patients. 

Thus,  discussion  will  turn  more  on  facts 
than  on  slogans.  The  Labour  Party  says 
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EUROPE  AND  THE  MEDITERRANEAN 

(Continued  from  page  194) 


soon  as  possible,  and  under  circumstances 
that  would  make  her  eager  to  support,  not 
undermine,  Britain's  postwar  policies  in 
Europe  and  Africa. 

The  final  disposal  by  the  United  Nations 
of  Italy's  African  colonies,  conquered  by 
British  and  American  arms,  will  have  an 
important  effect  on  Italy's  future  attitude. 
If  the  British  accept  United  Nations  trustee- 
ship over  these  relatively  arid  territories,  and 
if  the  Italians  are  permitted  to  participate 
in  their  development,  then  Italy  may  ac- 
cept such  a  decision  with  equanimity  as  one 
of  several  measures  to  liquidate,  gradually, 
the  colonial  heritage  of  the  Western  world. 

Liberty  and  Independence 

Now,  in  spite  of  Britain's  acknowledged 
need  for  the  support  of  the  Mediterranean 
countries,  British  authorities  not  infre- 
quently display  lack  of  awareness  of  local 
conditions  and  aspirations  (due  either  to 
poor  intelligence  service,  or  to  the  preval- 
ence of  idees  fixes  about  these  regions  in 
government  offices  and  in  the  field). 

There  is  also  a  tendency  in  these  British 
circles  to  disregard  the  wishes  of  popular 
masses  whose  leaders  are  too  easily  dis- 
missed as  communists  (in  Greece,  as  Trot- 
zkyites). 

If  Russia  has  gained  influence  in  the 
Balkans  at  the  expense  of  Britain,  this 
has  not  been  entirely  due  to  geographic 
proximity,  or  to  the  peculiar  virtues  of 
Soviet  propaganda.  The  Russians  have  a 
more  intimate  understanding  of  Balkan 
political  and  economic  conditions,  which 
resemble  those  of  Russia  in  1917. 

At  the  San  Francisco  conference,  Britain, 
necessarily  playing  from  weakness,  skilfully 
strengthened  her  position  for  the  immediate 
future  both  in  Europe  and  Asia — avoiding 
a  public  confrontation  with  Russia  over  the 
admission  of  Argentina,  but  noticeably 
stiffening  her  attitude  on  the  question  of 
Poland.  In  American  trusteeship  proposals, 
the  British  found  support  for  continuance 
of  their  colonial  rule,  at  the  same  time 
stressing  their  concern  for  the  welfare  of 
dependent  peoples  to  whom  they  hold  out 
promise  of  self-government,  if  not  of  in- 
dependence. 

There  were  indications  Britain  might 
hope  to  play  the  role  of  balancewheel  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Russia.  From 
the  short  term  point  of  view  this  may  be  a 
serviceable  policy.  But  it  can  well  be  asked 
whether,  in  the  long  run,  it  is  not  against 
the  tide  of  events  in  Europe  and  Asia.  For 
clashes  with  Russia  and  unrest  in  Asiatic 
colonies  will  not  further  the  security  Britain 
urgently  requires.  The  fundamental  diffi- 
culty is  that  Britain,  cradle  and  guardian  of 
western  democracy,  now  tends  to  conserva- 
tism in  foreign  policy  in  the  true  sense  of 
the  word,  seeking  to  conserve  the  assets  of 
power  she  still  possesses  instead  of  charting 
a  bold  course. 

If  Britain  is  to  attract  the  Mediterranean 
countries  into  her  orbit  after  the  war,  she 
must  do  this  not  by  upholding  outworn 


men  and  institutions,  but  by  boldly  taking 
the  leadership  in  furthering  the  democrati- 
zation and  industrialization  of  backward 
areas — as  British  Labour  urged. 

Britain's  greatest  asset  in  Europe  is  her 
long  tradition  of  civil  liberty  and  a  vig- 
orous political  democracy  at  home,  strength- 
ened by  the  unity  the  British  have  displayed 
in  the  darkest  hours  of  the  war.  This  asset 
has  diminished  each  time  Britain  appeared 
to  support,  on  the  continent,  political  leaders 
or  movements  that  oppose  democracy — 
such  as  Franco  in  Spain  or  the  adherents 
of  monarchy  in  Greece.  The  rule  holds 
for  the  United  States  also,  in  Europe  and 
elsewhere.  Many  peoples  looking  to  Amer- 
ica for  democratic  leadership,  have  felt  be- 
trayed when  they  found  this  country  main- 
taining friendly  relations  with  dictatorships. 

During  the  war,  as  Mr.  Churchill  has 
repeatedly  pointed  out,  Britain  has  been 
ready  to  support  any  group  or  country 
which  was  fighting  the  Nazis.  This  \\3& 
been  our  policy,  too.  The  end  of  the  war 
will  call  for  more  subtle  political  differ- 
entiations. Hereafter,  the  British  govern- 
ment— and  ours  will  have  to  pay  more  heed 
than  exigencies  of  war  have  allowed  to  the 
words  of  Thomas  Wolfe: 

"A  wind  is  rising  throughout  the  world 
of  free  men  everywhere,  and  they  will  not 
be  kept  in  bondage." 

Egypt  and  the  Arab  Federation 

Similar  problems  of  rising  independence 
movements  together  with  clashing  creeds 
and  nationalisms,  face  Britain  on  the  east- 
ern shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  where  Brit- 
ain's lifeline  skirts  Egypt,  Turkey,  Palestine, 
and  the  Arab  countries  of  the  Middle  East. 

Both  Turkey  and  Egypt,  whose  carefully 
preserved  neutrality  proved  more  helpful 
than  harmful  to  Britain,  won  places  at  the 
San  Francisco  Conference  by  last-minute 
declarations  of  war  on  Germany.  Turkey, 
which  concluded  alliances  with  Britain  and 
France  in  1939,  is  again,  as  in  the  days  of 
the  Tsars,  apprehensive  about  Russia's  in- 
tentions in  the  eastern  Mediterranean,  and 
may  for  this  reason  work  more  closely  with 
Britain  than  in  the  past. . 

Egypt  is  of  paramount  importance  to  the 
British  because  the  Suez  Canal  is  their 
vital  link  to  the  Orient.  The  concession  for 
its  construction,  granted  by  Egypt  to  a  pri- 
vate company  in  1889,  expires  in  1968,  and 
at  that  time  the  Egyptian  government  may 
claim  the  canal  as  national  property.  In 
recent  years,  Egyptian  political  leaders  have 
increasingly  emphasized  their  country's 
independence  of  action.  It  is  highly  doubt- 
ful whether  Britain,  the  United  States,  or 
any  other  maritime  nation  will  want  to  see 
Egypt  hold  sole  control  of  the  Suez.  Most 
likely  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  place  the 
canal  under  the  administration  of  an  inter- 
national commission. 

Egypt's  future  relations  with  Britain  will 
be  affected  by  developments  in  the  re- 
cent movement  to  create  a  federation  of 
Arab  states.  In  this  movement  Cairo  has 


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played  an  active  part.  In  the  current  war  as 
in  the  last,  Britain  has  relied  heavily  on 
the  loyalty  of  the  Arabs  and  appears  to 
favor  such  a  federation.  A  solid  Arab 
front,  however,  might  alarm  and  antagonize 
the  Zionists,  jeopardizing  any  practicable 
settlement  of  the  future  of  Palestine. 

Palestine  has  thus  far  taken  in  120,000 
Jewish  refugees  from  Hitler's  Europe.  In 
1939  the  British  issued  a  White  Paper  and 
prohibited  further  immigration  into  Pales- 
tine beyond  a  total  of  75,000  to  be  admitted 
in  the  next  five  years.  This  came  at  a  time 
when  the  war  and  Nazi  policies  of  exter- 
mination were  to  make  the  need  for  escape 
excruciating.  With  vast  numbers  dislodged 
from  their  homes  and  means  of  livelihood, 
there  have  been  advocates  of  the  resettle- 
ment of*a  million  or  more  Jews  in  Palestine 
in  the  postwar  years — and  the  transfer  of 
some  of  the  resident  Arab  population  to 
Iraq  or  other  Arab  areas. 

Palestine 

The  Foreign  Ministers  of  the  Arab  States, 
who  drafted  the  constitution  of  the  pro- 
posed Arab  League,  were  reported  to  have 
suggested  on  March  10  a  compromise  pro- 
viding for  the  settlement  of  between  200,000 
and  300,000  more  European  Jews  in  Pales- 
tine, with  the  balance  between  Jews  and 
Moslems  held  by  150,000  Christian  Arabs. 
This  would  permit  further  development  of 
the  flourishing  "homeland"  established '  by 
the  Jews,  but  would  in  no  way  assuage  the 
demand  for  an  adequate  haven  of  rescue 
for  European  refugees  which  is  the  deep 
concern  of  all  Jews — or  satisfy  the  aspira- 
tions of  the  Zionists  for  a  Jewish  national 
state. 

The  British  government  cannot  be  said 
to  be  either  anti-Zionist  or  anti-Arab.  Its 
main  concern  is  the  security  of  Britain;  it 
does  not  want  to  see  this  salient  fall  to  any 
group  which  would  be  unable  to  de- 
fend Palestine  against  Britain's  enemies  in 
another  war.  Mr.  Churchill,  in  an  address 
on  February  27  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
indicated  that  he  would  like  to  have  the 
United  States  take  part  in  the  Palestine 
settlement — sharing  with  Britain  both  the 
responsibilities  that  it  might  impose  and  the 
criticisms  it  might  arouse. 

Judgment  about  the  various  proposals 
presented  depends  on  estimates  of  the  fu- 
ture of  the  Jews  in  Europe  and  elsewhere 
in  the  world.  If  it  is  assumed  that  life  in 
Germany,  Poland,  Rumania,  Hungary,  even 
after  the  defeat  of  Hitler,  will  be  intolerable 
for  Jews,  then  the  Zionist  demand  for  a 
national  home  in  Palestine  has  justification 
— even  though  the  fulfillment  of  this  de- 
mand might  arouse  the  Arab  population  to 
the  very  kind  of  violent  anti-Semitism  in 
the  Near  East  that  led  to  the  tragic  plight 
of  Jews  in  Europe.  But  if,  after  the  war, 
the  United  Nations  succeed  in  creating  a 
sane  political  and  economic  atmosphere,  then 
the  Jews  could  live  on  in  the  countries 
where  they  have  long  been  established. 
Indeed,  unless  the  United  Nations  succeed 
in  establishing  widespread  freedom,  citizens 
even  of  the  Jewish  national  home  in  Pales- 
tine might  have  little  more  security  than 
those  in  Central  Europe. 

(Continued  on   page  256) 

(In  answering 


THE  RELATIONS  OF  CANADA 
AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Edited  by  James  T.  Shotwell 

In  1932  Dr.  James  T.  Shotwell,  on  behalf  of  the 
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X 


NORTH  ATLANTIC 
TRIANGLE 

John  Bartlet  Brebner 

This  is  not  primarily  a  history  of  diplomacy  or  of  what 
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ties of  the  past  the  author  has  selected  what  seemed 
most  relevant  to  an  understanding  of  a  phenomenon  of 
today.  No  two  nations  have  shared  in  a  gigantic  human 
adventure  more  fully  than  the  United  States  and  Canada, 
and  yet  it  cannot  be  intelligible  without  constant  refer- 
ence to  the  bonds  of  tradition  and  to  the  attraction  and 
repulsion  between  them  and  Great  Britain.  During  the 
past  fifty  years  the  North  Atlantic  Triangle  has  become 
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tion of  so  complex  a  relationship  has  involved  novel 
problems  in  historical  writing. 

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EUROPE— MEDITERRANEAN 

(Continued  from  page  255) 


Oil — and  a  Strategic  Area 

If  human  relationships  and  military 
strategy  dominate  discussion  of  Palestine, 
oil  is  the  principal  issue  at  stake  between 
the  great  powers  in  Saudi  Arabia;  in  Iraq 
(a  former  League  mandate  which,  with 
British  aid,  became  independent  in  1932); 
in  Iran,  where  British  and  Russian  troops 
are  now  stationed  but  whose  independence 
was  specifically  assured  at  Teheran;  in 
Kuwait;  and  in  the  Bahrein  Islands. 

The  United  States  has  become  increas- 
ingly interested  in  the  Middle  East  because 
of  oil,  air  bases,  and  possible  postwar 
markets  for  American  goods.  Britain  needs 
the  oil  of  the  Middle  East  for  her  navy.  She 
needs  naval  and  air  bases.  And  she  has  a 
long  tradition  of  friendship  with  Arab 
rulers,  romanticized  by  the  activities  of 
men  like  T.  E.  Lawrence.  Russia,  which  in 
Tsarist  times  had  a  sphere  of  influence  in 
Iran,  has  also  demanded  oil  concessions  in 
that  country.  Russian  diplomats  are  active 
throughout  the  Middle  East.  And  the  re- 
vival of  organized  religion  in  the  USSR 
has  brought  about  pilgrimages  of  Russian 
Orthodox  Catholics  and  Moslems  to  the 
Holy  Places  of  Jerusalem  and  Mecca. 

None  of  the  great  powers,  however,  will 
find  much  opportunity  for  trade  in  the 
Middle  East  unless  the  resources  of  that 
region  can  be  developed  and  used  to  raise 
the  standard  of  living  not  only  of  the  rul- 
ing classes  but  of  the  masses  of  the  popula- 
tion. These  objectives  might  be  achieved 
through  the  Middle  East  Supply  Center, 
originally  established  by  Britain  to  aid  the 
prosecution  of  the  war,  and  later  joined 
by  the  United  States.  The  MESC,  en- 
larged by  the  inclusion  of  Russia  and 
France,  of  Jews  and  Arabs,  could  serve  as 
a  valuable  agency  after  the  war  in  devel- 
oping an  area  astir  with  national  aspirations. 

The  Earth  and  Its  Peace 

'  As  hostilities  in  Europe  have  drawn  to  a 
close,  Britain,  like  other  nations,  enters  "a 
world  of  imponderables,"  to  quote  Mr. 
Churchill,  "and  at  every  stage  self-ques- 
tioning arises."  The  main  question  all  na- 
tions have  been  asking  themselves  is  how 
they  can  achieve  security  after  the  war. 
That  was  why  all  turned  to  San  Francisco 
for  effective  answers. 

Until  a  strong  international  organization 
capable  of  assuring  the  security  of  all  na- 
uons,  great  and  small,  is  established,  it  will 
be  unrealistic  for  Americans  to  expect 
Britain  to  give  up  her  safeguards  in  the 
rorm  of  special  understandings,  bases,  or 
colonies  which  she  has  laboriously  acquired 
through  the  centuries — whether  in  Europe, 
the  Mediterranean,  or  the  Middle  East. 

Britain's  security  problem  differs  from 
that  of  other  nations  only  in  degree,  not  in 
essence.  No  single  nation,  no  matter  how 
rich  or  powerful — not  Britain,  the  United 
States,  or  Russia — has  been  able  to  win  the 
war  against  the  Axis  alone.  None  will  be 


able  to  achieve  peace  and  prosperity  by  its 
own  unaided  efforts. 

All  of  us  face  the  same  historic  decisions. 

Here  in  the  United  States,  we  cannot 
hope  to  enjoy  the  untrammeled  independ- 
ence of  our  days  of  "splendid  isolation." 
They  have  been  destroyed  forever  by  mod- 
ern weapons  of  war  which  pay  no  heed 
to  space.  This  country,  like  Britain,  like 
all  other  nations,  must  relinquish  a  position 
of  detachment  which  world  developments 
have  rendered  untenable.  We  shall  be  well 
rewarded  if,  by  abandoning  something  we 
no  longer  possess,  we  all  achieve  a  new 
freedom — freedom  from  fear  of  attack. 

In  this  war,  both  Britain  and  the  United 
States  have  discovered  that  security  for  our- 
selves depends  on  the  security  of.  Europe. 
The  real  test  of  relationships  between  our 
two  countries  with  respect  to  that  continent 
will  hinge  on  our  capacity  to  overlook 
minor  divergencies  and  frictions  for  the 
sake  of  achieving  a  major  objective — that 
of  preventing  another  holocaust  from  which 
neither  nation  could  hope  to  escape. 


AFTER  DUNKIRK 

(Continued  from  page  211) 


kinds.  The  comprehensiveness  of  the  plan 
can  be  seen  from  the  following  extract: 

VMedical  advice  and  attention  at  home, 
in  the  consulting  room,  in  the  hospital  or 
sanitorium,  or  wherever  else  is  appropriate 
— from  the  personal  or  family  doctor  to 
the  specialists  and  consultants  of  all  kinds, 
from  the  care  of  minor  ailments  to  the 
care  of  major  diseases  and  disabilities.  It 
must  include  ancillary  services  of  nursing, 
of  midwifery,  and  of  other  things  which 
ought  to  go  with  medical  care." 

Dental  services  are  not  included  in  the 
scheme  at  present.  The  annual  cost  of  the 
health  service  is  estimated  at  $528,000,000. 

New  Schools  for  the  New  Britain 

Britain's  educational  reforms  have  in  fact 
already  passed  Parliament.  The  Education 
Bill  enacted  in  1944  was  the  most  compre- 
hensive measure  in  the  whole  history  of 
education  in  the  British  Isles.  It  provided 
for  reforms  expected  to  cost  $320,000,000  a 
year.  The  Education  White  Paper  and 
the  Bill  itself  included: 

"Raising  the  school  leaving  age  up  to 
which  education  is  compulsory  for  all  to 
15,  from  present  age  of  14,  with  the  pros- 
pect that  it  will  be  raised  again  as  soon  as 
possible  to  16; 

"Complete  reorganization  of  the  present 
state-run  nursery,  elementary  and  secondar 
schools  so  that  a  high  standard  of  training 
will  become  available  to  all  children; 

"Amendment  of  existing  law  to  make 
religious  instruction  an  essential  element  of 
education; 

"Introduction  of  compulsory  part  time 
education  during  working  hours  for  young 
persons  out  of  school  up  to  the  age  of  18; 

"Plans  for  the  improvement  of  school 
curricula,  extension  of  university  openings 
and  scholarships,  recruitment  and  training 
of  new  teachers,  and  so  on." 

The  plan  by  no  means  involves  the  aboli- 


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256 


I  tion  of  the  present  British  educational  sys- 

I  tern    with    its    emphasis    on    the    "public 

II  schools" — in  American  terms  private  schools 

I  for  the  elite — but  it  does  go  a  long  way 

II  toward   improving   the   quality   of  instruc- 
II  tion   in   the   state-run    schools,   as    well    as 
If  making  it  possible  for  more  children,  whose 
I  parents  are  not  wealthy,  to  obtain  scholar- 
It  ships  to  the  so-called  "public  schools"  and 
I  the  universities. 

Full  Employment 

The  last  of  the  great  White  Papers  is 
that  on  full  employment.  In  it  the  British 
government  assumes  outright  the  historic 
commitment  of  responsibility  for  maintain- 
ing henceforth  the  chance  of  livelihood. 
It  plans  to  do  this  by  a  somewhat  compli- 
cated ensemble  of  measures  including  a 
vast  national  economic  insurance  scheme; 
the  promotion  and  control  of  planned  spend- 
ing on  public  works  to  check  the  onset  of 
depression;  concerted  action  between  the 
Treasury  and  banks  to  influence  the  vol- 
ume of  capital  expenditure;  variation  of 
taxation;  control  of  prices  and  wages  if 
necessary  by  means  of  government  sub- 
sidies; government  control  of  the  location 
of  industry;  and  finally,  a  small  expert 
economic  general  staff  to  analyze  business 
trends  and  give  early  warning  of  any 
threatened  slump. 

Taken  altogether,  these  measures  of  so- 
cial, educational,  and  economic  reform  give 
a  picture  of  a  nation  which  has  suffered 
much  during  the  war,  but  which  has  made 
and  is  making  a  magnificent  effort  to  see 
to  it  that  the  struggle  was  worthwhile.  It 
is  the  picture  of  a  people  which  has  faced 
courageously  some,  at  least,  of  the  social 
weaknesses  in  the  national  structure  re- 
vealed by  the  war,  and  which  is  doing  its 
best  under  difficult  circumstances  to  correct 
these.  It  is  clearly  the  picture,  not  of  an 
enfeebled  nor  an  exhausted  nation,  but  of 
a  country  which  despite  the  terrific  strain 
of  nearly  six  years  of  war,  is  vigorously 
setting  about  the  equally  strenuous  task  of 
putting  its  house  in  order  for  peace. 


AMERICAN  INVASION 

(Continued  from  page  166) 


Affairs,  the  War  Shipping  Administration, 
the  Bureau  of  Economic  Warfare,  the  Office 
of  War  Information,  the  Office  of  Scientific 
Research  Development,  and  all  the  other 
representatives  of  numerous  American 
agencies,  lead  a  virtually  joint  existence 
with  their  British  counterparts,  and  with 
countless  related  organizations. 

Many  of  the  members  of  these  missions 
have  been  exercising  an  enlightening  in- 
fluence. In  addition  to  their  own  consider- 
able duties  they  have  put  their  knowledge 
and  talents,  their  experience  in  this  country, 
at  the  disposal  of  the  Office  of  War  In- 
formation, the  one  American  agency  whose 
job  it  is  to  interpret  America  to  the  British 
civilian.  They  have  lectured  and  written 
and  discussed.  Encounters  with  the  whole 
range  of  English  life,  industrial,  agricul- 
tural, scientific,  political,  educational,  have 
probably  given  them,  collectively,  a  more 


complete  picture  of  England,  than  any 
group  of  individuals  has  ever  before  ac- 
quired of  a  country.  In  so  doing  they  have 
met,  as  the  soldier  has  not,  people  as  expert 
as  they  in  their  own  fields,  under  such  cir- 
cumstances that  each  has  been  able  to  ex- 
change with  the  other  his  country's  total 
experience  in  that  field. 

Never  in  its  history  has  the  American 
government  had  such  total  access  to  the 
life  of  another  country.  Some  avenues  are 
yet  perhaps  incompletely  explored,  but  we 
have  been  freely  told  which  gates  are  where 
and  the  keys  have  been  given  us.  What  does 
that  mean?  First,  and  above  everything  else, 
it  means  that  we  have  been  accepted  in 
trust,  in  friendship,  and  in  candor  by  a 
people  who,  if  it  were  their  nature,  could 
regard  us  jealously  as  the  usurpers  of  their 
till  lately  unchallenged  world  position.  They 
have  not  seen  us  as  usurpers,  but  as  part- 
ners. They  know  they  must  face  things  as 
they  are. 

They  want  to  learn  what  we  have  to 
teach  them  but  they  would  like  us  to  see 
that  they  have  things  to  teach  us  as  well. 
There  is  unqualified  recognition  of  Amer- 
ica's livelier  accomplishments  in  many 
fields,  and  a  firm  resolution,  not  in  every- 
one, but  in  everyone  who  is  able  to  match 
resolve  with  deeds,  to  meet  change  with 
change.  Americans  coming  here  have  seen 
the  best  and  worst  in  English  life,  in  hous- 
ing, in  education,  in  industry,  in  agricul- 
ture. Most  of  what  they  have  seen  they 
have  been  led  to  by  the  British  themselves, 
not  always  an  easy  thing  to  do  when  you 
know  you  are  displaying  faults  whose  pres- 
ent correction  circumstances  prevent. 

Present  correction  is  not  easy  but  British 
plans  are  laid  for  their  future  correction, 
and  in  many  of  those  plans  Americans  have 
had  a  slight  share,  or  perhaps  not  so  slight. 

Mutual  Comprehension 

Relations  between  American  agencies  and 
the  British  have  become  stronger  and  more 
extensive  daily,  on  the  most  secure  of  all 
foundations,  mutual  comprehension.  As  the 
region  of  comprehension  and  knowledge, 
and  the  number  of  people  it  encompasses, 
grow,  so  much  less  will  be  the  significance 
of  the  surface  thrust  and  parry.  There  are 
people  here  in  Britain  who  recognize  that, 
including  the  hundreds  of  wartime  mem- 
bers of  the  American  Embassy,  and  there 
certainly  are  great  numbers  in  America 
who  recognize  it,  too. 

Among  the  evidences,  here,  are  the  courses 
in  American  history  being  introduced  into 
the  schools  and  universities  as  rapidly  as 
teachers  and  funds  can  be  found.  The 
British  Broadcasting  System,  in  running  a 
series  of  school  broadcasts  on  America,  has 
had  many  other  American  programs — some 
designed  for  youngsters,  some  for  adults. 
The  Ministry  of  Education  has  sponsored 
short  teachers'  courses  on  America,  through 
its  local  boards:  there  have  been  summer 
courses  and  extension  courses,  not  in  Amer- 
ican history,  geography  and  politics  alone, 
but  in  fields  comparatively  disregarded  here 
but  much  taught  in  America,  like  sociology. 

There    are    over    six    times    as    many 
(Continued  on  page  258) 


Dr.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild,  Editor 


DICTIONARY 

-  f 


UI 

SOCIOLOGY 


THE  SOCIAL  structure  of  the  world 
is  of  primary  importance  today.  AH 
who  are  interested  in  human  relations 
will  find  this  work  of  great  value:  social 
workers,  statesmen,  students,  lawyers, 
teachers,  librarians,  research  workers, 
guidance  counsellors,  et.  al. 

•  TYPICAL  OF  THE  NEARLY  3,600  ENTRIES  • 
geophagy.  The  practice  of  eating 
earth.  Clay  is  eaten  by  numerous 
poverty-stricken  people  in  the  ten- 
ant farm  areas  of  Alabama  and 
Georgia  as  a  food  substitute,  pri- 
marily to  make  up  for  dietary 
deficiencies. 

ahimsa.  Thc  doctrine  of  non.vj0ience> 
as  practised  in  India  by  Gandhi  and 
his  followers  in  their  civil  disobedi- 
ence campaigns.  The  term  includes 
all  nonviolent  forms  of  resistance, 
but  excludes  rioting,  which  often 
accompanies  such  campaigns. 


"Represents  a  tremendous 
amount  of  work  by  a  board  of 
distinguished  sociologists  assisted 
by  nearly  100  contributing  edi- 
tors. Will  be  consulted  frequent- 
ly and  with  profit." 
—John  A.  Fitch,  Columbia.  University. 
"Definitive,  really  informative 
and,  strangely  enough,  read- 
able!" — Child  Development. 


LIMITED  EDITION 


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PHILOSOPHICAL  LIBRARY,  INC.,  Publishers 
15  E.  40th  St.,  Dept.  W,  New  York  16,  N.  Y. 

Please    send    me copies    of    The    Dictionary 

of  Sociology,    at   $6.00  each.     I  enclose  payment 

of    $ ' 

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ADDRESS     


SEND  YOUR 

WASTE  PAPER 

TO  WAR 

Waste  paper  is  our  No.  1  war  short- 
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away  is  a  victory  for  the  enemy. 

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(Continued  from  page  257) 
British  books  by  American  writers  on  the 
current  British  publishers'  lists  than  there 
are  British  on  the  lists  of  American  pub- 
lishers. At  this  moment  there  are  at  least 
three  plays  by  American  authors  running 
in  the  West  End,  another  by  a  British 
author  with  an  American  soldier  as  its 
leading  character,  another  starring  the  great 
American  acting  team — the  Lunts.  British 
musicians  are  even  listening  with  increasing 
interest  to  American  music. 


Let   none  of  this  be   interpreted  as  thel 
beginning   of  satellitism,   a   retreat   to   the| 
regions  of  reflected  light.  For  the  moment 
more    light    is    coming    from    the    United 
States    than    from    this    long    beleaguered 
island — I  shall  not  waste  the  reader's  time 
in  explaining  why.  No,  what  is  really  be- 
ginning is  the  end  of  the  long  flight  from 
Europe   which  began  three  centuries   ago.  | 
It  may  be  a  very  long  time  before  that  is 
apparent  everywhere.  But  that  is  what  is 
happening. 


WHEN  THE  COALITION  ENDS 

(Continued  from  page  224) 


appear  to  be  democratic  and  to  affect  every- 
one equally.  Along  with  this,  it  reported  a 
disturbing  growth  in  frustration  and  cyni- 
cism, and  especially  distrust  of  existing  lead- 
ership. 

Meanwhile,  a  decade  without  elections 
seems  to  have  confused  the  three  major 
political  parties  almost  as  much  as  the 
public.  Each  is  confronted  with  at  least  the 
threat  of  insubordination  within  its  own 
ranks;  and  for  the  first  time  in  a  genera- 
tion, the  idea  of  a  new  party  was  not  auto- 
matically dismissed  in  London  conversation. 

When  it  comes  to  postwar  voting  here 
was  the  forecast  this  spring  of  a  Britisher 
whose  non-partisan  activities  are  in  touch 
with  sentiment  up  and  down  the  country: 
That  the  choice  of  the  average  working 
man  will  go  to  the  party  which,  as  he  sizes 
things  up,  will  actually  get  the  houses,  make 
sure  of  the  jobs,  and  "give  him  a  chance  to 
throw  out  his  chest." 

Conservatives  and  Liberals 

Understandably  enough,  Winston  Church- 
ill is  the  focal  point  of  most  of  the  uncer- 
tainty about  the  future  of  the  Conservative 
Party.  Whether  he,  Anthony  Eden  or  one  of 
Britain's  Marshals  ultimately  will  lead  the 
Tories  may  determine  how  far  they  will  ac- 
cept the  Churchill  four-year  program  as  their 
platform  and  promise  to  carry  it  out.  There 
are  still  survivors  of  the  1922  Committee 
which  was  responsible  for  drastic  economy 
moves  in  the  wake  of  the  last  World  War. 
Some  would  have  liked  to  abandon  com- 
pletely the  White  Paper  scheme  of  domestic 
reform,  leaving  that  to  the  Labour  mem- 
bers of  the  coalition,  but  might  have  found 
this  hard  to  do.  They  were  confronting 
progressive  opposition  in  such  conservatives 
as  R.  A.  Butler,  Minister  of  Education  and 
chairman  of  the  party  conference,  who  was 
responsible  for  the  Education  Act  of  1944. 

At  the  other  end  of  the  party  spectrum 
is  Quintin  Hogg's  Tory  Reform  Com- 
mittee, often  called  "the  Young  Tories" 
despite  the  advanced  middle-age  of  some  of 
its  members.  These  have  urged  that  the 
rebuilding  of  a  new  and  better  Britain 
should  become  the  chief  slogan  of  the  Con- 
servatives. Captain  Hogg,  son  of  Lord 
Hailsham,  served  for  two  years  in  the  army 
in  the  Middle  East;  and  when  he  says,  for 
example,  that  he  "decided  to  take  a  smack 
at  the  Government  and  to  fly  again  Dis- 
raeli's banner  of  Young  England,"  there  is 


no  doubt  that  he  gets  a  rise  from  numerou 
and  impressive  audiences. 

The  Liberals  are  seriously  divided  as 
what  they  want,  and  have  no  single  politic 
leader  in  the  House.  However,  they  nc 
have  one  formidable  asset  there  in  Sii 
William  Beveridge — and  some  political  ob- 
servers in  London  feel,  that  if  the  Liberals 
can  convince  the  public  that  they  are  Sir 
William's  party  in  more  than  a  formal 
sense,  they  can  at  least  hold  the  balance  of 
power  after  the  new  elections.* 

Labor  and  the  Elections 

The  Labour  Party  is  generally  conceded 
in  London  to  have  the  largest  campaign 
chest  for  the  new  elections,  whether  this  be 
figured  in  ideas,  in  leaders  or  in  cash- — and 
to  have  all  the  embarrassment  of  its  riches. 
The  Labour  members  of  the  coalition  can 
claim  at  least  equal  credit  with  their  Tory 
colleagues  for  what  has  been  done  to  trans- 
late the  White  Papers  into  concrete  legisla- 
tion. They  must  also  share  responsibility 
for  what  has  been  left  undone. 

Labour  will  emerge  from  the  war  with 
at  least  a  dozen  men  who  belong  by  achieve- 
ment in  the  top  rank  of  British  political  ad- 
ministrators; it  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
they  can  or  will  work  as  well  with  each 
other  outside  the  coalition  as  in.  More,  the 
party  has  an  •  electoral  asset  in  popular 
memories  of  Munich  and  all  that  followe 
the  Tory  policy  of  appeasement.* 

The  Labour  Party,  also,  has  within  it 
series  of  left-wing  pressures  organized 
leaders  like  Aneurin  Bevan  and  Harold 
Laski — fighting   what   they   call   the   de 
hand  of  trade  union  officialdom  in  the 
deal  wing  of  the  Labour  movement. 

Besides   the   Young  Tories,   the   Labou 
insurgents  and  the  group  of  liberals  wh 
call  themselves  the  Radical  Action  Grou 
there  are  other  reflections  of  political  rest- 

*  In  mid-May,  the  Prime  Minister  rejected  a  sug- 
gestion by  Clement  Attlee,  deputy  prime  minister  and 
leader  of  the  Labour  Party,  that  the  Coalition  con- 
tinue until  autumn.  Mr.  Churchill's  counter  invita- 
tion to  the  key  Labour  members  to  remain  in  his 
cabinet  until  the  end  of  the  war  with  Japan  was  re- 
jected (with  only  two  dissenting  votes)  by  the  Labour 
Party  conference  at  Blackpool.  The  political  fat 
was  in  the  fire.  Came  on  May  23  the  resignation  of 
Mr.  Churchill  as  Prime  Minister,  First  Lord  of  the 
Treasury,  Minister  of  Defense;  followed  by  the 
appointment  of  a  "National"  government  to  serve 
under  him;  and  dissolution  of  Parliament  as  prelude 
to  general  elections  in  July. 

According  to  Clifton  Daniel!  (.New  York  Times}, 
Ellen  Wilkinson,  like  Mr.  Attlee  a  British  delegate 
at  San  Francisco,  and  chairman  of  the  Blackpool 
conference  (see  page  224),  declared  it  would  be  a 
tragedy  if  "left  governments  arising  throughoul 
Europe  "had  to  deal  with  rigid  Conservative  admini«- 


(In 


trators  that   alienated   the  best   friends   of   Britain    in 
Europe  in  the  Nineteen  Thirties." 

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258 


lessness  among  British  voters-to-be.*  Thus,  i 
Sir  Richard  Acland  has  led  his  Common- 
wealth Movement  out  of  nothing  to  minor 
party  status — thanks  to  its  freedom  from 
the  political  truce  which  has  constrained  the 
Labour  Party  in  contesting  by-elections. 
His  movement  has  caught  up  some  of  the 
middle-class  social  idealism  which  has 
sprung  from  the  war  and  which  has  shown 
itself,  perhaps,  most  clearly  in  the  universi- 
ties and  the  Church  of  England. 

Freedom  and/or  Security 

It  is  easy  to  set  down  what  it  is  that  the 
people  of  Britain  want  when  the  war  is 
over,  provided  the  statement  is  kept  simple 
enough — so  simple  that  it  runs  the  risk  of 
telling  little  that  is  significant  if  you  stop 
there. 

They  want  freedom  and  security. 

They  want  the  vote  and  full  employment. 

They  want  democracy  and  a  high  stand- 
ard of  living. 

But  a  major  cause  of  the  political  cyni- 
cism which  seems  likely  to  come  in  the 
train  of  the  war  is  the  widespread  fear  that, 
whatever  political  leaders  may  say,  the  peo- 
ple will  get  either  one  thing  or  the  other — 
either  freedom  or  security,  but  not  both. 

Freedom,  the  vote,  and  democracy  the 
British  people  have  had  in  the  past  in 
relatively  full  measure.  Yet  there  are  few 
persons  in  Britain  today  who  believe  that, 
alone,  the  restoration  of  these  will  solve 
Britain's  political  or  economic  problems. 

Security,  full  employment,  and  a  high 
standard  of  living  they  have  not  had,  for  a 
generation,  in  anything  like  full  measure. 
Yet  there  are  few  persons  in  Britain  today 
who  want  them  at  the  cost  of  freedom: 
this  is  one  lesson  the  war  has  taught. 

How  to  assure  people  freedom  and  se- 
curity at  the  same  time,  how  they  can 
choose  their  way  of  life  and  their  opinions 
freely  and  at  the  same  time  keep  all  em- 
ployed at  good,  productive  jobs — this  is  the 
political  problem  Britain  shares  with  indus- 
trial societies  generally.  So  far  in  this  cen- 
tury, attempts  to  solve  the  problem  which 
have  concentrated  on  security  have  become 
authoritarian;  those  which  have  concen- 
trated on  freedom  too  often  have  gone 
bankrupt  or  gone  down  to  defeat  in  war. 

Americans  in  London,  as  the  war  shifts 
to  its  final  stage,  feel  as  Americans  living 
there  in  earlier  generations  have  felt,  that 
British  society  and  British  politics  have  an 
enormous  head  start  on  our  own  country 
in  seeking  the  solution.  Such  Americans 
also  feel — and  this  is  something  new — that 
the  British  people  will  need  all  the  head 
start  they  have,  because  they  have  less  mar- 
gin of  time  in  which  to  fumble  with  mis- 
takes. 

It  may  well  be  only  education  and  politi- 
cal growth  which,  in  the  long  run,  will 
solve  both  sides  of  this  tough  equation  with- 
out eliminating  either  freedom  or  security. 
But  there  are  few  thoughtful  men  in  Lon- 
don who  anticipate  with  any  confidence 
that  the  Britons  will  have  plenty  of  time  to 
wait  upon  the  slow  process  of  education. 
(Continued  on  page  260) 


*  Such  as  the  old  Independent  Labour  Party — 
which  long  since  came  under  James  Maxton's  leader- 
ship— and  the  new  communist  groups. 


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WHEN  THE  COALITION  ENDS 

(Continued  from  page  259) 


Like  the  V-bombs,  the  political  hazards  of 
the  future  have  sent  a  kind  of  special  shud- 
der down  every  British  spine. 

Rations  and  certainty  of  their  continu- 
ance long  after  final  victory  have  made  the 
economic  hazards  of  demobilization  real 
and  pressing  to  almost  everyone.  Aloud  or 
to  himself,  many  a  citizen  of  Great  Britain 
must  ask  sometimes  whether  the  traditional 
and  accepted  forms  of  political  life  in  his 
islands  are  adequate  to  maintain  peace  in  a 
wholly  new  and  unpredictable  world.  Must 
ask  himself,  moreover,  whether  a  Britain 
which  has  cashed  in  much  of  its  overseas 
investment  can  continue,  with  nineteenth 
century  modes  of  holding  and  working 
property,  to  feed  some  45,000,000  people  on 
56,000,000  acres  of  land. 

The  urgency  of  these  problems  fosters 
both  the  cynicism  and  the  sense  of  frustra- 
tration  which  alike  crop  out  in  the  outlook 
of  many  Britishers  toward  politics  after  the 
war.  In  London,  there  has  been  a  rash  of 
.books  like  "Guilty  Men"  or  "Your  M.  P." 
which  have  drawn  as  incompetent  not  a 
few  of  Britain's  prewar  leaders  and  driven 
home  the  moral.  These  books  have  been 
widely  read.  But  even  people  who  have  not 
read  them,  have  begun  to  talk,  according 
to  Mass  Observation  and  other  reporters, 
of  "We"  and  "They"  as  political  realities 
no  less  potent  for  being  vague. 

"They,"  according  to  these  findings,  are 
thought  of  as  persons  with  power  who  are 
not  to  be  trusted  by  the  mass  of  yearning, 
insignificant  men  and  women  who  make  up 
"We."  The  pronouns  do  not  always  stand 
for  class  distinctions.  "They"  often  include 
bureaucrats  along  with  businessmen;  trade 
union  officials  along  with  capitalists.  The 
distinction  seems  to  register  some  intuitive 
hunch  among  ordinary  people  that  Western 
industrial  societies  have  already  become 
largely  authoritarian — and  that  "They"  have 
the  authority. 

Confidence  and  Change 


major  political  parties  is  an  indication  that, 
now  politics  are  again  uninhibited  by  the 
war,  there  may  be  a  substantial  carry-over  to 
peace  of  both  confidence  and  readiness  for 
change.  Old-line  politicians  are  worried 
about  this  "slide"  to  the  left  in  each  party. 
It  threatens  the  Trade  Union  Congress  as 
seriously  as  it  does  the  Primrose  League. 

Meanwhile  the  social  feeling  of  common 
identity  and  common  purpose  developed  in 
air  raid  shelters,  in  the  Home  Guard,  and 
in  munitions  factories  remains  as  real  as  the 
tangible  benefits  many  people  learned  could 
be  secured  from  wartime  teamplay  no  less 
than  wartime  controls.  It  is  still  too  early 
to  predict  what  political  shape  this  legacy 
of  the  war  will  take,  but  its  existence  will 
be  one  of  the  important  facts  of  postwar 
Britain. 


BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE 

(Continued  from  page  172) 


ican  people  is  our  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, but  few  of  those  who  recite  ii 
realize  that  the  document  as  a  whole  con- 
sists of  two  main  parts.  It  is  both  a  re- 
affirmation  of  the  rights  of  Englishmen 
and  an  indictment  of  the  king  and  govern- 
ment of  England  of  that  day  for  having 
violated  them  in  the  treatment  of  the  colon- 
ies. So  vigorous  was  the  denunciation  of 
George  III  that  one  is  prone  to  forget  the 
still  more  fundamental  fact  that  unless 
English  colonists  had  been  schooled  in  free- 
dom, the  protest  against  him  might  have 
remained  unwritten.  There  was  no  declara- 
tion of  independence  in  the  Germany  of 
that  day,  whose  princelings  hired  out  their 
peasantry  to  fight  in  foreign  wars  (Hes- 
sians, for  example);  and  whose  citizens 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  representative 
government. 

Seen  in  the  long  perspective  of  history, 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  also  a 
declaration  of  solidarity  with  those  pioneers 
of  freedom  in  Britain  who  produced  Magna 
Carta  and  the  Bill  of  Rights. 

The  Concern  of  All 


Nevertheless,  alongside  these  feelings  of  Now,  at  this  juncture  in  the  world's  his- 

cynicism    and    frustration,    there   is   to   be  tory,  when  the   freedom-loving  peoples  of 

found  in  Great  Britain  today  on  nearly  all  the  world  have  been-  fighting  a  despotism 

levels  of  life  a  positive  conviction  that  what  infinitely  worse  than  anything  in  our  own 

has    been    accomplished    in    war    can    be  past,  it  is  high  time  to  take  stock  of  the 

matched    in    peace.    There   is    widespread  heritage  of  freedom  in  which  they  share, 
popular  confidence  that  industrial  rational- 


ization can  restore  British  production  to  its 
former  place  in  world  trade.  There  is  a 
healthy  kind  of  pride  in  what  the  British 
people  have  shown  they  can  put  across 
when  they  are  pressed.  There  is  a  new  and 
vociferous  hunger  for  satisfactions  denied 
or  dreamed  about  during  the  war  which, 
in  the  peace,  may  add  up  to  that  effective 
mass  demand  which  is  the  magic  self- 
starter  of  industrial  prosperity.  Finally, 
there  is  recognition  that  disaster,  or  some- 
thing close  to  it,  may  sometimes  be  the 
penalty  for  not  taking  great  chances. 

Pending  a  general  election,  a  sense  of 
despair  and  impotence  colored  much  of  the 
surface  of  political  life  in  Great  Britain.  But 


(In 


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260 


It  is  particularly  important  for  the  English- 
speaking  peoples  who  have  been  the  out- 
standing champions  of  freedom  in  this  war 
to  achieve,  after  partnership  in  battle,  a 
partnership  in  the  projection  of  peace. 
Without  such  partnership,  the  cause  of  free- 
dom may  yet  be  lost  in  the  aftermath  of 
war.  With  such  partnership  the  future  can 
be  secure. 

Such  an  entente  between  the  United 
States  and  the  British  Commonwealth  of 
Nations  would,  however,  be  contrary  to 
our  fundamental  principles  if  it  were  ex- 
clusive of  other  nations  with  similar  his- 
tory and  outlook.  This  unity  of  purpose  of 
many  nations  was  formally  recognized  in 
the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations.  It 
is  now  repeated  in  the  new  Constitution  of 


the  United  Nations,  in  which  che  nations 
have  a  common  meeting  ground,  not  only 
for  safeguarding  themselves  against  attack, 
but  for  the  furtherance  of  mutual  under- 
standing and  welfare. 

There  are,  however,  varying  degrees  of 
understanding,  and  of  cooperation.  We  can- 
not expect,  for  example,  that  nations  un- 
familiar with  our  way  of  life  will  neces- 
sarily want  to  copy  it.  Those  people  who 
are  accustomed  to  bow  to  authority  have  a 
different  conception  of  freedom  from  those 
who  make  government  their  servants.  Only 
long  experience  with  representative  govern- 
ment can  school  people  to  make  it  work. 

This  widening  of  outlook  to  include 
other  freedom-loving  nations  as  allies  in 
the  common  cause  is  by  no  means  new  to 
either  the  British  or  ourselves.  Only  now 
the  opportunity  is  at  hand  to  embody  it 
in  a  living  international  institution  where 
it  is  much  more  likely  to  develop  than  if 
left  to  the  hazard  of  circumstance. 

Both  Thomas  Jefferson  and  John  Locke 
were  widely  read  in  the  political  literature 
of  continental  thinkers.  The  reference  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  to  "the  law 
of  nature  and  of  nature's  God"  had  its  roots 
in  Greek  and  scholastic  philosophy  and  in 
Roman  law.  The  conception  of  "natural 
law"  was  a  powerful  argument  against 
arbitrary  rule  in  the  countries  of  western 
Europe,  but  was  much  less  familiar  in 
England.  There  the  safeguards  of  freedom 
were  worked  out  in  the  practical  experience 
of  daily  life  and  were  embodied  in  such 
expressions  of  the  neighborhood  as  "the 
common  law,"  "trial  by  jury,"  and  "repre- 
sentative government." 

Our  Common  Heritage 

Both  the  English  and  the  American  peo- 
ples have  treasured  these  institutions  as 
the  very  basis  of  their  political  life.  The 
vibrant  battle  cry  of  freedom  in  both  coun- 
tries was  "No  taxation  without  representa- 
tion and  no  arbitrary  imprisonment."  Thus, 
the  core  of  the  resistance  against  George 
III  was  to  be  found  in  English  rather  than 
in  continental  history.  The  forerunners  of 
the  Founding  Fathers  were  Coke,  Hamp- 
den,  and  Cromwell  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury and  the  barons  at  Runnymede  four 
hundred  years  earlier. 

This  community  of  history,  upon  which 
the  ideals  of  both  nations  are  built,  is  even 
more  evident  in  the  Bill  of  Rights  than  in 
our  Declaration  of  Independence,  for  in 
these  first  ten  amendments  to  the  American 
Constitution  we  copied  almost  literally  the 
guarantees  against  the  possible  tyranny  of 
government  which  the  English  had  finally 
won  in  their  struggle  with  the  Stuart 
kings.  The  omission  of  the  Bill  of  Rights 
from  the  Constitution  in  its  first  form  was 
certainly  not  due  to  any  autocratic  tenden- 
cies in  the  Founding  Fathers,  but  was  a 
tribute  to  their  confidence  that  the  love  of 
freedom  was  sufficiently  strong  in  the 
American  people  to  prevent  the  growth  of 
any  tendency  to  despotism  in  government. 

Early  American  history  justified  this  con- 
fidence. The  Bill  of  Rights,  as  such,  lay  for 
a  century  in  the  background  rather  than  in 
(Continued  on  page  262) 


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261 


THE  DOCTOR 

ALONE  CANT 

CURE  YOU 

By  ROLF  ALEXANDER,  M.  D. 

Brings  the  lever  ol  Modern  Science  and 
the  fulcrum  oi  Ancient  Wisdom  together 
in  a  powerful  personal  philosophy  which 
embodies  a  simple,  positive  technique  for 
removing  the  reader's  mental  obstacles  to 
health,  happiness  and  higher  achieve- 
ment. At  your  Book  Store  $2.50.  or  direct 
post  paid  from 

THE 

OVERTON   PRESS 

PUBLISHERS 
CARSON    CITY  NEVADA 


ANNOUNCING: 

The  publication  of  a  monograph  for  use 
by  physicians,  psychiatrists,  psychothera- 
pists, social  workers,  clergymen,  patients 
and  relatives: 

ALCOHOLICS  ARE  SICK  PEOPLE 

'by     Robert     V.     Seliger,     M.D.,      Instructor     in 
Psychiatry,    Johns    Hpokins    University    Medical 


tee  on   Alcohol   Hygiene,   Inc. 

and  Victoria  Cranford,  Psychotherapist  and  ROT- 
schach  Analyst,  Haarlem  Lodje,  Catonsrille, 
Md.;  The  Farm  for  Alcoholic  Patients,  Howard 
County,  Md. 

edited  by: 

Harold  S.  Goodwin,  Day  City  Editor,  The  Balti- 
more  Sun,   Baltimore,   Md. 

TABLE     OF     CONTENTS 

1.  The  Purpose  of  this  Monograph's  Therapy 

(Treatment) . 

2.  Are  You  an  Alcoholic? 

3.  IF  You  Are  An  Alcoholic. 

4.  What  Really  Drives  You  to  Drink? 

5.  Alcoholism  Doesn't  Make  Sense. 

6.  Taking  The  Mental  Hurdles. 

7.  Life  Without  Liquor. 

8.  Glossary. 

End  covers:  (Front)  The  Liquor  Test. 

(Back)  Re-educational  Guides. 


BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE 

(Continued  from  page  261) 


Alcoholism   Publications 
2030  Park  Avenue 
Baltimore  17.  Maryland 

Please   send    me.    ALCOHOLICS    ARE    SICK    PEOPLE. 
D  COPIES  J2.00   Cloth  bound 

Mime     

Address     


the  foreground  of  our  concern.  Until  a  few 
years  ago  there  was  no  mention  of  the  Bill 
of  Rights  in  the  index  or  table  of  contents 
of  our  school  textbooks  of  American  his- 
tory. This  may  be  construed  as  meaning 
that  it  was  an  integral  part  of  our  thinking, 
something  to  be  taken  for  granted,  and  not 
an  issue  to  be  fought  over  again. 

These  folkways  of  freedom  of  the  Eng- 
lish-speaking peoples  are  our  most  precious 
heritage.  But  until  now  they  have  always 
been  thought  of  as  purely  domestic  ques- 
tions, for  each  nation  to  solve  for  itself. 
While  both  the  British  and  the  American 
peoples  have  always  been  ready  to  respond 
with  sympathy  for  the  oppressed,  they  have 
tried  to  avoid  "interfering"  in  the  domestic 
affairs  of  other  nations.  The  second  World 
War,  however-,  has  at  last  shown  us  that 
the  cruel  disregard  of  human  rights  any- 
where, is  a  matter  of  concern  to  all;  just 
as  much  as  the  threat  of  war  anywhere  has 
at  last  been  seen  to  endanger  the  peace  of 
nations — for  the  one  leads  to  the  other. 

Justice  and  Peace 

This  connection  between  domestic  and 
international  violence  is  even  now  not  ap- 
preciated as  fully  us  it  should  be,  and  those 
who  do  appreciate  it  are  by  no  means 
agreed  as  to  the  steps  which  should  be 
taken  to  remove  this  poison  from  interna- 
tional relations.  International  law  cannot 
deal  with  it  effectively  as  yet,  because  it 
has  no  mandate  to  reach  beyond  govern- 
ments to  the  peoples  themselves.  Only  by 
free  agreement  among  the  United  Nations 
can  this  extension  of  international  law  take 
place;  and  that  agreement  will,  in  turn, 
depend  upon  the  extent  to  which  tyranny 
in  foreign  countries  constitutes  a  threat  to 
their  own  peace  and  security. 

This  is  a  problem  for  statesmen  to  pose 
and  for  jurists  to  solve.  It  is  too  real  a 
problem  to  be  dealt  with  by  slogans  and 
declarations  of  principle;  it  must  be  worked 
out  and  hammered  into  shape  in  the  same 
realistic  way  as  our  domestic  laws  are  made. 

There  is,  however,  one  further  lesson 
from  history  which  furnishes  the  clue  to 
be  followed.  Oppression  is  chiefly  to  be 
found  in  the  countries  of  the  military  tradi- 
tion. Militarism  and  bureaucracy  are  in- 
separable. Both  of  them  are  ready  instru- 
ments of  oppression,  and  the  more  efficient 
they  are,  the  less  chance  for  the  develop- 
ment of  freedom.  Nowhere  else  is  there  a 
stronger  eulogy  of  them  than  in  the  writings 
of  Bismarck,  that  great  forerunner  of  the 
Nazis.  While  he  admired  the  efficiency  of 
the  civilian  bureaucrats,  his  chief  praise 
was  reserved  for  the  Prussian  officers  be- 
cause they  carried  out  whatever  orders  were 
given  them  without  questioning,  as  blind 
servants  of  the  State.  The  elimination  of 
this  military  class  is,  therefore,  one  of  the 
first  steps  in  the  guarantee  of  freedom  for 
the  common  man. 

If  we  can  now  succeed  in  this  great  enter- 
prise of  eradicating  the  threat  of  war,  we 


may  be  farther  along  than  we  think  ont 
the  pathway  to  justice  and  the  escape  from 
oppression.  Therefore,  an  immediate  great 
task  for  the  English-speaking  people  is  to- 
strengthen  the  International  Organization 
for  Peace  and  Security  taking  shape  at  San 
Francisco.  In  the  building  of  the  new  struc- 
ture of  international  relations  it  is  fitting,, 
therefore,  that  there  should  be  not  only  a. 
formal  recognition  of  the  rights  of  man  but 
also  an  international  body  charged  with 
safeguarding  those  rights  everywhere. 

In  lasting  peace  we  have  the  best  of  all 
guarantees  of  international  justice,  and  in 
justice  the  best  of  all  guarantees  of  peace. 
And  both  of  them  are  the  essential  founda- 
tions for  freedom  from  fear. 


"ECONOMIC  HIGH  COMMAND" 

(Continued  from  page  283) 


produce  goods  with  Whitworth  thread. 

To  break  this  stalemate,  the  Combined 
Production  and  Resources  Board  sponsored 
a  visit  here  of  British  experts  and  in  turn 
dispatched  their  opposites  to  London.  After 
many  consultations  we  were  able  to  lay 
before  industry  in  the  two  countries  pro- 
posals for  a  universal  screw  thread.  This 
was  a  compromise,  combining  characteristic 
features  of  both.  Again  to  oversimplify 
the  technicalities,  the  Americans  proposed 
to  adopt  the  British  rounded  groove,  the 
British  to  accept  our  truncated  crest! 

The  importance  to  the  postwar  world 
of  this  simple  change  in  screw  threads  is 
incalculable.  It  has  supplied  a  common 
denominator  for  British  and  American  ma- 
chine production.  We  have  today  in  the 
British  Isles  upwards  of  $200,000,000  worth 
of  machine  tools  which  have  reinforced 
British  manufacturing.  American  and 
British  machines  are  now  widely  distrib- 
uted over  the  globe.  The  adoption  of  a 
common  screw  thread  unquestionably 
should  help  in  servicing  vast  markets  open 
to  both  countries. 

The  expanding  work  of  the  boards  with 
UNRRA  is  exceedingly  interesting.  For 
example,  we  had  requests  for  such  unlikely 
things  as  Stockholm  tar,  hooks,  cotton 
twine,  and  sailcloth .  for  the  Balkan  fish- 
ing industry. 

At  one  point  we  received  an  urgent  de- 
mand for  4,000  tires  to  be  used  on  vehicles 
for  transporting  food  in  the  Paris  area.  At 
that  moment  our  own  truck-tire  program 
was  swamped  with  ascending  orders  from 
the  military,  and  the  War  Production 
Board  was  holding  all-day  sessions  on  the 
advisability  of  rushing  construction  of  new 
factories.  However,  the  request  was  ac- 
companied by  the  warning  that  without 
the  tires  the  already  stringent  Paris  food 
ration — then  down  to  about  1,200  calories 
a  day — would  have  to  be  cut  even  more. 

At  once  all  the  national  agencies  con- 
cerned in  both  countries  were  informed 
of  the  tire  crisis.  New  inventories  were 
taken,  new  assessments  made,  and  small 
quantities  of  our  synthetics  flown  to  the 
Renault  tire  factory  near  Paris  for  test  runs 
to  see  what  tires  could  be  produced  there. 


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262 


!|We  had  one  heartbreaking  little  incident 
In  that  connection.  After  we  had  flown  in 
B:he  rubber  it  was  found  that  there  was  no 
Uampblack  available  in  Paris.  A  supply 
Iwas  started  by  plane  from  London,  but 
|-an  into  bad  weather,  threatening  further 
•delays  in  those  vital  test  runs.  Then  en- 
gineers on  the  spot  devised  a  workable  sub- 
Itiititute  for  lampblack.  In  the  end,  initiative 
Imd  energy  won  out.  Parisian  operations 
thereafter  certainly  might  have  been  bet- 
ter. Transportation  as  a  whole  was  far 
Irrom  ideal  but  it  was  not  allowed  to  break 
;  i  down. 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  clear  that 
he  Combined  Boards  have  been  concerned 
:hicfly  with  things  in  short  supply.  The 
.vorld  situation  as  to  textiles,  coal,  hides 
land  leather,  and  a  few  other  items,  sug- 
that  combined  action  will  be  required 
or  some  time  to  come.  The  charter  of  the 
inards  expires  with  the  defeat  of  Japan. 
Mthough  no  provision  has  as  yet  been 
nade,  it  seems  evident  that  kindred  co- 
ipcrative  action  by  Britain,  the  United 
States,  and  Canada  will  be  needed  to  meet 
shortages  for  some  time  after  the  war. 

This  leads  to  a  further  question  that 
presents  itself  to  many  of  us  on  the  Com- 
.lincd  Boards:  Can  this  experience  in  joint 
planning  and  concerted  action  with  re- 
spect to  short  supplies  be  usefully  applied 
as  the  world  moves  towards  an  over-all 
surplus? 

This  last  is  a  question  not  susceptible 
of  hasty  answer.  It  involves  not  only  the 
I  whole  pattern  of  postwar  economics  but 
also  fundamental  human  relationships.  So 
many  Britons  and  Americans  have  become 
acquainted  in  fighting  together  that  stories 
of  comradeship  at  the  front  are  no  longer 
news.  That  experience  among  servicemen 
'invites  the  question  as  to  whether  relation- 
ships on  the  business  level  have  worked 
«out  equally  well. 

On  the  Business  Level 

The  Combined  Production  and  Re- 
sources Board  and  the  Combined  Raw  Ma- 
terials Board  have  been  housed  in  a  single 
section  of  the  Social  Security  Building  in 
j  Washington.  Contacts  between  the  work- 
ling  staffs  are  continuous,  meetings  are  held 
almost  daily,  sometimes  several  times  a  day. 
It  is  true  that  differences  in  approach  crop 
out.  Lord  Strathallan  may  have  winced  at 
j  being  called  "Davy"  on  his  second  meet- 
ing with  a  breezy  American,  but  the  in- 
terplay has  panned  out  to  mutual  advan- 
I  tage. 

The  British  have  had  close-ups  of  Amer- 
'  ican  production  methods.    The  Americans 
,  have  been  impressed  with  the  collaboration 
I  among  British  governmental  agencies,  with 
the     solidarity     their     representatives     can 
j  achieve  on  a  given  point.     As  in  football, 
they   allow   one   man   to   call  the   signals, 
I  while  too  often  we  Americans  argue  among 
j  ourselves.    They  reach  a  policy  determina- 
I  tion  swiftly  and  then  swing  into  teamwork 
I  in  ways  which  excite  our  envy.     At  the 
same  time  British   paper  work  is  far  less 
voluminous  than  ours.    We  keep  two  type- 
writers going  for  every  one  of  theirs. 
On  the  American  side,  the  boards  have 


been  able  to  perform  a  service  not  original- 
ly foreseen,  but  of  great  value.  By  bringing 
together  representatives  of  various  American 
agencies,  such  as  the  State  Department, 
Foreign  Economic  Administration,  War 
Production  Board,  War,  Navy,  War  Ship- 
ping Administration,  the  American  repre- 
sentative of  UNRRA,  and  so  on,  it  has  been 
easier  to  crystallize  American  policy. 

It  should  be  clearly  emphasized  that  the 
boards  function  in  a  democratic  way.  They 
do  not  "push  people  around."  From  the 
outset  it  has  been  clear  they  could  succeed 
only  as  they  won  the  cooperation  of  the 
various  national  agencies  that  actually  carry 
out  most  of  the  work,  and  it  naturally  fol- 
lowed that  such  cooperation  could  be  firmly 
had  only  by  making  sure  that  such  agencies 
had  a  part  in  making  the  decision  that 
affected  them. 

Consider  the  large  number  of  American 
agencies  that  are  involved  in  matters  af- 
fecting our  Allies;  consider,  also,  the  general 
lack  of  media  for  working  out  a  position 
on  which  agencies  can  unite — then  you 
will  recognize  how  vital  such  facilities  af- 
forded by  the  Combined  Boards  have  been. 
Since  agreements  thus  developed  have  been 
based  on  a  pooling  of  facts,  as  well  as  view- 
points, by  all  the  agencies  involved,  they 
have  been  reasonably  sure  of  acceptance  at 
the  top  level  of  American  policy-making. 

War  Time  ABC's 

Not  the  least  of  the  services  of  the  boards, 
with  their  international  contacts,  has  been 


to  interpret  to  American  agencies  the  reac- 
tion to  American  policy  to  be  anticipated 
overseas — and  vice  versa. 

Speaking  as  Americans,  we  cannot  fail 
to  pay  tribute  to  the  frank  and  complete 
cooperation  of  our  British  and  Canadian  as- 
sociates. Never,  in  these  three  years  of 
working  together,  have  they  failed  to  dis- 
close anything  and  everything  they  had 
that  bore  on  a  question  at  issue.  There 
have  been  times  when  we  had  difficulty  in 
seeing  eye  to  eye  but  at  least  we  have 
had  a  meeting  place  where  we  could  make 
it  clear  to  one  another  that  "Westminster" 
(Commons)  would  not  brook,  say,  a  fur- 
ther cut  in  textiles,  or  that  "the  Hill" 
(Congress)  would  not  stand  for  action  as 
distinctly  impolitic  the  other  way  round. 
Public  relations,  on  the  international  level, 
have  not  been  the  least  of  our  concerns. 

In  a  negative  way,  it  is  worth  pointing 
out  that  lack  of  such  mechanisms  as  the 
Combined  Boards  during  the  first  World 
War  led  to  much  confusion  and  mutual 
misunderstanding,  particularly  when  one 
Ally  or  another  followed  a  course  at  vari- 
ance with  that  of  other  nations. 

The  question  is  frequently  asked  why 
the  boards  represent  only  American,  Brit- 
ish, and  Canadian  interests.  First,  we  an- 
swer that  this  is  not  the  fact.  Although 
the  formal  membership  does  not  include 
other  nations,  our  working  relationships  do. 
When  the  boards  were  set  up,  the  over- 
whelming problems  of  supply  and  demand 
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Social  Workers 

on  the 
Battlefronts 

•  Men  like  Red   Cross  Field 
Director      James      P.      Shaw, 
former  head  of  Neighborhood 
House  in  Erie,  Pa.,  who  was 
awarded    the    Silver    Star    for 
bravery  in  Sicily. 

•  Women    like    Helen    Hall, 
director  of  The   Henry  Street 
Settlement,  who  flew  thousands 
of  miles  in   the   South  Pacific 
organizing  American  Red  Cross 
recreation  centers. 

•  And  scores  of  other  coura- 
geous  social   workers   are   im- 
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George    Korson 

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(Continued  from  page  263) 

were  those  bound  up  in  these  three  econo- 
mies. But  as  other  countries  have  come 
more  largely  into  the  picture,  they  have 
been  brought  into  the  work  of  the  boards 
along  the  lines  of  their  interests.  Brazil, 
which  just  has  added  500,000,000  yards  to 
our  cotton  textile  supply,  for  one.  The 
liberation  of  France,  for  another  example, 
has  opened  up  many  new  questions  that 
only  the  closest  cooperation  with  French 
representatives  can  solve.  This  necessity  for 
a  broader  base  has  been  welcomed  by  the 
boards  and  has  increasingly  characterized 
their  operations.  That  was  provided  for  in 
their  charters. 

The  Hope  of  Free  Markets 

We  have  put  this  question  of  human 
relationships  first  in  considering  what  light 
the  experience  of  the  Combined  Boards 
throws  on  the  future,  because  it  is  our 
firm  conviction  that,  unless  Britons  and 
Americans  can  work  together  as  good  com- 
panions, we  shall  have  a  postwar  world 
far  different  from  what  most  of  us  desire. 

We  must  ask  ourselves:  Do  we  want  the 
markets  of  that  world  to  be  free  markets? 
That  is,  markets  in  which  individuals  and 
firms  in  one  country  trade  with  good- 
neighborly  individuals  and  firms  in  other 
countries;  in  which  government  controls 
and  restrictions,  tariffs  and  subsidies  are 
progressively  minimized?  Or  do  we  want 
a  resumption  of  the  trend  of  the  Thirties, 
which  unquestionably  helped  bring  on  the 
war?  That  is,  markets  in  which  govern- 
ments represented  their  people  and  busi- 
ness firms,  governments  traded  with  gov- 
ernments, and  in  which  the  clash  and  con- 
fusion of  mounting  economic  warfare  led 
to  trade  barriers,  subsidies,  blocked  cur- 
rencies, barter,  suspicion,  and  fear? 

We  should  be  less  than  truthful  if  we 
failed  to  report  that  there  are  strong 
reasons  why  such  a  trend  might  be  re- 
sumed— and  thus  lose  us  the  peace.  Here 
is  urgent  reason  why  the  lessons  learned 
from  Combined  Board  operations  should  be 
applied  to  finding  ways  and  means  for  a 
gradual  return  to  the  system  of  free  mar- 
kets, which  to  many  of  us  is  the  world's 
best  hope  in  lessening  those  economic  fric- 
tions that  ignite  wars. 

In  this  endeavor,  it  is  essential  that  Brit- 
ain, Canada,  and  the  United  States  con- 
tinue to  act  together.  The  Economic  Intel- 
ligence Service  of  the  League  of  Nations 
has  shown  in  its  study,  "The  Network  of 
World  Trade"  (Princeton  University 
Press),  that  the  so-called  Anglo-American 
group  of  nations  represents  approximately 
one  half  the  world's  merchandise  trade  and 
more  than  one  half  the  world's  material 
resources.  This  group,  which  includes 
Latin  America  and  the  British  Common- 
wealth, can  influence  the  whole  pattern 
of  world  economy.  By  united  action,  we 
believe  it  can  lead  the  nations  of  the  world 
toward  free  markets. 

That  certainly  is  the  great  hope  we  have 
seen  before  us  on  the  Combined  Boards, 
even  as  we  have  handled  such  homely  items 
as  hooks  and  sailcloth  for  Balkan  fisher- 


THINGS  OF  THE  SPIRIT 

(Continued  from  page  240) 


happen  that  criticizing  America  was  long  a 
normal  form  of  self-indulgence  by  British 
travelers,  that  "twisting  the  lion's  tail"  is 
still  a  favorite  pastime  of  American  poli- 
ticians? How  does  it  happen  that  we  in- 
dulge in  so  much  mutual  recrimination — 
and  that  we  are  so  sensitive  to  it? 

It  may  be  admitted  that  Americans  quar- 
rel more  easily,  and  more  frequently,  with 
Britain  than  with  any  other  country;  but 
for  a  century  and  a  quarter  they  have  not 
fought  with  her,  and  whenever  quarrels 
become  dangerously  acrimonious  spokes- 
men on  both  sides  of  the  water  hasten  to 
announce  that  "war  is  unthinkable." 

Moreover,  the  long  tradition — the  habit— 
of  bickering  and  wrangling  is  not  altogether 
a  bad  one,  nor  is  the  explanation  too  dis- 
couraging. For  one  thing,  it  may  be  said, 
that  ease  of  communication  invites  wrang- 
ling; we  are,  in  the  hackneyed  phrase  of 
Bernard  Shaw,  "two  people  divided  only 
by  a  common  language."  Americans  are 
upset  over  a  tactless  phrase  in  an  English 
book;  the  British  by  a  rude  editorial  in  ao 
American  newspaper.  We  do  not  know 
what  is  said  of  us  in  French  or  Italian  or 
Swedish  books  and  newspapers,  nor,  for 
that  matter,  do  we  much  care.  But  each 
of  us  cares  greatly  for  the  good  opinion  of 
the  other.  British  and  American  sensitive- 
ness here  is  a  tribute  to  the  high  regard  we 
have  for  each  other. 

And  the  very  fact  that  there  is  so  much 
mutual  criticism  is  testimony  to  the  stand- 
ards which  we  set  for  each  other.  British 
policy  in  India  arouses  widespread  disap- 
proval in  America,  but  French  policy  in 
Syria,  Dutch  policy  in  Java,  Spanish  policy 
in  Morocco,  go  all  but  unnoticed.  So  the 
American  attitude  toward  the  Negro 
arouses  greater  interest — and  concern — in 
Britain  than  do  comparable  problems  in 
Central  America  or  even  in  South  Africa 
and  India.  This  sort  of  thing,  to  be  sure, 
can  be  unpleasant  and  provoking.  But  it 
is  better  than  indifference. 

Essential  Unity 

We  can  explain  this  tendency  towards 
mutual  recrimination;  we  can  discount  its 
importance;  we  can  even  discover  in  it  cer- 
tain virtues.  But  we  should  not  indulge 
ourselves  in  it  too  recklessly,  or  place  too 
great  a  strain  upon  mutual  understanding 
and  good  nature. 

The  cooperation  of  the  English  speaking 
peoples  is  essential  to  the  future  peace  and 
prosperity  of  the  world,  and  no  peoples  eve 
adopted  a  policy  of  cooperation  under  mor 
favorable  auspices.  The  firm  basis  fo 
Anglo-American  understanding  and  coope 
ation  has  already  been  laid — by  nature,  by 
experience,  by  history.  We  have  a  common 
language,  literature,  and  law;  we  subscribe 
to  common  principles,  cherish  common  val- 
ues, confess  a  common  faith.  In  the  great- 
est crisis  of  history  we  have  presented  a 
united  front.  Let  us  maintain  that  united 
front  for  the  tasks  that  lie  ahead. 


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264 


PALESTINE 

(Continued  from  page  198) 


had  been  shelved  on  a  technicality.  Quickly 
(approved  thereafter,  the  children  began  to 
[appear  in  Istanbul  at  the  rate  of  about  100 
a  week,  by  train  from  Bulgaria.    But  pas- 
sage by  sea  was  called  for  if  their  rescue 
was  to  be  speeded. 

This  brought  me  in  touch  with  the 
young  Palestinians  who  were  operating 
the  small  rescue  ships  which  were  to  make 
their  way  from  the  Balkans  into  the  Bos- 
jporus  and  from  the  Greek  Islands  across 
the  Aegean  Sea  to  ports  adjacent  to  the 
city  of  Smyrna.  Ranging  from  twenty 
[to  thirty-five  years  of  age,  no  risks  were 
I  too  perilous  for  these  young  Palestinians  to 
take.  When  a  daring  venture  into  the 
enemy  territory  was  required,  "the  boys," 
as  we  called  them,  were  the  ones  to  volun- 
teer. They  did  the  job  and  brought  out 
information  from  the  Balkans  of  incal- 
culable value  to  the  Allies,  at  the  same  time 
that  they  learned  the  movements  of  fugi- 
tives there.  They  placed  representatives 
in  charge  of  their  undercover  operations 
and  maintained  a  courier  service. 

While,  as  a  representative  of  my  gov- 
ernment, I  could  not  concur  with  some 
of  the  informal  techniques  they  employed, 
clearly,  in  a  life  and  death  struggle  where 
minutes  counted,  rules  had  to  be  overlooked 
or  broken  by  just  such  young  zealots.  I 
developed  a  great  fondness  for  the  boys, 
and  resolved  to  help  them  as  much  as 
feasible.  They  had  been  negotiating  with 
Turkish,  Rumanian,  and  Bulgarian  boat 
owners  who  demanded  large  sums  for 
the  use  of  their  tubs  to  transport  victims 
across  the  Black  Sea — an  average  of  about 
$150  for  each  individual.  Human  salvage 
came  high  in  those  days  in  the  Middle 
East.  Death  was  much  cheaper. 

A  Bridge  of  Ships 

It  was  after  months  of  such  negotiations, 
marked  by  heartbreaking  delays,  that  the 
young  operators  phoned  me  from  Istanbul 
to  say  that  a  Bulgarian  ship,  the  55  Milfo, 
was  en  route  from  Constanza,  Rumania. 
It  had  no  papers  and  the  passengers  had 
neither  Turkish  transit  visas  nor  Pales- 
tine entrance  permits.  Here  was  the  first 
test.  Would  the  little  bridge  of  ships 
that  I  had  authorized  and  helped  the  boys 
to  charter,  be  turned  back  to  their  Nazi 
captors  for  want  of  safe  harbor  in  Turkey? 
Or  would  they  follow  the  Struma  to  the 
bottom  of  the  Black  Sea? 

Here  the  British  Embassy  intervened  ag- 
gressively with  the  Turkish  authorities  in 
their  behalf  but  to  no  avail.  Finally  the 
tide  was  turned  by  strong  representations 
to  the  Turkish  Foreign  Minister  by  the 
American  Ambassador,  Laurence  A.  Stein- 
hardt.  Permission  was  granted  for  the 
Mil/(a  to  land  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  Is- 
tanbul; and  special  trains  were  detailed  by 
the  Turkish  police  to  take  the  passengers 
directly  through  Syria  to  Palestine.  They 
were  not  permitted  to  remain  in  Turkey. 
This  was  the  first  of  the  illegal  ships  to 
gain  entrance  and  bring  refugees  to  safety. 

Eight  others  followed;  but  one  of  them. 


the  55  Mejkura,  was  torpedoed  by  a 
Nazi  submarine  and  only  six  of  its  305 
passengers  reached  shore.  When  this  news 
was  first  flashed  to  me  at  Ankara,  I 
phoned  the  boys  in  Ista.ibul  to  keep  the 
small  boats  going  without  let-up.  As  I 
learned  later,  they  had  been  in  a  blue 
funk.  The  sinking  of  the  Meffara  was 
an  act  of  war.  In  response  to  a  cable 
to  Washington,  John  Pehle  at  once  re- 
plied supporting  my  decision,  provided  that 
the  refugees  themselves  knew  the  risks  and 
were  willing  to  take  them.  Representatives 
of  the  relief  organizations,  and  especially 
the  American  Jewish  Joint  Distribution 
Committee  which  supplied  almost  all  of 
the  funds  for  these  operations,  together 


with  the  Jewish  Agency  of  Palestine,  also 
subscribed  to  this  view.  Thereafter,  numer- 
ous other  ships  completed  the  voyages  suc- 
cessfully, bringing  in  thousands. 

Nevertheless,  my  nights  were  filled  with 
restless  dreams.  I  would  wake  suddenly 
with  a  start  and  see  lines  of  shadowy  chil- 
dren deploying  to  the  rescue  trains  under 
the  direction  of  Turkish  police.  Like  the 
reality,  they  were  spindle-legged,  emaciated 
little  orphans,  clutching  in  their  skinny 
arms  the  cloth  bundles  that  made  up  their 
possessions.  With  their  distended  bellies, 
vacant  stares,  lined  faces,  the  thought  of 
them  caused  an  inner  ache. 

As  time  wore  on  I  saw  hundreds  of  them 
as  they  emerged  from  the  Balkans;  saw 


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265 


ASSURANCE 


"His  Majesty's  Government  view  with 
favour  the  establishment  in  Palestine  of  a 
national  home  for  the  Jewish  people,  and 
will  use  their  best  endeavours  to  facilitate 
the  achievement  of  this  object,  it  being 
clearly  understood  that  nothing  shall  be 
done  which  may  prejudice  the  civil  and 
religious  rights  of  existing  non- Jewish  com- 
munities in  Palestine,  or  the  rights  and 
political  status  enjoyed  by  Jews  in  any 
other  country." 

— Declaration  for  British  Government,  World 
War  I — by  Arthur  James  Balfour,  Foreign 
Secretary,  1917. 


"Whereas  recognition  has  thereby  been 
given  to  the  historical  connection  of  the 
Jewish  people  with  Palestine  and  to  the 
grounds  for  reconstituting  their  national 
home  in  that  country  .  .  . 

"Article  2.  The  Mandatory  shall  be  re- 
sponsible for  placing  the  country  under 
such  political,  administrative  and  economic 
conditions  as  will  secure  the  establishment 
of  the  Jewish  national  home,  as  laid  down 
in  the  preamble,  and  the  development  of 
self-governing  institutions,  and  also  for 
safeguarding  the  civil  and  religious  rights 
of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  irrespec- 
tive of  race  and  religion. 


"Article  6.  The  Administration  of  Pales- 
tine, while  ensuring  that  the  rights  and  po- 
sition of  other  sections  of  the  population 
are  not  prejudiced,  shall  facilitate  Jewish 
immigration  under  suitable  conditions  .  .  ." 

— From  MANDATE  entrusting  Great  Britain 
with  administration — by  Supreme  Council,  Al- 
lied and  Associated  Powers,  1920;  later 
adopted  by  the  League  of  Nations. 


"Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the 
United  States  of  America  favors  the  estab- 
lishment in  Palestine  of  a  national  home 
for  the  Jewish  people  ..." 

— Joint   Resolution,    American   Congress,    1922. 


"...  I  know  how  long  and  ardently  the 
Jewish  people  have  worked  and  prayed 
for  the  establishment  of  Palestine  as  a  free 
and  democratic  Jewish  Commonwealth.  I 
am  convinced  the  American  people  give 
their  support  to  this  aim."  (October  15, 
1944) 

".  .  .  That  position  I  have  not  changed 
and  shall  continue  to  seek  to  bring  about 
its  earliest  realization."  (March  16,  1945) 

— Statements    by    Franklin    Delano    Roosevelt. 


them  leave  Istanbul  by  the  special  trains 
which  took  them  across  the  Syrian  border 
to  loving  care  in  Palestine.  While  the  older 
people  deserved  (and  received)  all  the  help 
we  could  provide,  we  wanted  passionately 
to  succor  these  children. 

Children — Especially 

Looking  at  a  clod,  you  can  imagine  the 
Earth;  looking  at  one  child's  face,  you  can 
see  the  face  of  mankind.  I  shall  never  for- 
get the  first  boy  who  was  brought  to  me 
in  a  small  apartment  in  Istanbul  by  Chaim 
Barlas  of  the  Jewish  Agency.  Bits  of  his 
story  have  been  told.  It  was  genuine. 

He  had  been  walking  for  five  years. 
When  he  was  eight,  the  Nazi  police  had 
murdered  his  mother  and  father  in  front 
of  his  eyes.  Child  as  he  was,  he  outwitted 
them  and  ran  away,  clutching  his  little 
sister  by  the  hand.  She  was  later  caught 
and  trampled  by  the  Gestapo,  but  he  ran 
into  a  house,  jumped  into  a  barrel  of  water 
in  the  cellar,  and  hid  there  all  night  with 
only  his  head  sticking  out. 

It  was  afterward  that  he  started  walking. 
Once  he  walked  right  into  a  concentration 
camp  and  stayed  there  for  a  while,  but  as 
the  Nazis  didn't  have  any  record  of  him, 
he  slipped  out,  kept  on  walking  and  finally 
reached  the  Slovakian  border.  The  under- 
ground movement  helped  him  get  into 
Hungary,  and  there  he  joined  a  group  of 
children  shepherded  by  a  guide  provided 
by  the  underground.  Once  he  was  so  tired 
that  he  sank  from  exhaustion,  unable  to 
take  another  step;  they  had  to  carry  him. 

He  was  jittery  on  getting  to  Istanbul 
and  talked  so  fast  I  could  hardly  under- 
stand him.  At  one  point  he  showed  me  a 
picture  of  a  beautiful  girl  of  nineteen. 

"She  was  our  leader,"  he  exclaimed,  his 
eyes  lighting  up.  "She  did  many  brave 
things  to  save  us." 


"And  where  is  she  now?  I  should  like 
to  talk  with  her." 

"She  was  hung,"  he  said  tersely.  "The 
Germans  caught  her  and  hung  her.  We 
saw  them  do  it.  She  was  brave  even 
through  that." 

"You  still  carry  her  picture  with  you?" 

"We  all  do,"  he  told  me.  "Each  of  us 
carries  it  in  a  pocket  near  our  hearts.  It 
makes  us  feel  better.  She  is  our  heroine." 

Meanwhile,  what  was  in  store  for  such 
children  who  had  fed  on  bullets  instead  of 
butter,  who  had  forgotten  how  to  smile, 
how  to  play?  Earlier  I  had  had  encour- 
agement on  that  score  in  a  talk  with  Sir 
William  Matthews  in  Cairo.  As  director 
of  MERRA— the  Middle  East  Relief  and 
Rehabilitation  Association  —  now  under 
UNRRA,  this  Britisher  had  been  responsi- 
ble for  setting  up  refugee  camps  in  Egypt. 

"It  is  a  mistake,"  he  said,  "to  think  that 
these  young  folk  who  have  lived  many 
psychic  deaths  will  be  abnormal  citizens. 
On  the  contrary,  I  have  observed  them  as 
they  revive  and  recapture  normal  health. 
Theirs  is  a  fierce  devotion  to  the  ideal  and 
to  the  reality  of  liberty.  I  am  convinced 
that  they  will  be  some  of  the  great  free- 
dom-loving citizens  of  the  world." 

Palestine  Re- Visited 

These  words  still  echoed  in  my  ears 
when  I  again  visited  Palestine  and  saw 
some  of  these  same  children  in  the  various 
Jewish  Agricultural  Colonies.  The  vacant 
stare  had  left  their  eyes.  No  longer  de- 
jected, they  looked  up.  The  stick-like  legs 
had  developed  a  bit  of  sturdiness.  Bent 
shoulders  were  straightening  up  and  swol- 
len bellies  shrinking.  The  fruitful  sun  of 
Palestine  was  erasing  not  only  the  pallor 
but  the  creases  from  their  little  faces.  In- 
stead of  walking  haltingly  behind  some 
police  protector,  as  they  had  done  in  Istan- 


bul, they  knew  what  it  was  to  run  free. 

On  my  way  back  to  the  United  States, 
I  had  accepted  the  invitation  of  Palestinian 
leaders  to  visit  their  country  again,  and 
I  was  eager  to  see  children  from  Trans- 
dniestria  I  had  put  on  the  train  at  Istanbul. 

One  must  understand  the  heated  nation- 
alism manifested  in  Palestine  in  the  midst 
of  concentrated  colonization  and  racial  ten- 
sions. On  arrival  in  Jerusalem  in  October, 
I  found  that  a  curfew  had  been  instituted 
as  a  result  of  the  attempt  by  young  Jew- 
ish zealots  to  kill  the  outgoing  High  Com- 
missioner, Sir  Harold  MacMichael.  And 
on  my  departure,  while  waiting  for  a  plane 
at  Lydda  for  Cairo,  I  met  an  American 
intelligence  officer  who  spoke  with  appre- 
hension. As  he  saw  things:  "A  small  group 
of  youngsters  here  are  full  of  fire  and  not 
afraid  of  the  consequences.  They  will  not 
tolerate  partition  and  will  fight  it  out  first." 

Early  in  November  Lord  Moyne,  British 
Resident  Minister  in  the  Middle  East,  was 
assassinated  in  Cairo  by  two  young  Pales- 
tinian extremists,  who  later  confessed  and 
were  executed.  A  man  who  warrants  Prime 
Minister  Churchill's  esteem,  no  one  could 
blame  Lord  Moyne  himself  for  the  policy 
of  Great  Britain  in  repudiating  the  prom- 
ise of  Lord  Balfour  in  1917.  His  regime, 
however,  as  Colonial  Minister  in  1941-42 
fell  in  the  five-year  span  for  enforcement 
of  the  White  Paper  issued  in  1939. 

Nothing  is  more  foreign  to  the  insti 
of  Americans  than  resort  to  assassinati 
whatever  the  cause.  We  should  bear 
mind,  however,  that  these  youths  had  been 
to  hard  schoolmasters — not  to  the  ancient 
assassins  who  once  scourged  the  Near 
East  but  to  such  official  blindness  as  had 
let  the  Struma  and  other  ships  go  down. 
Terror  and  wholesale  slaughter  had  been 
seen  by  young  eyes,  if  through  glass  darkly. 

It  was   reassuring   to   recall  those  other 
young  eyes  of  the  Palestinian  boys  in  Istan- 
bul,  who  collectively  faced   death  to  sa' 
life — not  to  take  it. 


me, 

-42 
ent 

* 
H 


PERFORMANCE 

Seven   Findings:   Royal   Commission,    1937 

(i)  The  large  import  of  Jewish  capital 
into  Palestine  has  had  a  general  fructi- 
fying effect  on  the  economic  life  of  the 
whole  country. 

(ii)  The  expansion  of  Arab  industry 
and  citriculture  has  been  largely  fi- 
nanced by  the  capital  thus  obtained, 
(iii)  Jewish  example  has  done  much  to 
improve  Arab  cultivation,  especially  of 
citrus. 

(iv)  Owing  to  Jewish  development  and 
enterprise  the  employment  of  Aiab 
labour  has  increased  in  urban  areas, 
particularly  in  the  ports. 
(v)  The  reclamation  and  anti-malaria 
work  undertaken  in  Jewish  "colonies" 
have  benefited  all  Arabs  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. 

(vi)  Institutions,  founded  with  Jewish 
funds  primarily  to  serve  the  National 
Home,  have  also  served  the  Arab  popu- 
lation .... 

(vii)  The  general  beneficent  effect  of 
Jewish  immigration  on  Arab  welfare  is 
illustrated  by  the  fact  that  the  increase 
in  the  Arab  population  is  most  marked 
in  urban  areas  affected  by  Jewish  de- 
velopment .... 


266 


Constructive  Leadership 

The  merit  of  Palestine,  as  I  saw  it,  is 
that  it  is  demonstrating  the  self-respect  of  its 
people.  In  Palestine  the  Jew  holds  his  head 
up  and  looks  forward;  and  it  is  of  such 
a  man,  the  antithesis  of  direct  actionists, 
that  I  shall  now  write. 

This  was  David  Ben  Gurion,  chairman 
of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Jewish 
Agency.  He  himself  is  a  robust  fighter — 
but  in  his  own  ways. 

Bushy  white  hair  shot  out  at  a  tangent 
from  his  high  forehead.  Brilliant,  blue- 
white  eyes  seemed  to  peer  at  far  horizons. 
He  answered  my  questions  with  both  ana- 
lytical incisiveness  and  fervor:  "The  Jews 
of  Palestine  want  500,000  refugees.  We 
stand  ready  to  welcome  them.  No  other 
place  with  these  qualifications  exists." 

As  he  talked,  seemingly  insuperable  ob- 
stacles and  economic  disadvantages  held  no 
discouragement.  They  were  treated  as  prob- 
lems to  be  overcome.  Here  was  a  nation 
in  the  making,  as  new  in  spirit,  as  he  put 
it,  as  it  is  old  in  history — begging  for  more 
immigrants.  Their  economy  is  built  on  the 
basis  of  receiving  more  and  more.  This  need 
seemed  to  me  to  be  Palestine's  greatest  as- 
set. These  workers  would  have  difficulties 
elsewhere.  Here  they  are  freely  and  swiftly 
incorporated  into  the  Palestinian  society. 

With  swift  strokes,  David  Ben  Gurion 
sketched  his  own  realistic  dream.  A  parched 
Palestine  had  become  a  green  Palestine. 
Obviously  it  is  not  a  rich  country.  One  can 
see  that  from  its  barrenness  and  lack  of 
water,  but  alongside  the  emptiness  there 
are  places  which  have  been  deftly  cultivat- 
ed. With  work,  knowledge  and  love,  the 
earth  responds.  No  less  than  four  hun- 
dred thousand  acres  have  been  developed 
as  in  California  with  fruit  crops. 

In  my  talks  with  him,  Ben  Gurion  in- 
sisted that  there  is  sufficient  land  cultivat- 
able  to  feed  from  three  to  four  million 
people  in  Palestine,  and  that  this  acreage 
can  even  be  doubled  later.  Anyone  who 
has  studied  this  Middle  East  knows  that 
its  industrial  possibilities  have  not  as  yet 
been  touched.  To  his  mind,  Palestine  can 
supply  much  of  that  region  with  manufac- 
tured products — and  he  pointed  out  that  it 
is  -already  sending  textiles,  chemicals,  phar- 
maceuticals,  metals,  machinery  to  India. 

Mt.  Scopus  to  the  Dead  Sea 

The  study  of  Dr.  Judah  Magnes,  presi- 
dent of  the  Hebrew  University,  is  on  its 
roof  overlooking  Mount  Scopus.  The  eve- 
ning he  took  me  there  the  old  city  lay 
like  an  etching  in  the  fading  daylight. 
Above  us,  one  star  shone  eloquently;  near- 
by, electric  lights  bordered  the  irregular 
silhouette  of  the  university  buildings.  From 
there,  ancient  walls  led  down  between 
Gethsemane  and  the  Mount  of  Olives.  Be- 
fore me  was  the  site  of  the  original  Tem- 
ple of  Solomon  and  below  in  the  vague 
distance  the  barely  perceptible  shadow  of 
the  Dead  Sea.  You  could  not  help  being 
caught  in  the  magic  of  it  all;  help  sensing 
the  continuity  from  the  ancient  past  to  what 
the  future  holds.  .  .  .  And,  at  sixty-eight, 
Dr.  Magnes  himself  has  all  the  zeal  of 


his    youth    in    the    United    States. 

The  next  morning,  we  toured  the  uni- 
versity which  he  describes  "as  only  a  great 
beginning."  A  new  shrine  of  Hebrew  learn- 
ing, it  has  become,  also,  a  salient  of  ap- 
plied science  thrust  out  in  the  Middle  East. 
In  the  laboratories,  students  were  absorbed 
in  fascinating  experiments,  some  of  them 
working  with  instruments  which,  due  to 
war  restrictions,  were  put  together  with 
wire,  adhesive  tape,  even  rubber  bands. 
My  special  interest  was  excited  by  the 
department  of  geology  where  specimens  of 
soils  throughout  the  Middle  East  and  rock 
dug  up  from  vast  depths  have  revealed 
endless  possibilities  for  development. 


The  needs  of  the  university  are  urgent, 
especially  for  a  medical  center  to  train  eager 
students  from  the  Balkans  to  the  Persian 
Gulf,  a  project  indorsed  by  leading  uni- 
versities in  the  United  States.  The  expand- 
ing work  of  the  Rothschild-Hadassah  Uni- 
versity Hospital,  which  has  served  civilians 
and  the  Allied  armies  in  a  score  of  ways, 
is  housed  in  a  modern  structure.  Here,  for 
a  second  time,  I  visited  its  founder,  Hen- 
rietta Szold,  who  at  eighty-four  was  to 
succumb  to  pneumonia  last  February.  She 
was  frail  even  then,  recovering  from  an 
earlier  attack,  but  her  noble,  many-faceted 
mind  was  as  clear  as  Gabriel's  horn.  She 
showed  me  a  book  of  sketches  by  one  of  the 


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Official  U.  S.  Navy  Photo 

Admiral  Halsey  has  his  eye  on  a  fine 
white  horse  called  Shirayuki. 

Some  time  ago,  at  a  press  conference, 
he  expressed  the  hope  that  one  day  soon 
he  could  ride  it. 

The  chap  now  in  Shirayuki's  saddle 
is  Japan's  Emperor— Hirohito. 

He  is  the  ruler  of  as  arrogant,  treach- 
erous, and  vicious  a  bunch  of  would-be 
despots  as  this  earth  has  ever  seen. 

Well,  it's  high  time  we  finished  this 
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But  we  can  afford  it  — if  American 
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young  refugees  from  Transdniestria  I 
had  last  seen  in  Istanbul.  [See  page  196.] 
She  herself  was  working  from  her  sick  bed 
to  bring  20,000  more  children  to  Palestine. 

My  visits  to  the  agricultural  colonies 
were  with  Charles  Passman  of  the  Amer- 
ican Jewish  Joint  Distribution  Committee. 
Located  in  arid  sections  of  Palestine,  each 
has  a  different  agricultural  and  social  prob- 
lem; each  has  its  own  formula  and  some 
of  the  techniques  worked  out  have  been 
adopted  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 

Thence  to  the  Dead  Sea  which  lies  in 
the  deepest  canyon  in  the  world — 1,300  feet 
below  ordinary  sea  level.  Trans-Jordania 
looms  on  its  far  side,  mysterious  and  stark. 
As  our  road  wound  through  weird  con- 
tours of  the  surrounding  mountains,  the 
air  became  hotter;  the  pressure  on  the  ears 
more  noticeable.  The  water  is  rich  in  min- 
erals and  a  project  of  the  Palestinians  is 
now  underway  for  distilling  them. 

The  distance  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
is  about  forty  miles,  and  in  his  book, 
"Palestine — Land  of  Promise,"  Walter 
Lowdermilk  of  the  U.  S.  Department  of 
Agriculture  stirred  Americans  with  plans 
for  cutting  a  great  tunnel  to  carry  twenty 
tons  of  water  a  second  down  from  one  sea 
level  to  the  other.  The  cheap  electric 
power  which  should  be  available  would 
support  industries  of  great  productive  value. 
Oil  now  comes  by  pipeline  from  the  Mo- 
sul fields  to  a  refinery  at  Haifa.  Later, 
in  Jerusalem,  I  met  James  B.  Hays,  for- 
merly of  the  Tennesssee  Valley  Authority, 
who  was  enthusiastically  prosecuting  studies 
for  a  large  scale  irrigation  program. 

Born  of  an  age-old  dream  which  ani- 
mated a  Zionist  Congress  fifty  years  ago, 
the  modern  movement  began  to  take  shape 
after  the  turn  of  the  century.  It  has  been 
carried  forward  by  Zionist  organizations 
throughout  the  world,  under  such  leaders 
as  Chaim  Weizmann  in  Britain,  Stephen 
S.  Wise,  and  the  late  Justice  Louis  D. 
Brandeis  in  the  United  States.  It  has  sur- 
vived and  taken  new  forms  through  the 
faith  and  driving  force  of  leaders  inside 
and  outside  of  Palestine,  who  have  sur- 
mounted discouragements  and  barriers. 

To  date  the  Palestinian  economy  has  been 
artificial  in  the  sense  that  financing  has 
had  to  come  largely  from  outside  sources; 
but  in  one  way  or  another,  that  has  been 
true  for  other  pioneering  countries  in  their 
initial  stages.  With  people  enough  and 
tools  enough,  Palestine  will  become  self- 
sustaining  and  sound,  with  electric  power 
and  higher  standards  of  living  for  its  in- 
habitants— Arabs  and  Jews  alike. 

With  this  prospect,  coupled  with  per- 
formance to  back  it  up,  it  has  been  nat- 
ural that  Palestinian  Jews  should  chafe 
at  restrictive  policies  on  the  part  of  their 
protectors.  Like  the  Irish  Republicans, 
with  whom  England  had  to  reckon  after 
the  last  war,  the  Jewish  "homelanders" 
are  predominantly  Europeans  and  as  such 
they  are  out  of  joint  with  a  colonial  policy 
which,  persistently,  has  placed  administra- 
tors there  who  have  failed  to  understand 
the  temper  of  these  new  subjects. 

Proportionately,  in  spite  of  the  blitz, 
Britain  itself  has  harbored  more  Jewish 


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268 


refugees  in  the  course  of  the  war  than  the 
United  States.  The  British  in  Jerusalem, 
however,  are  not  the  British  in  London. 
More  specifically,  there  are  too  many  run- 
of-the-mill  officials  who  have  had  their 
training  in  ruling  native  peoples.  For  their 
part,  Jewish  leaders  consider  such  petty 
officials  as  a  rank  indignity;  fiery  Jew- 
ish youths  simply  will  not  accept  them. 

At  that,  I  found  the  Palestinians  not 
anti-British  but  anti-White  Paper.  This 
they  regard  as  a  temporary  aberration — 
one  of  those  proverbial  "British  blunders," 
differing  only  in  size  from  the  appeasement 
of  Hitler  in  the  Thirties  and  what  came  of 
it  in  the  Forties.  Belief  in  Britain's  po- 
litical and  moral  genius  continues  to  be 
sustained  by  David  Ben  Gurion  and  others. 

In   some   quarters,  hopes  are   high   that 
at   the   war's   end,    as    an    offset   to   Arab 
pressures,   the    British   will   remember   the 
contributions    Palestinians    have    made    to 
British  fortunes  in  World  War  II.     Take 
the  services  of  General  Frederick  H.  Kisch 
once  political  head  of  the  Jewish  Agenc 
for  Palestine  and  a  trustee  of  the  Hebrev 
Institute    of    Technology    in    Haifa,    wl 
was  killed  in  action  in  Tunisia  in   1943 

When  General  Montgomery  was 
against  it  first  in  stopping  Rommel  and  the 
in  pushing  his  powerful  mechanized  arr 
back  through  North  Africa  to  the  sea,  th 
British  water  supply  was  a  critical  elemer 
in  the  campaign.  Then  chief  engineer 
the  British  8th  Army,  General  Kisch  pro 
posed  a  pipeline.  He  was  promptly  aske 
where  the  material  was  to  come  frorj 
Kisch  volunteered:  "I'll  get  it  for  you  fro 
Palestine."  He  got  it.  This  pipeline,  ru 
out  600  miles  into  the  desert  from  Ale 
andria,  played  signal  part  in  the  outcome 

Under  the  Mandate 

I  have  given  my  impressions  of  the 
tality,  the  optimism,  and  the  seething  fer 
ment  in  Palestine.  As  a  result  there  ar 
over  twenty  Jewish  political  parties  strug- 
gling for  recognition  and  control — each  with 
a  crusading  fervor  that  its  solution  is  the 
right  one.  These  range  from  the  violent 
course  espoused  by  the  extreme  Revision- 
ists (who  themselves  have  broken  into  sev- 
eral fragments)  to  the  conciliatory  program 
sponsored  by  the  University's  president. 

Pacifist  and  gallant  citizen  of  the  world, 
Dr.  Magnes  is  as  firm  in  his  belief  that  a 
rapprochement  can  be  arrived  at  on  a  basis 
of  parity  with  the  Arabs,  as  the  Revision- 
ists are  convinced  that  only  a  show  of 
militant  power  will  settle  the  issue. 

The  Jewish  Agency  for  Palestine,  a  mech- 
anism set  up  by  the  British  government, 
operates  a  little  left  of  center,  attempt- 
ing to  win  and  maintain  the  good  will  of 
the  various  governments  with  which  it  must 
deal.  At  the  same  time,  its  philosophy 
envisages  both  a  free  and  independent  com- 
monwealth and  a  predominant  Jewish 
population.  The  extreme  Revisionists  rate 
the  Jewish  Agency's  policy  as  conservative 
if  not  reactionary.  The  agency  looks  upon 
Dr.  Magnes'  program  in  about  the  same 
light  as  one  of  appeasement. 

With  his  unswerving  integrity,  Dr.  Mag- 
nes continues  to  command  the  highest  re- 


spcct    personally    from    all    factions — from 
government  leaders  to  youthful  zealots. 

Here  in  the  United  States,  many  influen- 
tial American  Jews  long  stood  aloof  or  op- 
posed the  Zionist  movement  lest  the  drive 
for  such  a  Jewish  Homeland  augment  anti- 
Semitism.  Moreover,  they  saw  the  future 
of  the  Jews  throughout  the  world  as  citi- 
zens of  governments  in  which  they  would 
participate  under  freedom.  The  rise  of  Hit- 
ler and  the  spread  of  frightfulness  tended 
to  undermine  confidence  in  that  position. 
Had  there  been  no  Palestine,  they  now 
realize  how  many  fugitives  saved  from 
fascist  extermination  would,  like  the  Struma 
passengers,  have  had  nowhere  to  go. 

Arabs  and  Jews 

Zionist  plans  must  be  scanned  against  the 
racial  landscape  that  encompasses  them — 
the  million  Arabs  in  Palestine  itself;  the 
new  Arab  Federation,  formed  at  Cairo  and 
represented  at  San  Francisco  —  and  the 
whole  Mohammedan  world.  These  factors 
indicate  that  neither  Britain,  America,  or 
Palestinian  Jewry,  will  have  undisputed  say 
as  to  boundaries,  population  movements, 
and  the  political  future  of  Palestine.  The 
Arabs  appraise  the  British  position  as  weak- 
ened in  the  Middle  East,  and  are  especially 
alive  to  impending  challenge  by  Russia. 

Arab  effendis  (landowners)  in  Palestine 
have  opposed  steps  to  develop  trade  union- 
ism or  to  lift  standards  of  living.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Arab  masses  were 
aroused  in  1936  to  terrorize  the  Jews  by 
halting  traffic  and  causing  bloodshed.  None- 
theless, it  was  in  these  same  mid-Thirties 
that  fifteen  new  Zionist  colonies  were  estab- 
lished in  Galilee  and  Tel  Aviv  was  built. 

Population  of  Palestine 


(In  thousands) 


Moslems    . 
Jews 

Christians 
Other    r  . 

Total 


1922 

(Census) 

589 

84 

71 


752 


1942 
(Official  Est.) 
995 
485 
127 
13 


1,620 


Increase 

406 

401 

56 

5 

86 


Approximations  (1945):  Moslems  1,050,000;  Jews 
600,000;  Christians  150,000. 

Obviously,  there  are  Arabs,  fearful  that 
Palestine  may  become  non-Arabic,  who  are 
anti-Zionist;  and  political  leaders  among 
them  who  have  fished  in  troubled  waters 
with  the  ancient  baits  and  hooks  of  race 
prejudice.  Minor  frictions  are  bound  to 
crop  out  in  the  churning  process  of  settle- 
ment in  an  old  setting,  with  newcomers 
from  a  score  of  countries.  Since  the  days 
of  the  Prophet,  Mohammedan  peoples  have 
not  been  anti-Jewish.  Much  that  I  saw 
convinced  me  that  the  majority  of  those  in 
Palestine  bear  no  malice  toward  the  Jews. 

Rather,  many  of  them  recognize  that 
living  conditions  among  their  fellows  have 
definitely  improved  as  a  by-product  of  the 
development  of  the  Jewish  program — alike 
in  terms  of  livelihood,  health,  and  useful- 
ness. With  the  result,  that  Arab  immigra- 
tion to  Palestine  from  the  hinterland  has 
mounted.*  If  Ben  Gurion's  estimates  hold 
— that  the  absorptive  capacity  of  the  coun- 


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try  is  from  three  to  four  millions — there 
will  be  no  population  pressure  in  and  of 
itself  to  dislodge  the  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  Arabs  whose  ancestors  have  dwelt  here. 

On  a  wider  canvas,  postwar  regional 
planning  throughout  the  entire  Middle  East 
for  the  conservation  and  development  of 
natural  resources,  together  with  agricul- 
tural, educational  and  industrial  advance- 
ment, would  change  the  whole  social 
climate  of  this  part  of  the  world.  The  new 
"green  pastures"  of  Palestine  would  no 
longer  have  the  same  lure  to  impoverished 
Arabs  outside  its  borders.  And  within  the 
country  itself,  popular  education  and  shared 
prosperity  should  make  for  better  relations. 

So  far  as  suzerainty  goes,  Palestine  is 
only  a  small  segment  of  the  Near  and 
Middle  East  open  to  the  dreams  of  Arab 
youth.  So  far  as  freedom  of  religion  goes, 
of  all  peoples  the  Jews  prize  tolerance. 


•Government  figures  set  this  at  20,000  in  twenty 
years.  Non-government  figures  (including  illicit  en- 
tries) are  calculated  at  three  to  five  times  that  total 


British  and  Americans 

To  my  way  of  thinking,  Britain,  the 
United  States,  and  Soviet  Russia  together 
can  in  the  long  run  break  any  deadlock 
or  correct  any  major  blunder  in  dealing 
with  minorities  in  the  postwar  world.  Thus, 
as  things  stand,  Britain  can  go  on  holding 
the  reins  as  the  new  Palestine  finds  itself; 
but  only  with  convinced  American  support, 
for  political  unrest  from  the  Black  Sea  to 
the  Potomac  is  unquestionably  loosening 
the  grip  the  British  once  held  over  the  dis- 
puted Bible  land.  Events  hang  on  whether 
the  British  recognize  that  both  their  in- 
terests and  their  principles  call  for  open- 
handedness  toward  a  rising,  self-governing 
people  who  seek  control  of  their  own 
destinies.  More,  this  would  forever  lay  the 
(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC) 

269 


charge  that  London  employed  the  Arabs  as 
an  excuse  and  not  a  reason  for  its  course. 
A  Palestinian  Commonwealth  can  become 
a  potential  force  for  peace  and  orderly  de- 
velopment in  the  Mediterranean  basin. 

After  all,  the  British  mandate  of  1920  was 
a  provisional  arrangement.  The  Balfour 
pledge,  made  back  in  1917  in  another  world 
war  in  which  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  fought  as  Allies,  still  stands.  Ap- 
proved by  the  United  States,  adopted  by 
the  League  of  Nations,  I  cannot  conceive 
that  Britain  will  continue  to  stick  to  a 
contrary  policy  framed,  in  days  of  appease- 
ment, in  the  much  disputed  White  Paper 
of  1939.  Nor  that,  with  the  close  of  World 
War  II,  the  nations  which  united  in  a 
struggle  for  freedom  and  security,  will 
leave  the  first  victims  of  Nazi  aggression, 
alone  without  a  land  of  their  own. 

Man's  struggle  for  liberty  against  im- 
ponderable forces  provides  us  with  some  of 
history's  most  stirring  pages.  The  David 
and  Goliath  legend  has  become  part  of  the 
folklore  of  English  speaking  peoples.  Pal- 
estine itself  is  no  larger  than  the  state  of 
Vermont,  if  far  more  populous  than  that 
was  in  our  own  colonial  days  when  Ethan 
Allen  and  his  Green  Mountain  boys  ham- 
mered at  a  British  frontier  fort  in  the  name, 
if  you  please,  of  the  "Great  Jehovah  and 
the  Continental  Congress."  One  of  the 
glories  of  democracy  has  been  our  capacity 
to  throw  consequences  to  the  wind  when 
injustice  becomes  insufferable.  The  New 
World  would  think  less  of  Palestinians  if 
they  accepted  such  a  fate  supinely.  Their 
call  springs  from  a  homeless  and  ageless 
people  who  have  at  last  found  their  roots 
again  and  seek  their  rightful  status. 


WORKERS  WANTED 

WORKERS  WANTED 

WANTED:     EXPERIENCED     GROUP    WORK- 
ERS.     Men    and    women.      B'nai    B'rith    Youth 
Organization    expanding    its    field   offices    through- 
out   the    U.    S.    and    Canada.      Positions    open    for 
Directors   and   Assistant    Directors.      Social    group 
work    training    and    experience    required.       Salary 
commensurate    with    experience    and   job    responsi- 
bility.      Apply     BBYO     Headquarters,     1746     M 
Street,    N.W.,    Washington,    D.    C. 

WANTED:  Two  case  workers  for  a  Catholic  pri- 
vate Welfare  Agency  in  the  South,  also  Execu- 
tive for  newly  organized  Catholic  Welfare  Agency  ; 
excellent  working  conditions,  8146  Survey. 

PAROLE  OFFICER—  Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dents. Vacancies  principally  in  New  York  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  15%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679, 
Albany.  New  York. 

HEAD  COUNSELOR  for  Jewish  Children's  Home. 
Take  responsibility  for  staff  and  children  and  for 
planning     the     program.       Good     opportunity     for 
qualified  person.      Initial   salary   $2700  plus   main- 
tenance.    8147    Survey. 

WANTED:  A  couple  for  resident  position  —  Boys 
Dormitory.  Must  be  able  to  supervise  school 
work,  recreational  activities,  direct  the  conduct 
of  the  boys.  There  are  housekeeping  duties  en- 
tailed. For  full  details  write  to  Superintendent, 
Friendship  House,  2000  Adams  Avenue,  Scran- 
ton  9,  Pa. 

ACTIVITIES   DIRECTOR  for  leisure  time  activi- 
ties of    125    children   in   Jewish    Children's    Home. 
Good    opportunity    for    qualified    person.       Salary 
$2400.      Apply    Marks    Nathan    Hall,    1550    South 
Albany    Avenue,    Chicago,    Illinois. 

RECREATIONAL    DIRECTOR    for    handicapped 

MAN:  Group  Work,  Settlement  up-state  New  York. 
Will     train     on     job.       Opportunity     for     veteran. 
8151   Survey. 

permanent  —  give  experience,  references.  Goodwill 
Industries,  Dayton,  Ohio. 

HOMEFINDER  for  well-established,  private  chil- 
dren's agency.  Good  salary  and  excellent  working 
conditions.  Write  Byron  T.  Hacker,  Children's 
Center,  1400  Whitney  Avenue,  New  Haven  Con- 
necticut. 

SOCIAL   WORKERS   equipped    to  practice   in   the 
case    work,    group    work,    or   health    fields   are   of- 
fered    unusual     opportunities     in     Cleveland     and 
Cuyahoga  County,  one  of  America's  leading  indus- 
trial centers.      For  full  information,   wire  or  write 
to  Mrs.  Anne  Masterson,  1242  West  Third  Street, 
Cleveland,  Ohio. 

GROUP  WORK  SUPERVISOR  or  Assistant 
Headworker  wanted  for  large  settlement  house 
in  New  England.  Good  position  with  exceptional 
opportunity  for  right  person.  Salary  to  start 
$3500  or  more  if  qualified.  8135  Survey. 

TEACHER     to    direct     Nursery     School     for     blind 
children    conducted    by    large    welfare    agency    in 
New  York  City.     Training  and  experience  in  pre- 
school   field    required.       Suitable    salary    assured. 
Sept.  -June;      5-day     week.        State     qualifications. 
8150  Survey. 

WANTED:  2  women,  1  as  Assistant  Director  and 
1  as  Girls'  Supervisor,  small  Children's  Home, 
congregate  building.  Both  positions  resident. 
Convenient  transportation.  1650  Broadway,  Beth- 
lehem, Pa. 

POSITIONS   OPEN 
IN  ALASKA 

EXPERIENCED  FUND-RAISER  to  raise  at  least 
$50,000  yearly  from  New  York's  Protestants  for 
interracial  school  serving  pre-delinquent  boys 
Institution  has  strong,  working  board.  Permanent 
position.  8131  Survey. 

CHILD  WELFARE  SERVICES 
WORKERS 
Salary    Range:    $235.00-$265.00   per   month.      Ap- 
pointments   at    the    minimum.       Area    of    work  : 
Alaska  Department  of  Public  Welfare.     Minimum 
Qualifications  :    College    4    years    Graduate    Study, 
1  year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work.     Must 
include  courses   in   Child   Welfare  and   Supervised 
.Field    Work   in   Child   Welfare   and   Family   Wel- 
fare.     Experience:    2    years    in    past    5    years    of 
social     work,     one    of     which     must     be    in     child 
welfare.     Apply:   Alaska  Merit  System,  Box  201, 
Juneau,  Alaska,  via  Air  Mail,  supplying  minimum 
qualifications. 

NEW  MEXICO  DEPARTMENT  OF  PUBLIC 
WELFARE  needs  trained  social  workers  in  Pub- 
lic Assistance  and  Child  Welfare.  Entrance  sal- 
aries $145  to  $205.  Applications  accepted  con- 
tinuously. Write  Merit  System  Council,  Box 
939,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico. 

TRAINED  AND  EXPERIENCED  Social  Worker 
for  State  Wide  Organization,  East.  Salary  $2000 
with  Maintenance.  8140  Survey. 

CHILDREN'S  AID  SOCIETY  in  Southern  City 
(overnight  8  hours  from  New  York  City),  has 
vacancies  on  staff.  Limited  case  loads  not  to 
exceed  35.  Adequate  salary.  Opportunity  for 
further  professional  development.  8137  Survey. 

CASE  WORKERS   wanted   by  child  protective 
agency.     School  of  Social  Work  graduates  pre- 
ferred,  but  college   graduates   with   social    sci- 
ence course  accepted  for  training.     Satisfactory 
salaries  and  personnel  practices.     Apply  Mass. 
S.  P.  C.  C.,  43  Mt.  Vernon  Street,  Boston  8, 
Mass. 

CASE  WORKER  for  adoption  agency  of  high 
standard.  Requirements:  Graduate  degree  in  case 
work  ;  experience  or  training  in  children's  agency 
preferred.  Salary  range:  $2,100  to  $2,700.  Re- 
ply to:  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Harral  Carlton,  Adoption 
Service  Bureau,  1001  Huron  Road,  Cleveland  15, 
Ohio. 

CASE  WORKERS  who  meet  requirements  of 
American  Association  of  Social  Workers;  CASE 
AIDES  who  have  B.A.  Degree;  full-time  day  or 
night  employment.  American  Red  Cross,  529 
South  Wabash  Avenue,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 
Wabash  7850. 

SOCIAL  WORKERS  WANTED 

Excellent      opportunities      at      good      salaries      for 
graduates    of    accredited    schools    of    social    work, 
to  work  In  a  progressive  community  whose  social 
work   future   lies   before  It. 

Ideal    Climate    for    Year-Round    Outdoor    Sports. 

Caseworkers,   Croup   Workers, 
Supervisors    and    other    Health    and 
Welfare   Workers   address   all   com- 
munications to: 

JOSEPH  ANDRIOLA,  Assist.  Dir. 

Community  Welfare  Council 

645   A  Street,   San  Diego   1,   California 

SETTLEMENT  HOUSE  in  New  Jersey  metropoli- 
tan area  requires  research  associate  to  conduct  a 
neighborhood  survey.  Salary  from  $3000.  8145 
Survey. 

WE  OFFER  EMPLOYERS  AND  CANDIDATES 
in  all  fields  of  social  work  everywhere  an  en- 
tirely new,  unique  medium  for  finding  just  the 
right  person  or  position.  Because  screening  tech- 
niques have  been  streamlined,  commissions  and 
registration  fees  eliminated,  and  placement  fees 
reduced  to  a  flat  $25.00,  the  widest  selection 
current  conditions  permit  is  attracted.  Why  leave 
any  stones  unturned?  Perhaps  the  very  person 
you  would  most  like  to  get  in  touch  with  is  also 
reading  this  ad.  Write  for  details.  Central 
Registry  Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus 
9,  Ohio. 

CASEWORK  SUPERVISOR  AND  CASEWORKER   NEEDED   FOR 
CHALLENGING    ASSIGNMENTS    IN     MERCED    AGENCY 

Portland,  Maine,  Family  Agency  and  Children's  Agency,  members  of  F.W.A.A.  and  C.W.L.A., 

are  now  in  process  of  merging.     The  Family  department  in  the  resulting  merger  requires   a 
strong  casework  supervisor  and  competent  caseworker.     Excellent  salaries. 
At  present  the  Children's  program  is  highly  developed  with  full  staff.     The   Family  caseload 
is    down    to   minimum,    offering    an    unusual   opportunity    to    develop    gradually    both    program 
and  staff. 

Supervisor  must  have  graduate  degree  in  social  work  plus  family  casework  and  supervisory 
experience  of  high  order.      Caseworker   must   have   graduate   degree,   preferably   supplemented 

Write  Miss  Janice  Bowen,  Executive  Director,   Children's  Service  Bureau,   187  Middle  Street, 
Portland  3,  Maine. 

WORKERS  WANTED 


CASE  WORKER  WANTED— Mid-western  Child 
Placing  Agency  desires  two  workers : — one  to 
work  with  children  in  an  institution  and  one  as  a 
foster  home  finder.  Salaries  according  to  training 
and  experience.  Challenging  opportunity.  8143 
Survey. 

WANTED:  Caseworkers  with  training  and/or  ex- 
perience for  Massachusetts  family  agency  giving 
services  to  armed  forces  and  veterans.  Salary 
commensurate  with  training  and  experience.  Give 
details.  8139  Survey. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 

POSITION  with  progressive  social  or  labor  organi- 
zation desired.  Knowledge  of  organizational  make- 
up ;  office  management  and  detail  ;  public  relations 
and  fund-raising;  research,  educational  programs, 
literature.  New  York  City  preferred.  8141 
Survey. 

MAN,  Master's  Degree  in  Social  Work.  Experi- 
ence :  administration,  research,  community  rela- 
tions, family  welfare,  group  work,  institutions; 
linguist  ;  desires  administrative,  research  or  super- 
visory position.  8134  Survey. 

MAN  (36)  trained  and  experienced  worker;  men- 
tally and  physically  handicapped  group  and  fam- 
ily work  ;  public  schools  ;  desires  administrative 
position  in  institution  or  hospital  for  handicapped. 
Available  June  1st.  8133  Survey. 

HOUSEMASTER,     recreational     teacher    for    ch 
dren's    home,     private    school,    boys'    club,    insti 
tution.    Protestant,    mature,    available    Septemb 
15th.     8123     Survey. 

SOCIAL  WORKER,  young  man,  ten  years'  exper 
ence  welfare  work,  well  equipped  education  an 
experience  handling  people;  public  speaker.  No 
employed  large  national  organization,  wishes  lie 
opportunity.  New  York  or  vicinity  preferre 
8097  Survey. 

EXECUTIVE    SECRETARY,    good    stenograph 

si 
81 


able  correspondent,   handle   personnel,    purchasing 
etc.      Salary   $50-$55.      Permanent.      5    days. 


Survey. 


OFFICE  MANAGER,  Administrative  Assistan 
Personnel  Director.  20  years'  organization  an 
trade  association  experiences.  Moderate  salar 
Postwar.  8148  Survey. 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGIST 

CHANGING  JOBS  SOON?  What's  your  I.Q., 
personality  strength,  special  abilities?  Take  sin 
pie  tests  mailed  you.  Psychologist  (Ph.D.)  ac 
vise  suitable  jobs,  courses,  future.  Refund  if  dis 
satisfied.  Free  information.  Vocational  Guidanc 
Clinic,  52  Lincoln  Avenue,  Highland  Park,  N. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 

GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC, 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  Nev 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 

COFFEE 

"IT  IS  RICH,  full-bodied,  flavorsome  and  strong 
— a  combination  I  had  looked  for  in  vain,"  writes 
an  Ohio  customer.  Send  $1.00  for  trial  2  pounds 
of  this  superb  coffee.  Specify  grind.  Richard  H. 
Toeplitz,  Suite  205,  342  Madison  Avenue,  .New 
York  17. 


"POWHATAN"  INDIAN  PIPE 

SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  king  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


RATES 

Classified  Advertising 

Display 33c  per  line 

Non-displar 8c   per  word 

Minimum  Charge         .         .      »1.50  per  insertion 
Discounts         .         .         1O%   on  six  insertions 

15%  on  twelve  insertions 

CASH   WITH   ORDER 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 
112  E.   19th  Street         New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


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270 


RESORTS 


MAINE 


LANE'S   ISLAND 

As   you  plan   your  summer  vacation, 

may     we      send      information     about 

Rockaway  Inn,  Vinalhaven,  Maine,  cottage. 


NORTH  CAROLINA 


WOODLAND  COTTAGES:  High  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Western  Carolina.  Quiet,  clean  and  com- 
fortable. Equipped  for  Housekeeping.  For  infor- 
mation address:  Miss  Martha  Armstrong,  Wood- 
land Cottages,  Spruce  Pine,  North  Carolina. 


NEW  YORK  CITY 


SPRING 

and 
SUMMER 

Comfort  in 
Big-City  Living 


Large,  airy,  outside  rooms.  Terraced 
roofs  facing  10-acre  park.  Observation 
dining  room.  Pool  and  gymnasium. 

Rate  #8.50  up,  weekly — meals  optional. 
A  Residence  Out  for  men  and  women. 

CHRISTODORA   HOUSE 

601   East  9th  Street,  New  York 


LETTER  SERVICES 


MULTICRAPHINC 

MIMEOGRAPHING 

ADDRESSING 

FILLING-IN 

FOLDING 

METERING 

COMPLETE  MAILINGS 

•         •         * 

Quick  Service  Letter  Company 

INCORPORATED 

53    PARK    PLACE — NEW    YORK 

TELEPHONE— BARCLAY   7-963S 


MAPS    GLOBES 
CHARTS    ATLASES 
MODELS    PICTURES 

Foi  better  teaching  and  learning 
in  the  fields  of  geography,  his- 
tory, biology  and  health. 

Write  for  Catalog  20S. 

Denoyer-Geppert  Co. 

5235  Ravenswood  Avenue 
Chicago  40,   Illinois 


BOOKPLATES 


FREE   CATALOG,  showing  several  hundred   beau- 
tiful  designs. 
ANTIOCH    BOOKPLATES,    Box  218,   Yellow   Springs,   Ohio 

PRINTING 

LET    US    PRINT    YOUR    PAMPHLETS.      Send 
for  free   circular   giving   terms.      Haldeman-Julius 

Company,   Box   P-1003,   Girard,   Kansas. 


LANGUAGES 


PHONOGRAPH  COURSES.  Mail  Orders.  All 
Makes.  Booklet  G.  LANGUAGE  SERVICE, 
Box  6,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


29  LANGUAGES  BY  LINGUAPHONE.  Russian, 
Spanish,  Portuguese  —  Direct  conversational 
method  for  mastering  any  language  quickly, 
easily,  correctly  at  home.  Send  for  FREE  book. 
LINGUAPHONE  INSTITUTE,  50  RCA  Bldg., 
New  York  20.  CI  7-0830. 


COOPERATIVE  COMMUNITY 


LET'S  BUILD  OUR  OWN  CIVILIZATION. 
Members  wanted  to  plan  self-reliant  cooperative 
community.  Please  reply  at  length.  8144  Survey. 


FOR  SALE 


TEA  ROOM,  New  York  Finger  Lakes,  near  col- 
lege campus.  Reputation  built  on  good  food  in 
pleasant  surroundings.  Box  61,  Keuka  Park, 
New  York. 


ART  SCHOOL 


PLAN  TO  VACATION  in  quaint  Boothbay  Har- 
bor,  Maine,  and  paint.  Anson  K.  Cross  Art 
School.  Vision-training  method.  "Eight  to 
eighty."  Charcoal,  Oil,  Water-color.  Landscape, 
Portrait.  College  credit  certificate.  Circular  on 
request.  G.  R.  Brigham,  Ph.D.,  Director.  Also 
Home  Study  Extension  Courses. 


BUY    WAR     BONDS 


THE  BOOKSHELF 


WHAT  BOOKS  DO  YOU  WANT? 

We    quote    lowest    market    prices.     No    charge    for 

locuuix     Hard-to-Flnd     and     Out-of-Print     Books. 

All    books.    OLD    or    NEW,     mailed    POST-FREK. 

SEARCHLIGHT    BOOK   COLLECTIONS 

22  Eatt  17th  St..  New  York  City 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  NURSING 
shows  tht  part  which  professional  nurses  take  in 
the  betterment  of  the  world.  Put  it  in  your 
library.  $3.00  a  year.  1790  Broadway  at  58  St., 
New  York  19.  N.  Y. 

BOOKS  OF  POETRY  AND  LITERARY  CRITI- 
CISM—Bought  and  Sold.  Carl  Nissen,  8142 
Survey. 


BOOK  SALE,  new  and  used.  Bargains.  35c  up. 
New  free  catalog.  6000  titles.  Novels,  westerns, 
mysteries,  non-fiction.  American  Lending  Library, 
Dept.  SU,  College  Point.  N.  Y. 


YOUR  NAME  AND  ADDRESS  printed  on  a 
Gummed  Label.  500  for  $1.00.  Box  24,  Rich- 
mond Hill,  New  York. 


FOREIGN  BOOKS 


SCHOENHOF'S  FOREIGN  BOOKS,  INC. 

1280   Massachusetts  Avenue,   Dept.   SV 

Cambridge  38,    Mass. 


PROFESSIONAL  SERVICES 


SPECIAL  ARTICLES,  THESES,  SPEECHES, 
PAPERS.  Research,  revision,  bibliographies,  etc. 
Over  twenty  years'  experience  serving  busy  pro- 
fessional persons.  Prompt  service  extended. 
AUTHORS  RESEARCH  BUREAU,  516  Fifth 
Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

ORIGINAL  SERMONS,  SPEECHES,  LEC- 
TURES, Club  Papers,  professionally  prepared. 
Criticism,  rewriting,  plotting,  ghostwriting  of 
book-length  manuscripts,  short-stories,  feature 
articles.  Testimonials  galore.  Printed  Lectures, 
Sermons  and  Outlines  also  furnished.  FREE 
Circular.  Dept.  "S,"  Continental  Writers'  & 
Speakers'  Bureau,  210  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 


HELEN  GUILES,  Literary  Agent.  Short  stories, 
current  articles,  book  manuscripts  and  poetry  ex- 
pertly criticised  and  marketed.  131  West  69th 
Street,  New  York  City. 


MANUSCRIPT  TYPING,  also  Stenotype  Report- 
ing,  Mimeographing.  Prompt,  efficient  service; 
reasonable  rate..  ROLEN  REPORTERS,  351 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Dickens 
2-0296. 

RESEARCH :  Congressional  Library,  Government 
Bureaus,  etc.  Questions,  literary  or  scientific  in- 
vestigations, genealogy,  business  errands,  attended 
by  experts.  Valuable  circular,  lOc.  Crehore,  Box 
2329-6,  Washington  13,  D.  C. 


WE  PUBLISH,  PRINT  and  DISTRIBUTE  your 
manuscripts  in  pamphlet  and  book  form.  Folder. 
B.  WILLIAM-FREDERICK  PRESS:  Pamphlet 
Distributing  Company,  313  West  35th  Street, 
New  York  1. 


SIMMONS    COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 

Phychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Beacon  Hill,  Boston 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BUFFALO 

School  of  Social  Work 

Announces 
Two  Summer  Sessions  from 

July  2nd  to  September  22nd 

Students  may  continue  into  the  Fall  term.  Classroom 
and  field  work  instruction  as  well  as  individualized 
study  programs  are  available.  Address  inquiries  to 

The  Dean 
25  Niagara  Square,  Buffalo  2,  New  York 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention   SURVEY  GRAPHIC.) 


271 


'' 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PITTSBURGH 

SCHOOL  OF  APPLIED  SOCIAL  SCIENCES 

Announces  the  resumption  of 

the  2-semester  academic  year 

1945-1946 

1st  semester  begins  September  24th,  1945. 
2nd  semester  begins  February  llth,  1946. 

T        T        T 
Generic  Program  and  Specializations  in 

Social  Case  Work 

Social  Group  Work 

Community  Organization  Work 

Social  Research 
Public  Welfare  Administration 

T          T          T 

For  information  on  admission  and  fellowships 

apply 
Office  of  the  Dean 


SMITH   COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Opens  June,  1945 

The  Accelerated  Course  provides  two  years  of 
academic  credits,  covering  two  quarters  of  theory, 
three  quarters  of  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
meet  the  complex  problems  of  postwar  rehabilitation. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 
Contents  for  March,  1945 

Today's  War  and  Tomorrrow's  Children 

Marion  B.  Durfee,  M.D. 

Paternal  Domination:  Its  Influence  on  Child  Guidance  Results 

Dorothy  Daniels  Mueller 

When  Is  it  Worth  While  to  Reopen  a  Case  for  Child  Guid- 
ance? Pearl  Baum 

Influence  of  Environmental  Factors  on  the  Adjustment  of  Epi- 
leptics Paroled  from  a  Mental  Hospital  Sara  H.  Sitkin 

For  further  information  write  to 

THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


SMITH   COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

GRADUATE  SEMINARS 

July  23  to  August  4 

The  Seminars  will  give  particular 
attention  to  the  problems  of  dis- 
charged veterans  and  their  families. 

ADVANCED  CASE  WORK,  emphasizing  the  integration 
of  psychiatric,  medical,  and  social  case  work  treatment. 

Mrs.  Lucille  N.  Austin 

SUPERVISORY  METHOD  IN  SOCIAL  CASE  WORK, 
as  applied  to  current  problems  and  community  planning. 

Mrs.  Lucille  N.  Austin 

PSYCHOSOMATIC  MEDICINE,  in  connection  with  re- 
habilitation. 

Dr.  Felix  Deutsch 

THE  STATUS   OF  THE   VETERAN,   as  it  affects  eco- 
nomic and  social  developments. 

Dr.  Eveline  M.  Burns 

For  further  information  write  to 

THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


UNIVERSITY  OF  LOUISVILLE 
KENT  SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Social  Treatment 
Medical  Social  Work 

Community  Organization  di  Group  Work 

Social  Administration 

Social  Research 


Two-year    Graduate    Program    leading 
to  Master  of  Science  in  Social  Work 

Limited  number  of  Fellowship!  and  Scholarships  available. 
For  further  information  apply  to: 

Dean,  Raymond  A.  Kent  School  of  Social  Work 
University  of  Louisville 
Louisville  8,  Ky. 


CARNEGIE  INSTITUTE  OF  TECHNOLOGY 

Schenley  Park  —  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Department  of  Social  Work 

Two  Year  Graduate  Professional  Curriculum — Specialization 
in  Case  Work,  Group  Work,  Administration,  Community 
Relations  and  Research. 

Undergraduate  Preprofessional  Curriculum — Prepares  for 
graduate  study  and  for  War-Time  positions  of  a  Junior 
Professional  Grade. 

Registration:  Friday,  September  28,  1945 

Address  inquiries  to  Mrs.  Mary  Clarke  Burnett,  Head,  Department 
of  Social  Work. 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC^ 


272 


DIRECTORY   OF   NATIONAL   ORGANIZATIONS 


Social,  Economic  and  International  Planning 


AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION  FOR  A  DEMOCRATIC 
GERMANY,  s  hast  41st  Street,  New  York  17, 
New  York.  Officers:  Dean  Christian  Gauss, 
Honorary  Chairman;  John  A.  Lapp,  Reinhold 
Niebuhr,  Dorothy  Thompson,  Vice-Chairmen. 
Program :  The  distribution  of  factual  and 
interpretive  material  on  current  developments 
in  Germany:  the  mobilization  of  support  for 
genuinely  democratic  German  groups  and 
movements,  both  in  the  United  States  and 
abroad. 


AMERICAN    COUNCIL,    INSTITUTE    OF    PACIFIC 

RELATIONS,  1  East  54th  Street,  New  York  22, 

N.    Y.      Research  and  study  organization   on 

the    Pacific    area    problems    as    they    affect 

America. 

Special  pamphlet  offer  on  British- American 
relations:  COOPERATION  FOR  WHAT? 
U.  S.  &  BRITISH  COMMONWEALTH: 
SPEAKING  OF  INDIA;  MEET  THE 
ANZACS ;  LABOR  IN  AUSTRALIA. 
Complete  packet  .  .  .  40c. 
Also  available—popularly  written  pamphlets 
on  the  Philippines.  Pacific  Islands,  Japan, 
China,  U.S.5.R.  Write  for  complete  pam- 
phlet list 


AMERICAN  FRIENDS  SERVICE  COMMITTEE 
(QUAKERS)— 20  South  12th  Street,  Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania ;  Clarence  E.  Pickett, 
Executive  Secretary.  "Whatever  concerns 
human  beings  in  distress,  whatever  may  help 
free  individuals,  groups  and  nations  from 
fear,  hate  or  narrowness— these  are  subjects 
for  the  Committee's  consideration."  Present 
projects  include  civilian  relief  operations  in 
England,  China,  India  and  North  Africa;  aid 
to  refugees,  aliens  and  Japanese- Americans 
in  the  United  States  with  overseas  activities 
in  Switzerland,  Portugal,  Sweden  and  Hawaii; 
enrollment  of  students  and  other  volunteers 
in  world  camp  projects  in  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  to  improve  social-industrial  and 
race  relations;  Institutes  of  International 
Relations  to  promote  study  of  religious  and 
economic  bases  for  peace  and  post-war 
reconstruction;  administration  of  Civilian 
Public  Service  Camps  for  religious  consci- 
entious objectors  in  cooperation  with  other 
agencies. 


Since    1917    AMERICAN   JEWISH   CONGRESS    has 

concerned  itself  with  protection  of  rights  of 
Jews.  Activities  now  embrace  situation  in 
United  States,  Latin  America,  and  Europe. 
Its  program  includes  defense  against  anti- 
Semitic  propaganda,  combating  economic  dis- 
crimination, law  and  legislation  with  a  view 
to  strengthening  democracy,  political  repre- 
sentation on  behalf  of  rights  of  Jews,  and 
amelioration  of  conditions  for  refugees;  par- 
ticipation in  war  program  of  United  States; 
preparation  for  reestablishment  of  Jewish 
rights  at  end  of  war. 

Toward  this  end  it  has  set  up,  in  cooperation 
with  the  World  Jewish  Congress,  an  Insti- 
tution of  Jewish  Affairs  now  studying  facts 
of  Jewish  life  with  a  view  to  establishing; 
basis  on  which  rights  may  be  claimed  at  end 
of  war. 

Also  engaged,  together  with  World  Jewish 
Congress,  in  political  negotiations  with  demo- 
cratic governments  with  a  view  to  securing 
sympathetic  support  for  post-war  rights. 
Has  recently  established  Inter- American 
Jewish  Council  for  inter-American  Jewish 
community  cooperation  in  behalf  of  post-war 
Jewish  reconstruction  and  strengthening  of 
democracy.  1834  Broadway,  New  York  City. 


AMERICAN    RUSSIAN   CULTURAL   ASSOCIATION 

— Devoted  to  strengthening  cultural  ties 
between  U.  S.  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  Lectures, 
Public  Events  Exhibitions,  Classes,  Private 
Lessons  in  Russian  given  by  graduates  of 
Russian  Universities.  For  full  information 
address  American  Russian  Cultural  Ass'n., 
200  West  57th  St.,  New  York  19.  N.  Y. 


AMERICAN     SOCIETY    FOR     PUBLIC     ADMINIS- 
TRATION, 1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago  37A, 
Illinois.      A  national   organization  to  advance 
the    science    of    public    administration.       All 
members     receive    official     quarterly     journal 
,     Public  Administration  Review,  which  presents 
articles    on    current    administrative    practices. 
Discussion    groups    for    members    in    metro- 
politan areas.     Membership  $5. 


BTVAI  B'RITH  —Oldest  and  largest  national  Jew- 
ish service  and  fraternal  organization  whose 
program  embraces  manifold  activities  in  war 
service,  Americanism,  youth  welfare,  war  re 
lief,  education,  community  and  social  service 


—1003   K  Street,   N.W.,   Washington,    D.   C 


INSTITUTE  OF  HUMAN  FELLOWSHIP,  407  Mc- 
Kay Bldg. ,  Portland  4,  Oregon.  I  nterna- 
tional,  Non  Partisan,  Non  Racial.  Organized 
to  teach  the  truths  of  life  and  open  wider 
the  doors  to  human  happiness.  Powered  by 
Intellect;  motored  by  Reason  this  religion  of 
the  future  affords  opportunity  for  leaders 
who  seek  honorable  service.  Official  organ 
of  this  growing  organization  is  FREE  MIND. 
Sample  copy  for  postage. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  CITY  MANAGERS'  ASSO- 
CIATION, 1313  East  60  Street,  Chicago  37,  111. 
To  aid  in  improving  municipal  administration 
(1)  annually  issues  the  Municipal  Year  Book, 
an  encyclopedia  of  information  about  munici- 
pal activities  in  the  2,042  cities  in  the  United 
States  over  5,000;  (2^  publishes  Public  Man- 
agement, a  monthly  journal  devoted  to  local 
government;  (3)  issues  special  reports  such 
as  "Planning  for  Postwar  Municipal  Serv- 
ices," "Police  and  Minority  Groups,"  "Meas- 
uring Municipal  Activities,  "Municipal  Pub- 
lic Relations,  '  etc. ;  and  (4)  provides  a  series 
of  eight  practical  correspondence  courses  in 
municipal  government.  Write  for  complete 
list  of  publications  and  a  catalogue  on 
training  courses. 


LIBRARY      OF      INTERNATIONAL      RELATIONS, 

84  E.  Randolph  St.,  Chicago  1,  Illinois. 
Maintains  a  reference  library  on  current 
world  affairs.  Reading  room  is  open  to  the 
public.  Founded  in  1932  to  provide  reliable 
unbiased  information  on  economic,  social  and 
political  conditions  in  all  countries  since  1900. 
Incorporated  not  for  profit. 
Round  Table  discussions  on  important  cur- 
rent questions  are  held  for  members. 
For  education  or  for  butino**  purpo**t  UM 
tk«  L-l-H. 

Memberships:     individual     $5,     study    groups 
$25,   business   $100.      Staff  services  available. 


NATIONAL  CONGRESS  OF  PARENTS  AND 
TEACHERS  — An  educational  organization  of 
over  three  million  men  and  women,  working 
together  in  28,000  local  associations  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  children  and  youth. 
Conduct  a  nation-wide  program  devoted  to 
home  and  school  education,  parent  education, 
health  and  social  services.  One  of  its  major 
projects  is  the  preparation  and  distribution 
of  Parent-Teacher  publications,  among  which 
are  the  "National  Parent-Teacher/'  official 
magazine,  and  a  monthly  Bulletin,  both  issued 
on  a  subscription  basis;  Proceedings  of  An- 
nual Meetings;  Community  Life  in  a  Democ- 
racy; The  Parent -Teacher  Organisation,  Its 
Origin  and  Development.  Write:  Mrs.  William 
A.  Hastings,  President,  600  South  Michigan 
Boulevard,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 


NATIONAL  CONSUMERS  LEAGUE,  348  Engineers' 
Building,  Cleveland  1 4,  Ohio.  A  voluntary 
organization  founded  in  1899  to  awaken 
consumers'  responsibility  for  conditions  under 
which  goods  are  made  and  distributed,  and 
through  investigation,  education,  and  legis- 
lation to  promote  fair  labor  standards.  Mini- 
mum membership  fee  including  quarterly 
bulletin,  $2.00.  Elizabeth  S.  Magee,  General 
Secretary. 


NATIONAL  COUNCIL  OF  JEWISH  WOMEN.  1819 
Broadway,  New  York  23.  N.  Y.  FIFTY 
YEARS'  SERVICE  TO  FAITH  AND 
HUMANITY.  SERVICE  TO  FOREIGN 
BORN — immigrant  aid,  port  and  dock  work, 
naturalization  aid,  Americanization  classes, 
location  of  relatives  in  war-separated  families. 
SOCIAL  WELFARE  AND  WAR  ACTIVI- 
TIES— Council  houses  and  clubs,  nurseries, 
clinics;  scholarships,  camps,  teen-age  canteens; 
work  with  handicapped.  Participation  in 
national  wartime  programs  through  educa- 
tional projects  and  community  activities. 
EDUCATION  DIVISION  —  Contemporary 
Jewish  affairs,  international  relations  and 
peace,  social  legislation.  Study  groups  under 
national  direction  keep  Jewish  women  through- 
out country  alert  to  vital  current  issues.  215 
Senior  Sections  in  United  States.  100  Junior 
and  Councilette  Sections.  65,000  members. 


SAVE  WASTE  FAT 

SAVE  WASTE  PAPER 

BUY  WAR  BONDS 


NATIONAL  FEDERATION  FOR  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL LIBERTIES— 205  East  42  St.,  Room 
1613,  New  York  17,  N.  Y.  A  national 
federation  through  which  labor,  church,  civic, 
fraternal  and  farm  organizations,  as  well  as 
individual  citizens,  work  to  protect  and 
extend  civil  rights  in  the  tradition  of  the 
American  Constitution. 

Maintains  a  national  office  in  New  York, 
and  a  Washington  Bureau  to  provide  accurate 
and  timely  information  on  civil  rights  issues 
— through  publications,  meetings,  and  special 
legislative  assistance. 

NCFL  Subscription  Service:  $3  per  year  for 
individuals;  $5  for  organizations. 


NATIONAL  PEACE  CONFERENCE,  8  West  40  St., 
New  York  City  18,  is  composed  of  repre- 
sentatives of  national  men  and  women's  or- 
ganizations whose  programs  include  in  whole 
or  in  part  interest  in  world  affairs.  Through 
meetings,  popular  pamphlets  and  annual  ob- 
servance of  November  11  as  World  Govern- 
ment Day  the  Conference  contributes  to  the 
education  of  public  opinion  for  an  organized 
world.  Publication  list  upon  request.  Dr. 
Walter  W.  Van  Kirk,  Honorary  President; 
Dr.  John  Paul  Jones,  President;  Miss  Jane 
Evans,  Director. 


THE  NATIONAL  VOCATIONAL  GUIDANCE 
ASSOCIATION,  Christine  Melcher,  Executive 
Secretary,  525  West  120tb  Street,  New  York 
City  27,  is  the  professional  organization  for 
counselors  and  others  engaged  and  interested 
in  vocational  guidance,  and  the  publishers  of 
OCCUPATIONS,  the  Vocational  Guidance 
Journal. 


PUBLIC    OWNERSHIP    LEAGUE    OF    AMERICA— 

Facts  about  America's  10,000  publicly  owned 
projects — Bi-monthly  illustrated  magazine^ — 
Extensive  bulletin  and  leaflet  service.  Studies 
in  Public  Power" — 25  chapters,  latest  data 
on  Bonneville,  Grand  Coulee,  TVA,  and 
other  great  federal  power  projects — for  indi- 
viduals, study  and  discussion  groups — with 
questions  and  answers,  $5.00.  Aids  munici- 
pal, state  and  federal  government  and  pro- 
gressive groups.  Send  lOc  for  descriptive 
literature.  Address :  1 27  North  Dearborn 
Street,  Chicago  2,  Illinois. 


SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC— 112  East  19th  St., 
New  York  3.  A  cooperative  educational 
society  built  around  a  periodical  rather  than 
a  campus,  and  carrying  forward  swift  re- 
search and  interpretation  in  the  fields  of 
family  and  child  welfare,  health,  education, 
civics,  industrial  and  race  relations,  and  the 
common  welfare.  Publishes  monthly  Survey 
Graphic,  Magazine  of  Social  Interpretation 
without  counterpart,  and  Survey  Midmonthly, 
Journal  of  Social  Work. 


and  upwards. 


Membership,    $10, 


WORLD  PEACE  FOUNDATION— A  non-profit  or- 
ganization founded  in  1910  by  Edwin  Ginn 
tor  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace,  justice 
and  good  will  among  nations.  This  purpose 
is  accomplished  through  the  objective  presen- 
tation and  interpretation  of  the  facts  of 
American  foreign  relations  through  publica- 
tions, study  groups  and  a  Reference  Service. 
Publications :  Documents  on  American  For- 
eign Relations,  1938 — (annual) ;  America 
Looks  Ahead  (a  pamphlet  series) ;  and  other 
titles. 

The  Foundation  also  cooperates  with  the  Uni- 
versities Committee  on  Post-War  Problems 
in  the  publication  of  Problem  Analyses 
(appearing  monthly). 

Information  concerning  publications  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request.  40  Mt.  Vernon 
Street,  Boston  8,  Massachusetts. 


This  DIRECTORY  appears  la  Survey 
Graphic  four  times  a  year  Including  «p»- 
olal  number*.  Its  column*  are  open  to 
social  action  groups  organlced  to  pro- 
mote good  government,  better  education, 
•Ity  planning  and  housing,  Improved  In- 
dufttrlal  and  labor  relations,  UM  safe- 
guarding of  civil  liberties,  land  conserva- 
tion, study  of  the  Arts  economic  and 
tocial  planning  in  thftir  uidott  atpirationi. 
Rates  are  modest— Let  the  Advertising  De- 
partment tell  you  about  them  I 


Tnis  proA/em  ts 


RIGHT  ON  OUR  DOORSTEP 


Tou'M  soon  /love  eighty  million  GcrmoM 
on  yowr  doorstep. 

Wfcot '«  fo  be  done  wM  them? 

When  the  Big  Three  met  at  Yalta 
they  did  what  they  could  to  blueprint 
the  reformatory  in  which  the  German 
people  will  live  after  the  war. 

But  a  blueprint  will  house  no  Germans. 
The  reformatory  itself  is  yet  to  be  built; 
and  meanwhile  thinking  on  what  con- 
stitutes the  "right"  peace  for  Germany 
will  swing  back  and  forth  across  a 
wide  arc. 

Some  will  wonder  if  a  "tough"  peace  isn't 
just  what  the  Nazis  want— to  drive  the  Ger- 
man people  back  into  their  amis  again. 

Others  will  ask  if  a  peace  as  hard  as  Ger- 
many richly  deserves  can  ever  be  enforced — 
will  suggest  that  a  milder,  enforceable  peace 
may  be  a  wiser  choice. 

StiD  others  will  say  "Germany  is  rubble, 
She  is  being  devastated  as  no  nation  has  ever 
been  devastated;  she  knows  now  what  it 
means  to  lose  a  modern  war.  Let  us  not  be 
vindictive." 

In  any  case,  it  will  take  more  than  just  our 
leaders  to  write  the  peace  ami  the  punishment. 
It  will  take  millions  of  men — and  you  are  one 
of  them.  You  have  a  great  stake  in  this  ptace- 
to-come — and  you  will  have  a  greater  voice 
in  its  making  than  the  citizens  of  any  other 
nation. 

Now,  during  the  San  Francisco  Conference, 
you  have  the  duty  as  well  as  the  right  to  make 
your  opinion  known— provided  you  have 
earned  that  right,  kept  yourself  informed, 
nourished  your  thinking  on  the  raw  material 
of  the  news— so  your  opinion  will  make  the 
greatest,  long-term,  enlightened  sense. 


Of  course  nobody  has  the  complete  answers 
yel—aot  even  the  experts.  But  perhaps  these 
are  the  big  questions  you  ought  to  be  chewing 
on  so  you  can  be  belter  prepared  to  "sit  in" 
when  the  first  decisions  are  submitted  to  you. 

The  Big  Three  said  at  Yalta: 

t»We  are  determined  to  bring  all  war  crimi- 
nals to  just  and  swift  punishment. 

But  who  are  the  war  criminals?  Those  who 
can  be  convicted  of  actual  crimes?  Or  the 
whole  Nazi  leadership,  SS  and  Gestapo, 
those  legions  especially  trained  for  torture 
and  brutality?  And  under  what  internation- 
al laws  (if  any)  can  they  be  tried? 

>  We  are  determined  to  break  op  for  all  time 
the  German  General  Staff. 

But  Napoleon  thought  he  bad  uprooted 
these  professional  war-makers  forever;  Wil- 
son, Clemenceau  and  Lloyd  George  thought 
so — but  the  Junkers  outsmarted  them  all. 
You  can't  get  older  men  like  these— who 
have  practiced  war  all  their  lives — to  begin 
to  think  like  peaceful  lawyers,  doctors, 
tradesmen — overnight.  What  can  be  done? 

»>  We  will  eliminate  or  control  all  German  in- 
dustry that  can  be  used  for  military  produc- 
tion. 

After  the  first  world  war  we  forbade  Ger- 
many to  manufacture  arms — set  up  the  best 
control  system  we  could  think  of  to  enforce 
the  ban.  For  years  the  midget  German  army 
drilled  with  wooden  tanks,  dummy  guns. 
Bui  off  came  the  mask  in  1935— and  we 
found  Germany  had  been  making  arms 
right  under  our  noses  all  along  .  . .  How  did 
we  fail  in  1918?  How  can  we  succeed  today? 

Mn  reparation  for  the  damage  caused  by  Ger- 
many, Germany  writ  be  obliged  to  make 
compensation  in  kind,  to  toe  greatest  possi- 
ble extent. 

But  how?  Do  we  agree  with  the  Russians 
that  the  best  way  is  to  force  masses  of  the 
German  people  into  labor  battalions  to  re- 
build the  cities  they  destroyed?  Or  can 
greater  reparation  be  made  with  money 
earned  by  Germans  working  in  Germany? 


what  of  the  idea  to  split  up  Germany 
into  two  or  three  small,  separate,  individual 
states? 

Has  partition  of  a  defeated  nation  ever  been 
a  real  peace-keeping  success?  Would  it  make 
more  sense  to  turn  Germany  into  an  inter- 
national area  under  the  management  of  the 
new  world  organization? 

TIMI  believes  America's  greatest  need, 

now  and  in  the  coming  years,  is  for 
the  sovereign  people  to  nourish  their 
minds  and  speak  them  out  on  these  press- 
ing problems  of  our  time. 

To  do  so,  citizens  must  keep  them- 
selves informed.  So  in  advertisements  like 
this  TIME  is  seeking  to  encourage  read- 
ing, questioning,  argument  and  straight, 
hard  thinking. 

For  TIMI'S  own  future  is  unalterably 
linked  to  a  U,  S.  citizenry  deeply  con- 
cerned about  public  affairs— to  a  nation 
insistent  upon  seeking  the  truth  and  learn- 
ing from  recorded  experience. 


This  it  the  tenth  advertisement  in  a  series  TIME 
is  publishing  to  get  more  Americans  thinking 
about  the  problems  we  must  face  after  the  war  if 
won.  This  attempt  to  focus  the  full  voltage  of  the 
nation's  mindpower  on  the  problem  of  what  to 
do  with  the  defeated  German  people,  is 
appearing  in  newspapers  and  magazines  acrots 
the  country. 


The  weekly  NEWSMAGAZINE 


JUNE   IQ45 


SURVEV 


3O  CENTSfl  COPV 


RflPHIC 


More  Secure  Security -John  J.  Corson 
Health  Care  for  All  -  Michael  M.  Davis 
The  New  Life  Savers  -  logo  Galdston,  M.  D. 


MIGHTY 


WAR  LOAN 


"A   BOON"  •  Raymond  Swing 


MAY       1045 


SURVEY 


60  CENTS  A  COPV 


GRAPHIC 

BRITISH  AND  OURSELVES 


IN  letters,  cablegrams,  and  newspapers 
we  have  mounting  evidence,  as  we  go  to 
press,  that  last  month's  Survey  Graphic 
is  recognized  on  both  sides  of  the  At- 
lantic as  a  force  which  promotes  under- 
standing between  the  British  and  our- 
selves. A  few  of  the  early  citations  are 
printed  below  and  in  the  adjoining 
column: 

"that  this  number  comes  now,  when  trouble 
comes  in  all  departments  of  national  and  inter- 
national affairs,  is  a  boon.  For  here  is  much 
good  thinking,  and  better  still,  much  plain 
sense.  — Raymond  Swing,  news  analyst. 

"comprehensiTe  and  well  worth  while  under- 
taking which  should  enhance  materially  better 
understanding  and  relationships  between  our 
two  countries."— Henry  J.  Fisher,  chairman, 
Board  of  Directors,  English  Speaking  Union 

"splendid  piece  of  work  and  quite  on  a  par 
with  your  previous  special  issues."— William 
W.  Lancaster,  chairman,  Foreign  Policy  Assn. 

"magnificent  exposition  of  some  of  the  prob- 
lems and  possibilities  which  lie  before  us  in 
the  near  future." — Eleanor  Roosevelt  in  My 
Day. 

"an  admirable  production,  both  as  regards  the 
letter  press  and  the  pictures,  and  should  be 
of  very  great  value  in  making  Britain  b-tter 


known  and  understood."— Harold  Butler, 
HMB  Minister.  Washington,  D.  C. 

"of  boundless  value  in  helping  towards  a 
better  understanding  of  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  ' — R.  J.  Cruikshank,  Minister  of  In- 
formation, London. 

"the  experience  of  American  observers  who 
have  studied  Britain  and  the  British  Com- 
monwealth at  close  range." — New  York  Herald 
Tribune. 

The  New  York  Post  singled  out  the  symposium  in 
which  prominent  Britishers  discuss  the  future  of  a 
great  partnership." 

The  London,  England,  Sketch  reprinted  the  article 
by  Henry  Steele  Commager,  "Things  of  the  Spirit." 

The  London,  England,  Chronicle  reprinted  a  col- 
umn of  excerpts  from  Herbert  Agar's  article,  "Our 
Last  Great  Chance,"  and  pointed  to  this  special  num- 
ber as  evidence  of  United  States  goodwill  for  Britain. 

The  London,  England,  Star  published  in  part  Ed- 
;va™  ,,c-  Carter's  article,  "The  Pacific  Basin  and 
India." 

Paper  restrictions  have  limited  our  print 
order  to  55,000  copies.  The  previous  number 
in  our  Calling  America  Series — American  Rus- 
sian Frontiers — went  to  67,000  and  sold  out. 

If  you  wish  extra  copies  of  The  British  and 
Ourselves — order  today!  112  E.  19  Street, 
New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


Jgeto  §orfe 


JUNE  11,  1945 

BRITAIN  AND  OURSELVES 

Speaking  on  the  deck  of  the  British  bat- 
tleship King  George  V  in  Guam  Harbor 
a  few  days  ago,  Fleet  Admiral  Nimitz 
warned  his  sailor  audience  against  enemy 
attempts  to  "drive  a  wedge  between  the 
United  Nations."  The  British  and  our- 
selves, he  revealed,  are  now  in  full  naval 
cooperation  in  the  Pacific.  The  British 
fleet  made  our  hard  task  on  Okinawa  easier 
by  "neutralizing"  the  Sakishima  group  of 
islands  to  the  southward.  Mutual  aid  of 
this  sort  ought  to  answer  a  great  many 
baseless  rumors  of  friction,  and  it  offsets 
instances  in  which  there  has  been  real  fric- 
tion between  individual  Americans  and  in- 
dividual Britons.  New  Englanders  do  not 
always  see  eye  to  eye  with  people  of  the 
Deep  South.  No  one  proposes  to  dissolve 
the  Union  on  that  account.  Nor  do  the 
strong  ties  of  a  common  Anglo-American 
language,  tradition  and  friendship  break 
for  similar  causes. 

If  anyone  wishes  a  thoughtful  confirma- 
tion of  this  point  of  view  he  may  find  it 
in  THE  SURVEY  GRAPHIC'S  CUR- 
RENT ISSUE,  DEVOTED  TO  "THE 
BRITISH  AND  OURSELVES."  In  the 
opening  article  Herbert  Agar  sets  the 
theme  with  his  statement  that  though  Brit- 
ain and  America  "will  never  be  positively 
hostile,  they  may  be  negatively  stupid." 
They  may,  that  is,  fail  to  understand  each 
other  and  thus  weaken  the  power  of  their 
united  action  to  keep  the  peace  of  the 
world.  Yet  understanding  has  been  ade- 
quate during  this  war  at  the  levels  at  which 
common  decisions  had  to  be  made.  Our 
private  soldiers  may  have  stirred  some 
honest  British  resentment  by  "walking 
out"  with  British  girls,  but  our  generals, 
our  Lend-Lease  administrators  and  our 
diplomats  have  been  able  to  work  peace- 
fully and  profitably  with  their  British  op- 
posite numbers.  Our  General  Eisenhower 
was  warmly  accepted  as  Supreme  Com- 
mander in  the  final  western  thrust  against 
Germany. 

Until  the  millennium,  there  will  be  a 
British  policy  for  Britain  and  an  American 
policy  for  the  United  States.  At  times  our 
interests  or  supposed  interests  will  not  co- 
incide with  those  of  Britain  or  of  the  Brit- 
ish Commonwealth  of  Nations.  But  we 
will  always  have  a  paramount  mutual  inter- 
est in  the  preservation  of  a  democratic 
peace;  and  that  interest  must  and  will  be 
recognized  at  every  level,  from  President 
and  Prime  Minister  down  to  farmer,  little 
business  man  and  mine  worker.  To  think 
or  speak  otherwise  is  treason  not  only  on 
the  national  but  on  an  international  scale. 


SEND  COPIES  TO  FRIENDS   -  2  OR   MORE  -   50c  EACH 


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Official  U.  S.  Navy  Photo 

Admiral  Halsey  has  his  eye  on  a  fine 
white  horse  called  Shirayuki. 

Some  time  ago,  at  a  press  conference, 
he  expressed  the  hope  that  one  day  soon 
he  could  ride  it. 

The  chap  now  in  Shirayuki's  saddle 
is  Japan's  Emperor— Hirohito. 

He  is  the  ruler  of  as  arrogant,  treach- 
erous, and  vicious  a  bunch  of  would-be 
despots  as  this  earth  has  ever  seen. 

Well,  it's  high  time  we  finished  this 
whole  business.  High  time  we  got  the 
Emperor  off  his  high  horse,  and  gave 
Admiral  Halsey  his  ride. 

The  best  way  for  us  at  home  to  have 
a  hand  in  this  clean-up  is  to  support  the 
7th  War  Loan. 

It's  the  biggest  loan  yet.  It's  two  loans 
in  one.  Last  year,  by  this  time,  you  had 
been  asked  twice  to  buy  extra  bonds. 

Your  personal  quota  is  big  —  bigger 
than  ever  before.  So  big  you  may  feel 
you  can't  afford  it. 

But  we  can  afford  it  — if  American 
sons,  brothers,  husbands  can  cheerfully 
afford  to  die. 

AIL  OUT  FOR 
7H£  MIGHTY  7*  WAR  LOAN 

Inserted  by 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publishers     of     Survey     Graphic 
and  Survey  Mid-Monthly 

.  This  is  an  official  17.  S.  Treasury 

advertisement — prepared  under  auspices 

of  Treasury  Department  and  Wai 

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THEY    SEE    FOR    THEMSELVES 

A  Documentary   Approach  to  Intel-cultural   Education   in 
the  High  School 


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Volume  III  in  the  Series  of  the  Bureau  for  Intercultural  Education  is  the 
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striking  at  the  roots  of  race  prejudice  and  intolerance.  "In  its  use,  students 
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obtain  a  better  understanding  of  themselves,  their  community  and  the  people 
who  make  up  our  nation." — Paul  A.  Witty,  Prof,  of  Education,  Northwestern 
University  Cloth:  $2.00.  Paper:  $1.25 


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How  We  Qualify  for  a  Democratic  Society 

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PRACTICAL  APPLICATIONS 
OF  DEMOCRACY 

by  George  B.  de  Unszar.  Formerly  of  the  European  and 
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construction. 

How  our  economic  system  can  yield  a  high  standard  of  life  for  all  and  assure 
at  the  same  time  a  more  democratic  basis  of  operation.  The  author  shows 
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furnish  the  networks  for  radio 
and  we'll  be  on  the  job  with 
networks  for  the  transmission 
of  television,  too. 

"Those  networks  may  be  of 


wire  or  coaxial  cable  or 
micro-wave  radio-relays. 

"Networks  and  transmission 
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television's  future.  They  are 
right  down  our  alley." 


BELL   TELEPHONE    SYSTEM 


Listen  *o  "The  Telephone  Hour"   every   Monday  evening   over  NBC 


Among  Ourselves 

OUR     COVER,     THIS     MONTH     OF     THE     7TH     WAR 

Loan,  shows  "Liberty"  as  she  was  re-lighted  on 
V-E  Day,  after  standing  darkened  since  De- 
cember 7,  1941.  Gen.  Homer  M.  Groninger, 
commanding  general  of  the  New  York  Port 
of  Embarkation,  announced  recently  that  the 
lighting,  usually  extinguished  at  ten  P.M.  to 
conserve  coal  and  equipment,  will  burn  late 
whenever  a  troop  transport  is  due — because 
the  returning  American  soldier  always  looks 
for  the  "Old  Lady"  with  her  flaming  torch 
aloft. 

The  towering  figure  in  New  York  harbor, 
gift  of  France  to  this  country  in  honor  of  the 
hundredth  anniversary  of  our  independence, 
is  a  landmark  and  a  symbol,  shining  with 
new  meaning  for  civilians  as  well  as  home- 
bound  soldiers  today. 

THE   COMMITTEE    ON    MIGRANT   LABOR    CAMPS    OF 

the  New  York  State  War  Council,  after  in- 
specting twenty  camps  in  five  counties,  re- 
ported to  Governor  Thomas  E.  Dewey  that 
improvements  have  been  made  since  last  sea- 
son, though  many  camps  are  "disgracefully 
bad."  In  the  January  Survey  Graphic,  Kathryn 
Close  reported  the  findings  of  a  New  York 
Consumers  League  survey  which  revealed  how 
shocking  are  the  conditions  under  which  the 
Joads  live  and  work  when  they  come  east  for 
the  crop  harvest.  The  War  Council  committee, 
like  the  League  report,  urged  that  the  state 
sanitary  code  be  enforced  in  all  the  camps  this 
season. 

Miss  Close,  who  has  made  a  very  special 
place  for  herself  in  her  seven  years  in  this 
office  as  editor  and  staff  writer,  has  been  given 
a  war  service  leave  of  absence.  After  a  short 
training  period  in  Washington,  she  will  go  to 
Germany  as  an  administrative  assistant  in  the 
Displaced  Persons  Division  of  UNRRA. 

A  "SEABEE"  SOMEWHERE  IN  THE  PACIFIC  WRITES 
us  by  V-mail:  "Thank  you  for  your  praise  of 
our  battalion  paper,  Pillar  News.  We  shall  be 
happy  to  keep  mailing  it  to  you,  but  there  will 
be  a  long  period  when  it  won't  be  published — 
during  this  voyage  and  the  first  few  weeks  on 
our  new  Island  X.  I  was  looking  forward  to 
putting  it  out  aboard  ship,  as  we  did  coming 
from  the  States  to  New  Guinea  a  year  ago. 
However,  our  landing  officer  decided  there 
would  not  be  enough  room  topside  for  the 
large  packing  case  with  paper,  ink  and  mimeo- 
graph. 


In  May  Survey  Midmonthly 

After  Lanham  Funds — What? 

by  Kathryn  Close 
Veterans  Now  and  in  the  Future 

by  Eda  Houwink. 

These  Will  Come  Back  by  Laura  Mayer 

Stop  Calling  Them  Problems     by  Sallie  Bright 
Something  Besides  Doctors 

by  Nancy  Johnston 
A  Health  Plan   for  Manitoba 

by  Charlotte  Whitton 
The  Merit  System  Belongs  to  You 

by  Dorothy  Denting 

The  Contribution  of  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt  to 
Social  Welfare  by  Marietta  Stevenson 


VOL.  XXXIV 


CONTENTS 


No.  6 


Survey  Graphic  for  June   1945 

Cover:  Liberty  Alight  after  V-E  Day.  Harris  &•  Ewing  photo 

Senator  Robert  F.  Wagner:  Photograph 276 

More  Secure  Security JOHN  J.  CORSON  277 

Health  Care  for  All MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  280 

Displaced  Persons:  A  USA  Close-up RUTH  KARPF  282 

Toward  a  Bigger  Pie ELLSWORTH  S.  GRANT  285 

Marines  in  Action:  Drawings  by  Kerr  Eby 287 

A  Neighbor  in  a  Mexican  Valley J.  P.  McEvov  290 

The  New  Life  Savers IAGO  GALDSTON,  M.D.  292 

Letters  and  Life 295 

A  Champion  of  Popular  Rights HARRY  HANSEN  295 

Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  J».;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NET.LIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH 
P.  CHAMBERLAIN,  EVA  HILLS  EASTMAN,  EARL  G.  HARRISON,  SIDNEY  HILLMAN,  FRED  K.  HDEHLER, 
BLANCHE  ITTLESON,  ALVIN  JOHNSON,  WILLIAM  W.  LANCASTER,  ACNES  BROWN  LEACH,  WILLIAM  M. 
LKISERSON,  THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIER,  WILLIAM  ROSENWALD,  BEARDSI.KY  UUML, 
EDWARD  L.  RYERSON,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL  SHUMWAY,  HAROLD  II.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY 
TEAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AMIDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL,  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN, 
KATHKYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HARRY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOEB  KEL- 
LOGG, LOULA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEON  WHIPPLE.  Contributing  editors:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KURTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MARY  Ross, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGEH;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDOM;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

Survey  Graphic  published  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Price  of  single  copies  of  this  issue,  30c  a 
copy.  By  subscription — Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  SOc; 
Canadian  7Sc.  Indexed  in  Reader's  Guide,  Book  Review  Digest,  Index  to  Labor  Articles,  Public 
Affairs  Information  Service,  Quarterly  Cumulative  Index  Medicus. 

Survey  Midmonthly  published  on  the  15th  of  the  month.  Single  copies  30c.  By  subscription — 
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"You  may  be  interested  to  know  that  we're 
traveling  on  a  Liberty  Ship.  On  extremely 
short  notice  we  packed  up  all  personal  and 
battalion  equipment  and  simultaneously  con- 
verted this  freighter  into  a  comfortable  troop 
transport.  The  men  (being  'Seabees')  have 
built  numerous  little  tents  and  lean-tos  with 
tarpaulins  or  ponchos  to  keep  off  the  tropical 
sun,  in  every  possible  nook  and  cranny.  They 
brought  along  cots  and  hammocks  (procured 
or  improvised  in  advance)  and  sleep  on  deck 
rather  than  in  the  hot,  airless  hold. 

"Please  thank  Miss  L.  for  the  donation  of 
Survey  Graphic.  It  is  always  carefully  read  by 
several  of  us  before  it  winds  up  in  the  library. 
We've  used  Survey  Graphic  in  several  of  our 
current  events  discussions." 

To    THE   RELIEF   OF    MOST   GOOD   CITIZENS    IN   ALL 

political  camps,  President  Truman's  reappoint- 
ment  of  David  E.  Lilienthal  as  chairman  of  the 
Tennessee  Valley  Authority  was  confirmed  in 
the  Senate  by  a  thumping  bi-partisan  majority. 
Our  readers  will  recall  his  latest  Survey 
Graphic  article,  "The  Grand  Job  of  Our  Cen- 
tury," in  the  August  1944  issue. 

And  remembering  Rufus  Terral's  notable 
article  on  the  Missouri  Valley  in  September, 
"Big  Magic  for  the  Big  Muddy,"  they  will  fol- 


low with  special  interest  Mr.  Lilienthal's  pro- 
posals for  the  regional  development  of  other 
North  American  river  valleys,  including  the 
Missouri,  the  Arkansas,  the  St.  Lawrence,  the 
Savannah,  and  me  Columbia.  These  were  put 
forward  at  a  recent  meeting  of  the  Southern 
Conference  for  Human  Welfare,  and  are  being 
widely  discussed. 

THE  MEMBERSHIP  OF  THE  FIVE-MAN  COMMISSION 

Against  Discrimination,  which  will  administer 
New  York  State's  recently  enacted  law  to  elimi- 
nate discrimination  in  employment  on  the  basis 
of  race  or  color,  was  announced  on  June  6  by 
Governor  Thomas  E.  Dewey.  [See  "On  the 
Calendar  of  Our  Consciences,"  by  Justine  and 
Shad  Polier,  in  the  February  Survey  Graphic.} 
They  are:  Henry  C.  Turner,  chairman,  a  law- 
yer, former  president  of  the  New  York  City 
Board  of  Education,  a  Protestant;  Elmer  A. 
Carter,  member  of  the  New  York  State  War 
Council  and  the  State  Unemployment  Insur- 
ance Appeal  Board,  a  Negro;  Edward  W.  Ed- 
wards, secretary-treasurer  of  the  State  Federa- 
tion of  Labor;  Julian  J.  Reiss,  manufacturer 
and  industrialist,  a  Roman  Catholic;  Mrs. 
Leopold  K.  Simon,  lawyer,  executive  commit- 
tee member  of  the  New  York  Chapter  of  the 
American  Jewish  Committee. 


Harris  &  Ewing 


ROBERT  F.  WAGNER 


The  Senator  from  New  York  whose  name,  as  author  and  sponsor,  is  asso- 
ciated with  great  legislative  measures  of  social-economic  pioneering — 
the  National  Industrial  Recovery  Act,  National  Labor  Relations  Act, 
Social  Security  Act,  U.  S.  Housing  Act  of  1937,  and  with  the  Social 
Security  Act  Amendments  of  1945,  introduced  in  Congress  on  May  24. 


S  U  RVEV 


PHIC 


More  Secure  Security 

An  American  version  of  British  proposals   for   cradle-to-grave   security    is   embodied 
in  the  new  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill,  interpreted  in  this  and  the  succeeding  article. 


WHAT  WILL  THE  WAR'S  END  BRING  WITH  IT? 
Millions  of  men  and  women  now  working 
in  shipyards,  aircraft  plants,  munitions  fac- 
tories, and  other  war  industries  wonder. 

Among  them,  the  aged  workers,  who 
have  held  on  while  jobs  were  easy  to  keep, 
worry  about  the  future. 

Widows,  who  found  jobs  when  their 
soldier-husbands  paid  the  supreme  price, 
wonder  whether  there  will  be  other  jobs 
by  which  they  can  support  their  fatherless 
children. 

Then  there  are  partially  disabled  workers 
who  never  found  a  market  for  their  serv- 
ices until  manpower  was  scarce;  they  won- 
der, too. 

And  there  are  many  ablebodied,  com- 
petent workers  who  remember  the  Thirties 
— and  wonder. 

Throughout  the  war,  a  few  voices  have 
urged  that  preparations  be  made  for  the 
human  aspects  of  the  transition  from  war 
to  peace.  But  their  voices  were  drowned  out 
by  the  dominant  view:  "We  can't  have 
guns  and  butter,  too.  Further  social  gains 
must  wait  until  the  war  is  won."  The  voice 
of  Senator  Robert  F.  Wagner  of  New  York 
was,  of  course,  one.  Early  in  1943,  he  in- 
troduced in  Congress,  in  collaboration  with 
Senator  James  E.  Murray  of  Montana  and 
Representative  John  D.  Dingell  of  Mich- 
igan, the  first  draft  of  a  bill  now  known 
as  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill. 

Senator  Wagner  told  the  Senate  then  that 
each  time  throughout  his  career  he  intro- 
duced a  new  piece  of  social  legislation,  some 
counseled:  "Bob,  you're  going  too  fast; 
we're  not  ready  for  anything  like  this." 

The  American  people  were  not  ready  in 
1943  or  in  1944  for  the  substantial  expan- 
sion of  their  social  security  program  that  he 
proposed.  Now  with  victory  in  the  air,  Sen- 
ator Wagner  and  his  colleagues  present 
again  their  plans  for  security. 

The  "Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill,"  1945 
edition,  was  introduced  in  both  houses  of 
Congress,  on  Thursday,  May  24.  Its  correct 
title  is  the  "Social  Security  Act  Amend- 
ments of  1945."  It  deals  with  every  part  of 
the  existing  social  security  system  and  adds 


JOHN  J.  CORSON 

— By  an  authority  on  employment  and 
social  insurance,  former  director  of  the 
Bureau  of  Old  Age  and  Survivors  Insur- 
ance, of  the  Bureau  of  Employment  Se- 
curity, and  the  U.  S.  Employment  Ser- 
vice. 

Mr.  Corson  took  his  doctorate  in  eco- 
nomics at  die  University  of  his  native 
Virginia.  He  writes  occasionally  for  Sur- 
vey Graphic  and  other  magazines  and 
for  professional  journals  on  manpower 
problems. 

Mr.  Corson  recently  left  the  public 
service,  and  is  now  director  of  research 
for  The  Washington  Post. 

a  number  of  new  parts.  Important  as  its 
provisions  are,  the  average  man  in  the  street 
won't  wade  through  its  one  hundred  and 
eighty-five  pages  of  legal  verbiage.  But  it  is 
important  that  the  average  man  understand 
it  and  what  it  means  to  him  and  his  de- 
pendents. 

Bridging  Unemployment 

Take  Henry  Montgomery,  for  example. 
He  has  lived  and  worked  (when  he  could) 
in  Detroit.  For  the  past  three  years  he  has 
been  employed  at  the  Willow  Run  bomber 
plant  and  done  quite  well,  too.  But  now 
Willow  Run  is  closing  down.  He  has  saved 
some  money,  bought  his  share  of  bonds, 
despite  high  prices  and  withholding  taxes, 
but  there  isn't  enough  to  carry  his  wife, 
Mary,  and  the  two  children  for  long  if 
there  are  no  wages  coming  in. 

Henry  wants  first  and  foremost,  another 
job.  If  he  can't  find  that  quickly,  he  will 
need  unemployment  compensation  benefits 
sufficiently  large,  even  with  present  living 
costs,  to  keep  him  going.  He's  young 
enough  to  work  for  a  good  many  years  yet, 
only  forty-six,  and  "These  kids  of  mine  are 
going  to  get  a  better  education  than  I  did, 
if  I  can  swing  it." 

If  the  bill  were  law,  Henry  could  turn 
to  a  national  system  of  public  employment 
offices  for  aid  in  finding  the  next  job.  The 
public  employment  office  he  visits  could  put 


him  in  touch  with  a  job  in  other  states  if 
there  are  none  in  Detroit  or  in  Michigan. 
In  effect,  he  would  be  given  a  crack  at  what 
jobs  there  are  wherever  they  are.  If  the  bill 
is  not  passed  the  public  employment  office 
will,  after  operation  as  a  national  system  to 
serve  war  needs,  become  again  a  unit  within 
a  state  system.  This  substantially  limits  his 
chance  to  find  a  job  to  Detroit  and  Mich- 
igan— which  may  not  be  good  hunting 
grounds  for  a  job. 

If  Henry  can't  find  a  job  for  some 
months,  under  the  Michigan  state  unem- 
ployment compensation  law  he  would  be 
entitled  to  unemployment  compensation 
benefits  at  the  rate  of  $28  a  week  for  a  total 
of  20  weeks.  These  are  the  maximums  any 
worker  could  receive  but  Henry  was  a  well 
paid  worker,  and  employment  was  steady 
during  the  past  two  years.  In  contrast, 
under  the  new  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill, 
he  could  receive  as  much  as  $30  a  week  and 
for  26  weeks  from  a  new  federal  unemploy- 
ment insurance  system. 

His  benefits  under  the  new  law  would 
not  be  related  solely  to  his  average  weekly 
wage  while  employed — as  is  now  the  case — 
but  also  to  the  number  of  his  dependents. 
Henry  has  a  wife  and  two  children.  This 
table  illustrates  how  his  benefits  would  be 
arrived  at  under  the  proposed  scheme: 


Worker, 

Average 

Worker 

Worker, 

Wife, 

Weekly 
Wage             V 

k  crker 

and, 
Wife 

Wife, 
1  Child 

2  or  more 
ChiUren 

$10   or   less.  .  . 

..$  5 

$  6.50 

$  7.50 

$  8 

20     

..    10 

13.00 

15.00 

16 

30 

15 

19.50 

22.50 

24 

40  or  more   . 

..  20 

26.00 

30.00 

30 

If  Henry  were  still  unemployed  at  the 
end  of  26  weeks,  he  might  receive  benefits 
for  an  added  26  weeks  (if  funds  were 
available  for  the  payment  of  extended  bene- 
fits to  all  unemployed  workers).  During 
this  second  half  year,  he  might  be  required, 
as  a  condition  for  receiving  such  extended 
benefits,  to  attend  a  training  course  where 
he  would  brush  up  on  his  skills  or  learn 
a  new  trade.  Now,  if  he  becomes  ill  while 
unemployed  (and,  hence,  unavailable  for 
work)  his  benefits  cease.  Under  the  new 
law,  he  would  be  eligible  for  the  same  bene- 


277 


Harris  &   Ewing 


JOHN  D.  DINGELL 
Congressman  from  Michigan 

fits  if  certified  as  temporarily  disabled, 
through  illness  or  injury,  whenever  he  was 
unable  to  work. 

Larger  Benefits 

Now  look  at  what  the  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  would  mean  to  Tom  Richards, 
a  shipyard  worker.  He  also  has  had  steady 
work  and  good  wages  during  the  past  three 
years.  But  he  is  older,  and  while  not  ready 
to  admit  he  is  all  washed  up  at  sixty-two, 
the  prospect  that  the  shipyard  will  close 
down  makes  him  think  about  the  time 
when  he  won't  be  able  to  work. 

For  Tom  the  bill  promises  a  better  in- 
come when  he  retires  after  age  sixty-five. 
With  average  wages  of  about  $200  a  month 
since  January  1,  1937,  he  and  his  wife 
would  receive  monthly  benefits  of  $70  or 
more.  Under  the  present  act,  their  benefits 
approximate  $58  a  month;  and  if  his  wife 
were  under  sixty-five,  two  thirds  of  this,  or 
about  $38  a  month.  The  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  would  pay  benefits  to  women — 
wives,  widows,  and  retired  workers — at  age 
sixty,  rather  than  sixty-five. 

Lower  paid  workers,  those  with  average 
monthly  earnings  of  less  than  $100,  fare 
even  better  under  the  retirement  provisions 
of  this  new  bill.  Their  benefits  are  increased 
proportionately  even  more  than  Tom  Rich- 
ards' and  the  minimum  benefit  is  raised 
from  $10  a  month  to  $20. 

But  suppose  Tom  cannot  continue  at 
work  until  he  is  sixty-five.  He  hasn't  been 
well  of  late.  The  doctor  advises  him  that  his 
heart  requires  care.  Suppose  he  has  to  stop 
work  next  year;  he'll  be  sixty-three  then. 
Under  the  present  Social  Security  Act  if 
Tom  were  disabled  by  heart  disease,  an  in- 
jury, or  any  other  cause  of  physical  obso- 
lescence, he  is  simply  out  of  luck.  His  wages 
cease  but  he  receives  no  social  insurance 
benefits.  If  he  lives  to  reach  sixty-five  he  will 
receive  old  age  insurance  benefits  but  they 
will  be  reduced  in  proportion  to  the  time  he 
has  been  out  of  work  while  disabled.  If  he 
dies,  his  widow  will  receive  benefits  when 
she  reaches  sixty-five,  but  so  long  as  he  lives 
disabled  he  remains  "out  of  luck." 


This  gap,  the  Wagner  -  Murray  -  Dingell 
bill  proposes  to  fill.  It  provides  that  any  in- 
sured disabled  worker  is  to  receive  the  same 
increased  benefits  that  he  would  be  entitled 
to  when  he  retired  after  reaching  sixty-five. 
If  he  has  a  wife,  his  benefits  will  be  half 
again  as  much;  and  if  they  have  children, 
their  benefits  will  be  still  further  increased. 

Servicemen's  Security 

Richard  Athan,  one  of  those  who  lived 
through  the  assault  on  the  Normandy 
beaches,  will  also  find  something  that  af- 
fects him  in  the  pages  of  this  bill.  Before 
the  war  he  worked  in  Richmond,  Va.,  in  a 
wholesale  grocery  house.  When  the  national 
guard  was  mobilized,  he  left  a  wife  twenty- 
four  years  of  age  and  two  small  children  to 
live  on  a  soldier's  dependents  allowance.  If 
he  had  died  within  a  year  and  a  half  of  the 
time  he  left  private  employment,  his  wife 
and  children  would  have  received  survivors 
benefits  at  the  rate  of  about  $42  a  month. 
But  Dick  Athan  has  been  in  the  army — 
away  from  private  employment  for  more 
than  a  year  and  a  half.  Consequently,  if  he 
had  died  any  time  within  the  past  year  or 
more,  his  widow  and  orphans  would  not 
have  been  eligible  for  survivors  benefits;  his 
insurance  eligibility  "lapsed"  because  he 
was  serving  his  country. 

This  incongruity,  the  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  would  correct.  The  bill  gives 
"wage  credits"  of  $160  per  month  to  men 
and  women  in  the  armed  forces  for  the  en- 
tire period  of  their  military  service.  Dick 
Athan  would  continue  to  be  insured  and  his 
wife  and  children  protected.  Moreover,  the 
amount  of  their  monthly  benefits  would  be 
increased  to  the  extent  that  $160  a  month 
might  exceed  his  actual  average  earnings 
when  he  was  employed. 

Stretching  the  Tent  Ropes 

In  addition  to  the  Henry  Montgomerys, 
the  Tom  Richards,  and  the  Dick  Athans, 
now  protected  in  some  measure  by  the 
Social  Security  Act,  there  are  15,000,000 
men  and  women  who  would  be  brought 
under  social  insurance  protection  by  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill.  Enactment  of 
this  bill  would  extend  social  insurance  to  all 
persons  in  industry  and  commerce  (except 
railroad  workers  who  have  a  deluxe  system 
of  their  own),  agricultural  and  domestic 
workers,  seamen,  and  employes  of  non- 
profit institutions  (except  ministers  and 
members  of  religious  orders). 

Self-employed  persons  (small  business- 
men, farmers,  and  professional  persons) 
would  be  covered  under  all  the  insurances 
except  unemployment  and  temporary  dis- 
ability insurance. 

Few  social  workers  are  covered  under  the 
existing  Social  Security  Act.  Public  welfare 
workers  are  excluded  as  government  em- 
ployes; most  of  those  working  in  private 
agencies  are  excluded  as  employes  of  "non- 
profit institutions."  If  the  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  becomes  law,  employes  of  non- 
profit institutions  would  be  covered.  Their 
colleagues  in  the  public  welfare  field  would 
not  be  covered,  and  would  have  only  such 
protection  as  federal,  state  or  local  pension 
systems  provide. 

Government  employes — federal,  state  and 


Harris  &  Evring 
JAMES  E.  MURRAY 
Senator  from  Montana 

local — have  exerted  sufficient  political  pres- 
sure upon  the  authors  of  this  bill  to  have 
themselves  excluded.  They  fear  the  loss  of 
rights  under  existing  pension  systems,  many 
of  which  give  them  less  protection  and  are 
inadequately  financed.  Employes  of  state  or 
local  governments  who  are  not  under  ex- 
isting pension  could  be  brought  under  re- 
tirement, survivors,  extended  disability,  and 
medical  insurance  by  a  voluntary  compact 
between  the  Social  Security  Board  and  the 
appropriate  state  or  local  governmental  unit. 

Consider,  then,  what  stake  John  Black,  a 
Virginia  farmer,  has  in  this  bill.  Today, 
while  operating  his  175  acres,  he  has  no 
protection  against  the  prospect  that  he  will 
be  physically  disabled  and  unable  to  work 
his  land.  Nor  can  he  look  forward  to  re- 
tiring when  he  is  too  old  to  plow,  plant, 
and  harvest,  with  sufficient  income  to  meet 
his  needs.  He  worries,  too,  about  the  possi- 
bility that  he  will  die  while  Melvyn,  now 
seven,  and  Sarah,  nine,  are  still  young. 
Elizabeth,  his  wife,  would  have  almost  no 
income  with  which  to  support  and  educate 
the  children  and  meet  the  mortgage  pay- 
ments. 

If  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  be- 
comes law,  he  will  have  to  pay  contributions 
on  his  earnings  as  a  farmer  just  as  an  in- 
dustrial worker  now  has  deductions  made 
from  his  weekly  wage.  In  return,  he,  his 
wife,  and  his  children,  will  be  insured 
against  the  triple  threat  of  the  loss  of  his 
earnings  from  disability,  old  age,  or  death. 

Let  us  assume  he  nets  now  about  $1,200 
a  year  from  his  farm.  Calculating  his  bene- 
fits at  the  rate  of  an  average  monthly  wage 
of  $100,  he,  his  wife,  and  the  two  children 
would  receive  $80  a  month  (after  the  system 
has  been  in  effect  ten  years)  if  he  were 
totally  disabled.  If  he  died  while  the  chil- 
dren were  still  under  eighteen  years  of 
age,  Elizabeth  and  the  children  would  re- 
ceive about  $63  a  month  until  Melvyn  be- 
came eighteen,  about  $45  a  month  so  long 
as  Sarah  was  under  eighteen,  and  then 
Elizabeth  would  be  assured  an  income  of 
$27  a  month  when  she  became  sixty-five. 
When  John  Black  retired,  after  sixty-five, 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


he  and  bis  wife,  (the  children  would  then 
be  grown)  would  receive  benefits  of  about 
$55  a  month. 

Other  Ingredients  of  Security 

These  illustrations  do  not  depict  all  fea- 
tures of  the  edifice  that  architects  Wagner, 
Murray  and  Dingell  have  designed.  The 
accompanying  summary  presents  in  check 
list  form  an  outline  of  the  whole.  The  pro- 
visions for  health  security  summarized  there 
are  analyzed  in  the  following  article  by 
Michael  Davis.  Here  there  is  need  to  refer 
only  to  two  other  features:  first,  those  pro- 
visions in  Section  6  which  would  create  "A 
Comprehensive  Public  Assistance  Program"; 
and  second,  Part  G  of  Section  9  which  pro- 
vides for  "Social  Insurance  Contributions." 

In  the  first  edition  of  the  Wagner-Mur- 
ray-Dingell  bill  the  authors  abandoned  the 
existing  categorical  approach  of  matching 
separately  state  payments  to  the  needy  aged, 
blind,  and  dependent  children.  They  pro- 
vided for  a  single  comprehensive  system  of 
federal  grants  to  the  states  for  public  as- 


sistance to  needy  individuals.  Simultane- 
ously, they  proposed  that  each  state  might 
disregard,  when  determining  need,  current 
income  received  by  an  individual  up  to  $20 
a  month.  That  first  edition  also  staked  out 
the  principle  that  federal  grants  should  be 
related  to  the  state's  economic  ability  to 
meet  the  needs  of  its  citizens. 

The  1945  bill  would  require  that  the 
states  go  further  and  distribute  state  and 
federal  funds  among  the  counties  of  the 
state  in  relation  to  the  relative  economic 
capacity  of  each  county.  Sound  fiscal  policy 
dictates  this  approach,  but  the  techniques  of 
making  it  effective  are  not  yet  well  estab- 
lished. A  minor  but  additional  new  pro- 
vision in  this  section  is  that  the  federal  gov- 
ernment will  match,  as  it  has  not  done  in 
the  past,  payments  by  the  state  tor  assistance 
to  foster  children.  All  in  all,  state  welfare 
administrators  will  greet  these  provisions  of 
the  bill  with  enthusiasm. 

The  costs  of  the  social  insurance  features 
of  this  bill  depend  wholly  upon  the  level 
of  employment  that  is  maintained  in  the 


future.  The  1945  bill  levies  lower  contribu- 
tions than  its  predecessors  which  provided 
for  less  generous  benefits. 

An  8  percent  tax  on  payroll  (4  percent  on 
employers  and  4  percent  to  be  paid  by 
workers)  is  a  substantial  tax.  But  it  repre- 
sents a  net  increase  over  present  tax  rates  of 
only  3  percent;  employers  are  presently 
liable  for  taxes  of  3  percent  for  unemploy- 
ment compensation  (subject  to  reduction 
when  their  employment  experience  is  good) 
and  1  percent  for  old  age  and  survivors  in- 
surance; hence  their  taxes  would  technically 
remain  the  same.  Employes,  on  the  other 
hand,  now  pay  only  1  percent  for  old  age 
and  survivors  insurance;  their  taxes  would 
be  upped  3  percent. 

Even  this  increased  tax,  however,  will  not 
be  sufficient  over  a  long  period  of  years  to 
cover  the  costs  of  the  benefits  that  are  prom- 
ised, if  a  high  level  of  employment  is  not 
maintained.  Then  unemployment  insurance 
and  retirement  payments  will  run  high.  The 
authors  of  the  bill  recognize  this.  Senators 
(Continued  on  page  299) 


Outline  of  Major  Provisions  of  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  Bill,  1945 


Title:  Social  Security  Act  Amend- 
ments of  1945  (Sec.  1) 

Grants  and  Loans  for  Construction  of 
Health  Facilities  (Sec.  2  and  3) — 

Provides  for  a  ten-year  program  of  fed- 
eral grants  and  loans  for  construction 
and  expansion  of  hospitals,  health  centers 
and  related  facilities,  to  be  financed  out 
of  general  revenues.  The  federal  gov- 
ernment will  pay  at  least  25  percent  of 
the  cost  of  a  project  and  up  to  50  percent 
in  accordance  with  a  state's  per  capita 
income.  Loans  may  not  exceed  an  addi- 
tional 25  percent  of  the  cost  of  the 
project. 

Grants  to  States  for  Public  Health 
Services  (Sec.  4) —  Provides  federal 
grants  to  states  from  general  revenues  for 
expansion  of  public  health  services.  The 
federal  government  will  pay  at  least  25 
percent  of  the  amounts  expended  by  a 
state  and  up  to  75  percent  in  accordance 
with  a  state's  per  capita  income. 

Grants  to  States  for  Maternal  and 
Child  Health  and  Welfare  Services 
(Sec.  5) — Provides  federal  grants  to 
states  from  general  revenues  for  maternal 
and  child  health  and  welfare  services. 
The  federal  government  will  pay  at  least 
25  percent  of  amounts  expended  by  a 
state  and  up  to  75  percent  in  accordance 
with  a  state's  per  capita  income. 

Comprehensive  Public  Assistance  Pro- 
gram (Sec.  6) —  Provides  for  federal 
grants  to  the  states  for  public  assistance 
to  needy  individuals — aged,  blind,  de- 
pendent children  or  others.  Federal  gov- 
ernment will  pay  at  least  50  percent  of 
amounts  spent  by  states  and  up  to  75 
percent  for  states  in  accordance  with  a 
state's  per  capita  income. 


A  National  System  of  Public  Employ- 
ment Offices  (Sec.  7  &  8) —  Provides 
for  the  development  of  an  integrated, 
national  network  of  public  employment 
offices  by  the  continuation  of  the  federal 
operation  of  the  U.  S.  Employment 
Services.  Prior  to  January  1,  1942,  the 
U.  S.  Employment  Services  consisted  of 
48  separate  state  employment  services 
financed  by  federal  grants  to  the  states. 

National  Social  Insurance  System 
(Sec.  9) — The  development  of  a  single, 
integrated  national  social  insurance  ad- 
ministration under  the  Social  Security 
Board  to  administer  health  insurance, 
unemployment  insurance,  temporary  dis- 
ability insurance,  and  retirement,  sur- 
vivors, and  extended  disability  insurance. 

Part  A — Prepaid  Personal  Health 
Service  Insurance —  provides  for  insur- 
ance of  medical  care  and  hospitalization 
costs. 

Part  B — Unemployment  and  Tem- 
porary Disability  Insurance —  existing 
federal-state  system  of  unemployment 
compensation  is  federalized.  Benefits  for 
unemployed  or  temporarily  disabled 
workers  of  $5  to  $30  per  week  up  to 
26  weeks  provided.  These  amounts  re- 
lated to  number  of  worker's  dependents 
as  well  as  average  wage.  If  funds  are 
adequate,  benefits  may  be  paid  for  as 
long  as  52  weeks  for  unemployment. 

Part  C — Retirement,  Survivors  and 
Total  Disability  Insurance —  provides 
for  more  nearly  adequate  benefits  than 
existing  law,  especially  to  workers  with 
average  monthly  wages  of  less  than  $150. 
Lowers  retirement  age  for  women  to 
60;  retirement  age  for  men  remains  65. 
Increases  minimum  benefit  from  $10  a 


month  to  $20;  increases  maximum 
monthly  benefit  from  $85  to  $120.  The 
total  benefits  paid  to  the  family  of  any 
beneficiary  may  not  exceed  80  percent 
of  his  previous  average  monthly  wage. 

Part  D — National  Social  Insurance 
Trust  Fund — All  social  insurance  con- 
tributions from  employers  and  employes 
are  automatically  appropriated  to  this 
Trust  Fund  and  invested  in  U.  S.  Gov- 
ernment Bonds. 

Part  E — Credit  for  Military  Service 

— $160  wages  credited  under  the  insur- 
ance system  to  the  account  of  each  man 
or  woman  in  the  armed  forces  for  each 
month  of  their  military  service.  This 
preserves  the  insurance  rights  of  workers 
who  left  "covered  employment"  to  enter 
the  armed  forces  and  gives  immediate 
protection  to  younger  workers  who 
would  have  gone  to  work  and  become 
insured  if  they  had  not  entered  the 
armed  forces. 

Part  F — Coverage  Provisions  and 
Definitions — Extends  coverage  to  about 
15,000,000  agricultural  workers,  domes- 
tic servants,  seamen,  employes  of  non- 
profit institutions,  and  self-employed  per- 
sons. Does  not  cover  government  work- 
ers, except  as  state  and  local  employes 
may  vote  to  be  covered  under  voluntary 
compacts. 

Part  G — Social  Insurance  Contrib- 
utions—  4  percent  each  on  employers 
and  employes.  Government  contribution 
authorized  when  necessary. 

Part  H — General  Provisions —  Judi- 
cial review,  national  advisory  council 
and  rehabilitation  of  disabled  persons. 

Definitions  (Sec.  10) 


JUNE     1945 


279 


Health  Care  for  All 

The  broadest  health  program  ever  offered  in  this  country  is  before  Congress  in  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  of  1945,  interpreted  in  this  and  the  preceding  article. 

MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


SECURITY  is  THE  SPRINGBOARD  OF  OPPOUTUN- 
ity.  Without  health  there  is  no  spring  in 
the  springboard. 

President  Roosevelt's  Committee  on  Eco- 
nomic Security  would  have  liked  to  put 
health  insurance  into  the  original  Social 
Security  Act  of  1935,  but  left  it  out  in  fear 
that  if  it  were  included,  medical  opposition 
might  jeopardize  the  passage  of  the  entire 
law.  A  federal  interdepartmental  commit- 
tee brought  forth  a  comprehensive  health 
program  in  1938.  Sen.  James  E.  Murray 
presided  over  the  hearings  on  it  in  1939,  but 
incoming  war  clouds  overshadowed  such 
domestic  issues. 

In  1943,  Senators  Wagner  and  Murray 
and  Congressman  John  Dingell  joined  in 
proposing  a  general  revision  of  the  Social 
Security  law,  and  this  time,  with  the  united 
sponsorship  of  organized  labor,  health  in- 
surance was  in.  Against  it  some  physicians 
and  drug  manufacturers  set  up  a  $400,000 
campaign  of  pamphleteering  and  publicity. 
The  bill  lay  dormant  in  the  last  Congress 
without  hearings.  The  campaign  buried 
the  already  dead  duck  of  "socialized  medi- 
cine" but  it  provoked  discussion  of  health 
insurance  as  never  before. 

So  now,  when  just  after  V-E  Day  a  re- 
vised Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  appears 
in  Congress,  it  is  again  a  general  expansion 
of  the  Social  Security  Act  but  it  gives  health 
its  front  pages.  Health  insurance  is  not 
apologetically  left  out  as  it  was  ten  years 
ago.  Health  insurance  is  determinedly  in- 
cluded and  expanded. 

Study  the  bill  if  you  will,  for  it  concerns 
you  and  your  pocketbook.  But  since  the 
whole  bill  runs  to  185  pages  and  the  parts 
relating  directly  to  health  fill  90  pages,  there 
is  reason  for  a  summary.  One  might  say  it 
on  a  thumbnail  thus:  In  addition  to  other 
social  security  measures,  the  bill  establishes 
a  comprehensive  health  program: 

1.  It   would  improve  the  basic  medical 
facilities    of    this    country,    by    aiding    the 
establishment  of  hospitals  and  health  cen- 
ters, especially  in  rural  areas. 

2.  It  would  extend  preventive  medicine 
throughout  the  country,  by  improving  the 
existing  system  of  federal  aid  to  the  states 
for  state  aid,  local  health  departments,  and 
for  maternal  and  child  health  services. 

3.  It  would  assure  the  people's  purchasing 
power  for  medical  care  and  thus  the  income 
of  doctors   and   hospitals,  through   nation- 
wide health  insurance. 

4.  It  would  promote  the  quality  of  medi- 
cal service  and  the  advancement  of  knowl- 
edge, through  aid  to  medical  education  and 
research. 

A  sketch  on  the  other  thumbnail  is  also 
needed,  in  order  to  avoid  certain  misunder- 
standings. The  bill  maintains  the  right  of 
patients  to  choose  their  doctors  and  hospi- 


HEALTH— TODAY  &  TOMORROW 

— Fifth  in  series  by  the  chairman,  Com- 
mittee on  Research  in  Medical  Eco- 
nomics; associate  editor,  Survey  Graphic. 


tals;  of  hospitals  to  maintain  their  auton- 
omy; of  doctors  to  continue  in  private  prac- 
tice not  as  employers  of  government. 

A  specific  review  of  the  bill's  health  pro- 
visions breaks  down  into  four  questions: 
What  health  services  would  be  offered? 
Who  would  be  entitled  to  them?  How 
would  the  costs  be  met?  How  would  the 
services  be  managed? 

What  Services  Would  Be  Provided? 

Hospital  Facilities.  At  present,  hospitals 
are  unevenly  distributed  in  proportion  to 
population  needs.  They  are  insufficient  or 
absent  in  many  parts  of  this  country. 
Equalization  of  health  opportunities  is 
called  for.  The  bill  therefore  provides  for 
federal  grants  and  loans  for  hospital  and 
health  center  construction.  The  states  would 
survey  their  hospital  needs,  the  bill  pro- 
viding $5,000,000  to  aid  the  states  in  mak- 
ing these  surveys,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
U.  S.  Public  Health  Service. 

To  construct  new  hospitals  or  to  improve 
or  enlarge  existing  hospitals  in  localities 
shown  by  the  surveys  to  need  the  facilities, 
$50,000,000  in  federal  funds  are  authorized 
to  be  appropriated  for  the  first  year  and 
$100,000,000  annually  for  nine  succeeding 
years.  Grants,  or  grants  and  loans  may  be 
made  to  states,  and  to  local  governments, 
and  also  to  non-governmental,  non-profit 
organizations.  The  grants  would  be  on  a 
sliding  scale,  according  to  a  formula  de- 
signed to  help  the  poorer  states  in  larger 
proportion.  Grants  may  range  from  25  to 
50  percent,  and  loans  in  addition  up  to  25 
percent  of  the  cost  of  a  project. 

Preventive  Medicine.  Since  1935,  aid  to 
the  states  has  been  available  through  the 
U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  to  extend  health 
departments  and  for  campaigns  against  cer- 
tain diseases.  Because  many  parts  of  the 
country  still  have  no  local  health  depart- 
ments with  full  time  health  officers,  the  bill 
extends  the  authorized  federal  grants  from 
the  present  limit  of  $20,000,000  a  year  up 
to  whatever  amount  Congress  may  appro- 
priate to  match  expenditures  by  state  and 
local  governments.  It  increases  from  $3,- 
000,000  to  $5,000,000  the  Public  Health 
Service's  appropriation  for  training  person- 
nel and  for  demonstrations,  and  adjusts 
the  financial  formula  of  the  grants  so  that 
relatively  larger  aid  to  the  poorer  states 
would  be  available. 

The  established  grants  through  the  Chil- 


dren's Bureau  to  provide  services  for  mater- 
nity and  child  health,  crippled  children  and 
child  welfare,  are  improved  in  similar  ways. 
Education  and  Research.  Grants  may  be 
made  to  non-profit  agencies  for  research  to 
advance  knowledge  of  "the  cause,  preven- 
tion, mitigation  or  methods  of  diagnosis 
and  treatment  of  disease  and  disability"; 
and  for  the  education  and  training  of  re- 
search personnel. 

Nationwide  Health  Insurance 

The  bill  would  make  prepaid  medical 
care  by  physicians  and  hospitals  available 
to  practically  the  whole  population  and,  in 
addition,  home  nursing  and  dental  care 
under  certain  limitations.  In  detail  this 
would  mean: 

1.  Medical  care  by  general  practitioners, 
including  all  necessary  services  at  the  office, 
home,  or  hospital,  and  covering  preventive, 
diagnostic  and  treatment  services,  and  peri- 
odic physical  examination. 

2.  Care    by    specialists,   likewise   at   the 
office,  home  or  hospital. 

3.  Hospitalization  up  to  60  days  a  year, 
with  a  possible   maximum  of   120  days  a 
year  if  experience  proves  that  the  insurance 
fund  can  afford  it. 

4.  Necessary  laboratory  and  X-ray  serv- 
ices, physiotherapy,  special  appliances  and 
eyeglasses,  when  called  for  by  a  physician, 
or   in  the  case  of  eyeglasses,  on  the   pre- 
scription of  "other  legally  qualified"  prac- 
titioners such  as  optometrists. 

5.  Nursing  care  furnished  in  the  home 
by    a    registered    professional    nurse,    or   a 
practical  nurse  who  is  legally  qualified  to 
give   such   care   and    is   adequately    super- 
vised. This  benefit  may  be  temporarily  re- 
stricted because  of  inadequacy  of  personnel. 

6.  Dentistry   from   general   dental   prac- 
titioners and  specialists,  restricted  according 
to  the  availability  of  personnel. 

What  services  are  not  provided?  Drugs 
and  medicines,  except  such  as  are  ordinarily 
furnished  by  a  hospital  to  its  bed  patients; 
care  already  covered  by  workmen's  com- 
pensation state  laws. 

Who  Would  Be  Covered? 

Nearly  everybody.  The  immediate  cover- 
age includes  all  persons  who  are  eligible 
for  old  age,  survivors  and  disability  insur- 
ance benefits  and  the  dependents  of  these 
persons.  As  compared  with  the  present  So- 
cial Security  Act,  many  new  and  important 
groups  would  gain  these  benefits — such  as 
farmers,  agricultural  and  domestic  workers, 
employers  of  non-profit  institutions,  and 
self-employed  persons.  The  chief  groups 
not  included  would  be  federal  employes, 
ministers  and  members  of  religious  orders, 
and  employes  of  state  and  local  govern- 
ments. These  employes  may,  however,  be 


280 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


brought  in  under  certains  conditions;  and 
local  welfare  authorities  may  bring  depend- 
ent persons  under  their  charge  into  the 
health  insurance  system  by  making  contri- 
butions for  them. 

How  Meet  the  Costs? 

All  covered  employed  persons  would  pay 
1J/2  percent  of  their  earnings,  and  their 
employers  an  equal  amount;  self-employed 
persons  3  percent  of  their  earnings;  all  into 
the  "Personal  Health  Services  Account"  of 
the  National  Social  Insurance  Trust  Fund. 
Doctors,  hospitals  and  laboratory  services 
would  be  paid  from  this  account.  The  3 
percent  of  earnings  which  goes  to  physi- 
cians, hospital  and  laboratory  services  is 
just  about  the  average  percentage  now  spent 
for  these  purposes  out  of  family  incomes 
in  this  country. 

The  percentages  are  calculated  on  earn- 
ings up  to  $3,600.  These  payments  are  part 
of  the  total  social  security  contribution  of 
8  percent,  equally  divided  between  em- 
ployes and  employers.  Unemployment,  dis- 
ability, old  age  and  survivors  benefits,  are 
thus  financed.  Self-employed  persons  pay  a 
total  of  5  percent  of  earnings  for  the  same 
coverage. 

General  federal  taxation  is  also  called 
upon,  to  meet  certain  costs:  Dental  and 
nursing  services,  the  grants  and  loans  for 
hospital  construction,  the  grants  for  public 
health,  public  assistance,  maternal  and  child 
health.  General  taxation  from  state  and 
local  governments,  and  private  funds  would 
share  in  the  hospital  and  health  center  con- 
struction projects,  and  in  supporting  com- 
munity facilities  and  services  as  they  do 
now.  Existing  state  and  local  expenditures 
-for  physicians'  or  hospital  care  of  needy 
persons  would  continue  either  directly  or 
through  the  health  insurance  system,  and 
would  be  supplemented  under  the  bill  by 
grants  from  general  federal  revenue. 

If  this  bill  were  in  operation,  the  costs 
of  medical  care  would  continue  to  be  met 
from  very  much  the  same  pocketbooks  as 
at  present.  The  great  bulk  of  the  popula- 
tion would  pay  regularly  into  the  national 
pool  of  funds.  The  payments  of  their  em- 
ployers would  in  most  cases  be  reflected 
ultimately  in  the  prices  of  their  products 
and  would  come  out  of  the  pocketbooks 
of  consumers — that  is,  everybody. 

Administration 

Prevention  and  cure  are  brought  together. 
The  Surgeon-General  of  the  U.  S.  Public 
Health  Service  retains  his  present  responsi- 
bility for  preventive  work  and  is  named 
administrator  of  the  health  insurance  pro- 
gram, responsible  under  our  present  govern- 
mental organization  to  the  Federal  Security 
Administrator  and  guided  by  advisory  coun- 
cils. He  would  work  with  state  and  local 
agencies,  and  is  to  use  the  states  as  adminis- 
trative agencies  if  they  will  undertake  the 
job.  In  every  local  area  advisory  committees 
would  be  set  up,  including  members  of  pro- 
fessional groups  and  of  the  public.  For 
health  insurance  the  "National  Advisory 
Medical  Policy  Council"  would  include  per- 
sons drawn  both  from  the  professions  which 
furnish  and  from  the  lay  groups  which  re- 
ceive and  pay  for  services.  "Special  advisory, 


technical,  regional  or  local  committees  or 
commissions"  are  authorized  to  be  set  up 
as  required.  The  council  would  have  the 
right  to  initiate  meetings  and  its  recom- 
mendations must  be  included  in  the  Sur- 
geon General's  annual  report  to  Congress. 

If  this  bill  became  law,  Mr.  Tom  Brown 
and  his  family  could  carry  on  with  the  same 
doctor  they  have  now,  or  could  pick  any 
doctor  they  wished  who  was  willing  to  ac- 
cept them  as  patients.  Mr.  Brown  could  go 
to  any  hospital  he  selected  if  the  doctor 
treating  him  had  staff  privileges  there.  In 
other  words,  the  medical  care  of  the  Browns 
would  go  on  just  about  as  at  present,  with 
one  big  difference — there  would  be  only 
personal  relations  between  the  Browns  and 
their  doctor.  There  would  be  no  financial 
relations.  The  doctors  would  be  paid  from 
the  health  insurance  fund. 

Tom  Brown  could  get  care  from  all  need- 
ed specialists,  usually  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  his  general  physician,  otherwise  if 
necessary;  hospitalization;  laboratory  and 
X-ray  services  and — with  limitations — den- 
tal and  home  nursing  care. 

If  Mr.  Moneybags  preferred  to  pay  his 
accustomed  ten-dollar-a-visit  fee  in  a  plush- 
lined  physician's  office,  he  could  continue  to 
do  so,  just  as  he  may  send  his  child  to  a 
$2,000  a  year  private  school. 

Freedom  and  Finances  for  Doctors 

The  doctor  remains  a  professional  man 
licensed  under  the  law  of  his  state.  No 
doctor  is  required  to  work  under  the  health 
insurance  system  unless  he  wishes  to  do  so. 
Doctors  or  groups  of  doctors  could  make 
arrangements  with  the  medical  administra- 
tor regarding  the  method  and  amounts  of 
payments  to  physicians.  In  each  locality, 
the  method  of  payment  to  doctors  (so  far 
as  general  practitioners  are  concerned) 
would  be  such  as  the  majority  of  the  phy- 
sicians in  the  area  might  determine,  but 
individual  physicians  or  minority  groups  of 
physicians  would  be  protected  in  their  right 
to  negotiate  a  different  method  of  payment. 
The  methods  might  be  either  by  fees  for 
service,  part  or  full  time  salary,  or  on  a  per 
capita  basis,  that  is,  so  much  annually  for 
each  person  who  selects  a  physician  as  his 
regular  doctor;  or  combinations  of  these 
methods.  Says  the  bill: 

"Payments  shall  be  adequate,  especially  in 
terms  of  annual  income  or  its  equivalent 
and  by  reference  to  annual  income  cus- 
tomarily received  among  physicians,  dentists, 
or  nurses,  having  regard  for  age,  speciali- 
zation, and  type  of  community;  and  pay- 
ments shall  be  commensurate  with  skill,  ex- 
perience, and  responsibility  involved  in 
furnishing  service. 

"Physicians  meeting  qualifications  for 
specialist  service,  determined  under  stand- 
ards developed  by  competent  professional 
agencies,  would  have  special  rates  of  re- 
muneration under  the  same  general  prin- 
ciples." 

Hospitals  would  be  paid  either  on  a 
service  cost  basis  (within  the  limits  of  $3 
to  $7  per  diem)  or  the  per  diem  payments 
might  be  made  to  the  beneficiaries  who 
might  in  turn  assign  them  to  the  hospitals. 
The  Surgeon  General  is  explicitly  prohibited 
from  exercising  "supervision  or  control" 


over  a  participating  hospital. 

Voluntary  health  insurance  plans  or 
medical  groups  supplying  services  and  meet- 
ing necessary  standards  could  continue  to 
operate.  They  would  receive  payments 
from  the  health  insurance  fund  instead  of 
from  their  members  directly.  Provision  is 
made  for  hearings  and  for  appeal  bodies  to 
deal  with  complaints  and  disputes.  Lists 
would  be  made  public  in  each  area  of  the 
physicians,  dentists,  groups  of  physicians, 
and  hospitals  available  for  service. 

Certain  restrictions  might  be  made,  if 
necessary,  for  financial  reasons  or  to  pre- 
vent abuses.  For  example,  limited  fees 
might  have  to  be  paid  by  a  patient  "with 
respect  to  the  first  service  or  with  respect 
to  each  service  in  a  period  of  sickness  or 
course  of  treatment."  The  Surgeon  General 
and  the  Social  Security  Board  jointly  would 
be  required  to  report  to  Congress  as  to  the 
most  effective  methods  of  extending  dental, 
home  nursing  and  other  services,  and  of 
meeting  their  costs;  also  as  to  facilities  and 
services  for  the  chronic  sick  and  for  mental 
diseases. 

Basic  Administrative  Policies 

The  Bill  tells  local,  state,  and  national 
authorities  that: 

"The  methods  of  administration,  includ- 
ing the  methods  of  making  payments  to 
practitioners  shall 

"(1)  insure  the  prompt  and  efficient  care 
of  individuals  entitled  to  personal  health 
service  benefits; 

"(2)  promote  relationships  between  phy- 
sician and  patient; 

"(3)  provide  professional  and  financial 
incentives  for  the  professional  advancement 
of  practitioners  and  encourage  high  stand- 
ards in  the  quality  of  services  furnished  as 
benefits  under  this  part  through  the  ade- 
quacy of  payments  to  practitioners,  assist- 
ance in  their  use  of  opportunities  for  post- 
graduate study,  coordination  among  the 
services  furnished  by  general  or  family 
practitioners,  specialists  and  consultants, 
laboratory,  and  other  auxiliary  services,  co- 
ordination among  the  services  furnished  by 
practitioners,  hospitals,  public-health  centers, 
educational,  research,  and  other  institutions, 
and  between  preventive  and  curative  serv- 
ices, and  otherwise; 

"(4)  aid  in  the  prevention  of  disease,  dis- 
ability, and  premature  death;  and 

"(5)  insure  the  provision  of  adequate 
service  with  the  greatest  economy  consistent 
with  high  standards  of  quality." 

What's  Ahead? 

Now  the  bill  is  before  Congress  and  the 
people,  coming  in  the  midst  of  preoccupa- 
tion with  the  war  and  the  beginning  of 
reconversion  to  peace.  Hearings  are  prom- 
ised in  the  early  autumn.  The  medical  pro- 
visions of  the  1943  Wagner-Murray-Dingell 
bill  were  made  the  spearhead  of  the  attack 
upon  the  whole  social  security  measure.  The 
same  tactics  began  this  year  in  anticipation 
of  the  new  bill's  introduction.  Already,  paid 
advertisements  of  the  National  Physicians 
Committee  are  misstating:  "Authority  is  to 
be  given  a  single  government  official  to  hire 
doctors  ...  to"  control  and  operate  hospitals 
(Continued  on  page  304) 


JUNE     1945 


281 


Displaced  Persons:  A  USA  Close-up 

The  story  of  Fort  Ontario — since  August,  1944,  a  haven  for  a  group  of  European 
refugees,    and   a   laboratory   for   studying    some   aspects  of  a  major  postwar   task. 

RUTH  KARPF 


FOR    NEARLY    A    YEAR,    981    EUROPEAN    REFU- 

gees  have  been  living  at  Fort  Ontario,  an 
unused  American  army  camp  near  Oswego, 
N.  Y.  There  these  displaced  men,  women, 
and  children  have  had  comfortable  hous- 
ing, good  food,  clothing,  medical  care, 
money  in  their  pockets,  a  chance  to  work, 
study  and  play — all  the  decencies  and  some 
of  the  amenities  to  which  most  of  them 
had  been  strangers  for  years. 

Their  only  major  lack  is  liberty.  Guards 
stand  at  the  gate  of  the  Fort.  The  refugees 
have  to  have  permits  to  go  off  the  grounds; 
they  are  not  allowed  to  go  farther  from 
the  Fort  than  nearby  Oswego,  even  to  visit 
relatives  who  are  American  citizens. 

These  people  were  brought  to  the  Emer- 
gency Refugee  Center  from  Italian  concen- 
tration camps  "for  the  duration"  as  a 
symbolic  gesture  by  the  traditional  land  of 
freedom  to  the  driven,  lost  victims  of  war 
and  fascism  in  Europe.  [See  Survey  Graph- 
ic, September  1944,  page  386].  Now  the 
question  is  being  widely  raised  as  to 
whether  they  must  all  return  to  Europe,  or 
whether  those  who  wish  to  stay  in  this 
country  should  be  permitted  to  do  so. 

The  Unused  Quotas 

In  June,  a  subcommittee  of  the  House 
Immigration  Committee  plans  to  open  hear- 
ings at  Fort  Ontario.  After  taking  testimony 
there,  the  subcommittee  expects  to  consider 
legislation  allowing  the  Oswego  refugees 
who  can  use  unused  quotas  to  stay  in  the 
United  States.  As  Samuel  Dickstein,  chair- 
man of  the  House  Immigration  Committee, 
pointed  out  in  a  recent  press  statement,  only 
28,000  quota  and  non-quota  persons  from 
abroad  were  admitted  to  the  United  States 
in  the  closing  fiscal  year,  although  the  quota 
for  the  twelve  months  was  158,000.  Taking 
the  last  five  or  six  years  together,  the  un- 
used quotas  exceed  1,000,000,  he  said,  and 
he  favors  a  bill  to  permit  the  Oswego 
refugees  to  fill  some  of  these  unclaimed 
places. 

Such  legislation  also  has  the  support  of 
the  newly  organized  Friends  of  Fort  On- 
tario Guest  Refugees.  Joseph  H.  Smart  re- 
signed last  month  as  camp  director  to  lead 
this  campaign  on  behalf  of  immigrant  status 
for  the  refugees.  His  successor  will  soon  be 
announced. 

Meanwhile,  Malcolm  C.  Pitts,  formerly 
assistant  director  of  the  War  Relocation 
Authority,  the  agency  which  from  the  be- 
ginning has  been  responsible  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  camp,  is  serving  as  act- 
ing director. 

To  understand  some  of  the  factors  in- 
volved in  the  proposal  to  permit  these  refu- 
gees to  remain  here,  one  must  have  been 
in  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  and  seen  what  has  been 
happening  there  since  the  group  arrived  on 
August  4,  1944. 


— By  a  journalist  who  took  her  college 
degree  at  the  University  of  Jerusalem, 
and  did  postgraduate  work  at  the  New 
School  for  Social  Research  in  New  York. 

Before  coming  to  the  United  States 
in  1941,  Miss  Karpf  was  a  free  lance 
writer  for  magazines,  newspapers,  and 
the  radio  in  Palestine,  Iran,  India,  and 
the  East  Indies. 

She  is  now  with  the  national  head- 
quarters of  USO. 


You  walk  a  hundred  feet  from  a  small, 
pretty,  upstate  New  York  town  and  you 
are  in  another  world,  another  time.  The 
people  in  the  Fort  wear  clothes  they  have 
bought  in  Oswego  or  that  have  been  sent 
them  from  New  York  or  Chicago.  But  they 
wear  them  differently.  Many  of  them  speak 
English,  some  of  them  good  English.  They 
use  the  same  words  that  you  do,  and  I,  and 
yet  they  speak  another  language. 

Why  They  Are  "Different" 

It  is  hard  to  put  your  finger  on  just 
what  it  is  that  makes  them  so  different. 
The  little  ten-year-old  boy  who  speaks  three 
languages  fluently  has  hardly  a  trace  of 
accent.  But  you  know  that  he  learned  to 
speak  these  tongues  fleeing  across  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe,  and  you  guess  that  his 
knowledge  of  them  may  have  saved  his 
family  from  starvation  and  him  from  death. 
His  eyes  tell  you.  They  are  big,  pained, 
unchildish  eyes  in  a  little  boy's  face. 

Maybe  it's  that  something  about  the  eyes 
of  all  of  them  that  makes  you  feel  the 
Fort  is  far  away  from  the  world  you  know. 
Or  maybe  it's  their  walk;  the  stooped  alert 
walk  with  the  driven  rhythm  in  which  you 
detect  both  prison  rounds  and  breathless 
flight. 

Or  perhaps  it  is  just  the  difference  be- 
tween free  men  and  those  who  have  almost 
forgotten  how  it  feels  to  be  free. 

There  is  a  very  wide  gap  between  you 
and  them,  a  gap  that  all  your  desire  for 
contact  and  all  the  friendliness  of  their 
hearts  cannot  bridge.  These  are  people  from 
Hitler's  Europe. 

Most  of  them  will  talk  if  you  just  look 
at  them.  Speech  comes  out  of  them  like 
a  torrent,  which  has  been  dammed  up  for 
a  long  time.  For  years  they  could  not  talk. 
And  now  the  horror  of  their  past  is  their 
only  sure  possession.  Sometimes  it  seems  as 
though  they  have  to  talk  themselves  into 
the  realization  that  they  actually  are  alive 
and  here  to  tell  the  story. 

In  the  camp  everything  possible  has  been 
done  to  make  them  lose  this  vague  un- 
reality and  restore  them  to  normal  hoping 
and  planning. 

As  director  of  the  shelter,  Mr.  Smart 
understood  that  this  reconditioning  has  two 


facets:  an  elementary  and  urgent  physical 
one;  and  a  more  complicated  psychological 
one.  He  worked  at  both. 

An  able  administrator  with  much  >  prac- 
tical experience  which  he  acquired  in 
South  America  with  the  Office  of  the  Co- 
ordinator of  Inter-American  affairs,  Mr. 
Smart  found  this  new  task  fraught  with 
a  hundred  new  challenges,  a  thousand  new 
problems.  He  devoted  all  his  experience, 
his  knowledge,  and  imagination  to  the 
experiment.  It  was  his  readiness  to  learn, 
to  find  out,  and  to  change,  which  made  it 
possible  for  Fort  Ontario  not  only  to  serve 
the  refugees  there  but  to  be  used  as  a 
laboratory  for  the  task  that  confronts  us  in 
Europe,  in  meeting  the  needs  of  millions 
of  displaced  persons  wandering  in  the  wake 
of  war. 

Mr.  Smart's  job  was  almost  an  impos- 
sible one.  He  tried  to  give  a  sense  of  free- 
dom to  these  men  and  women  who  arc 
confined  to  the  haven  they  have  found  in 
the  new  world.  He  tried  to  make  their 
camp  a  united,  democratically  operated 
community,  the  members  of  which  have 
every  freedom  but  movement. 

The  Camp  Program 

To  start  with,  he  cooperated  heartily  with 
the  War  Relocation  Authority's  plans  for 
the  shelter  which  included  the  freedom  to 
vote. 

The  Fort  had  its  own  government.  Elec- 
tions by  secret  ballot  were  held  the  first 
month  of  the  camp.  An  advisory  council 
of  ten  was  chosen  to  act  as  the  liaison  body 
between  Mr.  Smart  and  Washington  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  residents  of  the  Fort  on 
the  other.  The  advisory  council  in  turn  was 
composed  of  representatives  of  each  of  the 
national  groups  which  had  formed  them- 
selves quite  naturally  on  the  basis  of  com- 
mon language,  common  background,  and 
common  plans  and  hopes  for  the  future. 
"Parties"  on  the  ballot  thus  included  Yugo- 
slavs, Austrians,  Poles,  Germans,  Czechs, 
and  other  nationalities. 

The  advisory  council  in  its  turn  ap- 
pointed a  number  of  subcommittees  to  deal 
with  the  various  problems  that  came  up  as 
life  in  the  shelter  developed. 

The  members  of  the  council  resigned  in  a 
very  few  months.  It  just  didn't  work.  The 
residents  of  the  shelter,  thrown  together  as 
they  were  by  the  accident  of  persecution, 
did  not  constitute  a  cohesive  t  democratic 
community  and  could  not  operate  as  such. 
But  the  council's  subcommittees  did  a  nec- 
essary job  in  the  early  days  of  the  camp. 

Thus,  residents  at  first  obtained  their 
passes  from  the  security  subcommittee  two 
or  three  times  a  week. 

They  go  "to  town,"  that  is,  Oswego,  for 
shopping,  for  movies,  and  sometimes  just 
sit  around  in  what  comes  closest  to  their 


282 


SURVEY    GRAPHIC 


tradition  of  a  "coffee  house,"  a  place  called 
"Sava's  Coffee  Shop  and  Restaurant." 

There  is  a  uniformed  civil  service  guard 
on  duty  in  the  little  white-washed  wooden 
guardhouse  twenty-four  hours  a  day.  He 
issues  entrance  permits  to  visitors  and 
checks  the  passes  of  everyone  who  leaves 
the  Fort.  Special  permits  are  issued  to  chil- 
dren between  the  ages  of  six  and  eighteen 
who  go  to  Oswego's  public  schools  every 
day.  Special  passes  were  also  given  the  25 
or  30  men  who  used  to  leave  the  Fort  six 
days  a  week  to  do  seasonal  work  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  last  fall.  The  permis- 
sion for  this  kind  of  outside  work  was 
obtained  when  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture needed  help  to  harvest  the  1944  crops. 
Refugees  were  paid  prevailing  wages,  about 
$6  a  day.  This  was  a  lot  of  money  to  the 
residents  of  Fort  Ontario,  and  the  privilege 
was  therefore  rotated.  Most  of  the  wages 
went  into  U.  S.  war  bonds. 

Money  has  been  a  complicated  but  none 
too  vital  problem  in  the  Fort.  The  refugees 
had  to  surrender  all  the  foreign  currency 
— that  is,  all  the  money  they  had — before 
they  boarded  the  boat  which  brought  them 
to  the  United  States,  so  that  none  of  them 
had  any  cash  when  they  arrived.  Today, 
everyone  who  works  full  time  gets  a  salary 
of  $18  a  month,  of  course  in  addition  to 
housing,  food,  and  medical  care. 

Residents  who  are  unable  to  work  receive 
a  grant  of  $8.50  if  they  are  over  eighteen, 
$7  if  they  are  between  the  ages  of  twelve 
and  seventeen,  $4.50  if  they  are  under 
twelve. 

There  is  work  for  most  of  the  able- 
bodied  men  in  a  variety  of  occupations 
ranging  from  responsible  administrative 
jobs,  and  editorship  of  the  Ontario  Chron- 
icle, to  "the  composer  of  the  menus."  No 
adult  who  has  been  offered  work  and 
turned  it  down  receives  the  $8.50  grant. 
Contributions  from  voluntary  organizations, 
and  from  relatives,  supplement  the  grants 
and  salaries. 

The  present  wage  set-up  has  grown  out 
of  a  series  of  trials  and  errors.  In  this 
respect,  as  in  all  others,  Mr.  Smart's  basic 
assumption  was  that  you  can't  operate  a 
thousand  human  problems  according  to 
fixed  rules.  Policies  have  to  grow  out  of 
experience. 

The  Camp  "Extras" 

With  the  help  of  a  number  of  national 
organizations  —  the  National  Refugee 
Service,  the  National  Council  for  Jewish 
Women,  the  American  Friends  Service 
Committee,  the  Unitarian  Service  Commit- 
tee, the  American  Committee  for  Christian 
Refugees,  Hias,  Ort,  the  National  Jewish 
Welfare  Board,  Hadassah,  B'nai  B'rith, 
Agudath  Israel,  and  the  Sephardi  group — 
a  large  variety  of  "extra"  services  have  been 
given  the  residents  of  the  Fort. 

One  example  is  the  English  adult  edu- 
cation program.  At  the  shelter  today,  Eng- 
lish lessons  are  available  from  9  A.M.  to  9 
P.M.,  five  days  a  week  on  four  different 
levels.  Dr.  G.  Van  Buskirk,  who  supervised 
the  English  programs  in  the  Japanese  re- 
location centers,  helped  organize  them.  She 
rounded  up  thirteen  part  time  teachers  from 
substitute  lists  in  Oswego  and  secured  the 


Nearly  300  adults  at  Fort  Ontario  attend  English  classes  with  trained  teachers 


Vocational  training  includes  woodworking,  auto  mechanics,  machine  shop  practice 


cooperation  of  the  Oswego  State  Teacher's 
College,  as  well  as  a  citizens'  committee 
which  helps  with  weekly  lectures  and 
forums  on  "the  American  way  of  life." 
The  school  for  the  Fort  residents  was  set  up 
in  two  unused  wings  of  the  hospital  and, 
besides  regular  classrooms,  has  a  "listening 
room"  in  which  students  can  improve  ac- 
cent and  intonation  with  the  aid  of  speech 
records. 

The  response  to  the  program  was  amaz- 
ing. Of  the  981  residents — 200  of  whom 
are  children  and  another  hundred  aged  or 
ill — about  300  registered  for  classes. 

Special  services  such  as  these  English  les- 
sons are  arranged  for  by  the  Coordinating 
Committee  for  Fort  Ontario  which  is  com- 
posed of  representatives  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munities in  Rochester,  Buffalo,  Syracuse, 
Utica,  and  Oswego.  Although  not  all  of  the 
residents  in  the  Fort  are  Jewish,  the  vast 


majority  are,  and  Jewish  organizations  have 
been  glad  to  supplement  the  U.  S.  govern- 
ment's generous  gesture  by  giving  any  help 
they  can  to  the  refugee  group,  regardless 
of  creed. 

The  procedure  on  such  special  projects 
has  been  for  the  coordinating  committee 
to  discuss  them  with  the  camp  administra- 
tion and,  after  receiving  suggestions,  and 
approval,  to  hand  them  on  to  one  organi- 
zation or  to  several,  for  execution  and 
financial  backing. 

Thus,  responsibility  for  the  English 
classes  was  assumed  by  the  National  Refu- 
gee Service  and  the  National  Council  for 
Jewish  Women.  The  expenses  involved  in 
sending  the  Fort's  children  to  school  (bus 
fares,  luncheon  and  milk  money,  books  and 
school  supplies)  were  shouldered  by  N.R.S., 
Hias,  and  the  Council.  A  trade  school, 
which  has  been  in  operation  at  the  shelter 


JUNE     1945 


283 


for   about   six   months,   was   arranged   for- 
by  the  ORT  and  the  N.R.S.  Projects  are 
usually   handed   to   whatever   organization 
is  best  equipped  by  its  own  program  and 
experience  to  provide  the  service. 

Some  of  the  special  services,  in  addition 
to  those  already  mentioned,  are  Hebrew 
classes,  kosher  food,  special  clothing,  re- 
ligious supplies,  and  recreational  opportun- 
ity and  supplies — two  movies  a  week,  art 
material,  musical  instruments,  equipment 
needed  to  print  the  camp  newspaper.  Much 
of  the  medical  program  aimed  at  rehabili- 
tation, as  well  as  dental  and  optical  services, 
are  also  carried  by  these  agencies.  So  are 
the  expenses  involved  in  having  eleven  Fort 
students  at  the  Oswego  State  Teacher's 
College,  and  two  young  adults  taking  cor- 
respondence courses  in  radio,  and  commer- 
cial art. 


The  camp's  outstanding  special  service  is 
its  beauty  culture  school  which  has  patrons 
eager    and    appreciative    that    bookings 


so 


for  permanents  have  to  be  made  months 
in  advance. 

The  Refugees  and  the  Community 

The  integration  of  the  children  into 
Oswego's  schools  was  complicated.  Some  of 
them  had  never  gone  to  school.  Others  had 
had  a  very  good  education  but  knew  no 
English.  Thus,  before  the  regular  school 
term  started,  Oswego's  teachers  spent  a 
fortnight  observing  the  Fort  Ontario  girls 
and  boys  and  assigning  them  to  grades. 
Now  they  go  to  school  every  day. 

On  the  whole,  this  has  worked  out  well. 
Sometimes  the  American  youngsters  look 
down  on  the  Fort  children  and  refuse  to 
associate  with  them.  There  has  been  very 


Refugee  feet,  once  shod  with  rags  and  tatters,  now  wear  sturdy  American  shoes 


Bus  travel  between  the  Fort  and  Oswego  schools  is  one  of  the  "special  services' 


little  personal  mingling,  although  group 
parties  and  group  games  have  been  ar- 
ranged. The  precocious  maturity  of  the 
young  refugees  in  some  instances  arouses 
admiration,  curiosity,  and  respect.  Thus, 
one  of  the  junior  high  school  classes  elected 
a  Fort  child  as  its  president.  In  some  in- 
stances, it  stirs  mistrust  and  a  sense  of 
strangeness.  Most  of  that  is  home  bred. 

By  and  large,  however,  the  people  of 
Oswego  have  been  kind  and  cooperative. 
They  have  formed  a  community  committee 
to  aid  the  residents  of  the  Fort.  Of  its 
various  subcommittees,  that  on  rumor- 
fighting  is  the  most  interesting.  It  was  set 
up  to  combat  gossip  and  hurtful  stories 
circulated  by  the  less  friendly  part  of  the 
population.  Some  of  the  rumors  are  ridicu- 
lous, some  are  malicious.  Their  sources 
range  from  small  town  prejudices  to  eco- 
nomic and  political  gripes. 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  reaction  of 
the  people  of  Oswego  is  one  of  sympathy, 
plus  a  sense  of  superiority  that  is  taken 
completely  for  granted.  To  a  certain  extent, 
they  are  also  interested.  Every  local  organ- 
ization from  the  Rotary  Club  to  the  local 
Woman's  Sunday  Society,  has  invited  refu- 
gee speakers,  musicians,  and  artists  to  per- 
form. 

The  refugees,  of  course,  have  obliged. 
They  have  quite  a  lot  of  talent  among 
them:  painters,  sculptors,  pianists,  actors, 
and  singers.  A  man  who  is  very  active  in 
coordinating  and  arranging  recreational 
activities  is  a  former  theatrical  producer  by 
the  name  of  Siegfried  Kuttner  who  has  the 
efficiency,  experience,  and  understanding 
that  are  required  for  the  complicated  job  of 
catering  to  the  tastes  and  using  the  talents 
of  people  of  so  many  ages,  nationalities, 
languages,  and  backgrounds.  Mr.  Kuttner 
and  his  charming  wife  have  succeeded  in 
flaunting  everything  that  the  Nazis  tried 
to  do.  They  have  an  indestructible  supply 
of  courage,  good  humor,  and  inherent  cul- 
ture. They  have  made  their  three-room 
barracks  look  like  a  swanky  ski-hut  and 
their  eleven-year-old  son  is  a  model  of 
charm  and  breeding. 

The  camp  enjoys  many  different  kinds 
of  entertainment.  In  addition  to  the  two 
weekly  movies,  supplied  by  the  National 
Refugee  Service,  there  are  two  theater 
groups,  one  which  gives  performances  in 
German  and  English  and  one  which  plays 
in  Yiddish.  There  is  also  a  children's  thea- 
ter. Lectures  on  a  variety  of  topics  are 
available  once  a  week.  A  little  orchestra 
was  recently  organized.  A  cabaret  is  in  the 
making.  There  is  a  chorus  which  sings  at 
religious  services,  and  also  at  camp  concerts. 
All  games  and  sports  are  in  the  hands 
of  a  specially  trained  man,  also  a  resident 
of  Fort  Ontario.  This  athletic  director 
works  in  the  shelter's  mailing  department 
and  has  been  devoting  his  free  time  to 
studying  the  rules  of  some  good  American 
games  such  as  baseball  and  soccer. 

There  are  drawing  and  music  classes  for 
the  children,  arts  and  crafts  displays  for 
the  adults.  From  time  to  time  the  Fort 
shares  exhibitions  with  the  Oswego  Teach- 
er's College.  Frequently  the  recreation  com- 
mittee secures  entertainers  or  lecturers  from 
(Continued  on  page  304) 


284 


SURVEY    GRAPHIC 


Toward  a  Bigger  Pie 

A  New  England  manufacturer  interprets  the  "code  of  principles"  adopted  by  labor 
and  management,  and  its  importance  in  establishing  industrial  peace  and  security. 


A      BIRTH      IN     THE      FAMILY     IS      INEVITABLY 

greeted  with  mixed  comment.  No  two 
members  can  agree  whether  the  baby  looks 
like  the  father,  the  mother  or  some  long- 
forgotten  aunt.  One  observer  exclaims  over 
the  new-born's  handsome  and  bright  fea- 
tures, while  another  whispers  to  everybody 
that  it  is  unmistakably  deformed  and  de- 
ficient. That's  the  reception  being  given  the 
labor-management  "code  of  principles" 
which  was  signed  in  April  by  the  heads 
of  the  Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations, 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  and  the 
U.  S.  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

Labor  in  general  seems  to  welcome  the 
so-called  charter  as  a  sound  basis  for  a 
future  of  industrial  peace  and  employment. 
The  Federated  Press  calls  it  "just  outline 
now  and  not  yet  a  fact."  The  more  leftish 
CIO  tends  to  be  more  exuberant  than  the 
AFL. 

But  labor  also  has  its  doubters  and  cynics 
like  the  militant  Mechanics  Educational  So- 
ciety, which  condemns  the  code  as  "a  sur- 
render of  labor  to  management  and  a 
charter  for  one  big  company  union."  In 
the  other  camp,  although  there  have  been 
some  favorable  responses,  many  employers 
have  dismissed  the  document  with  a  shrug. 

Typical  is  the  president  of  the  National 
Association  of  Manufacturers,  Ira  Mosher, 
who  explained  his  refusal  to  sign  on  the 
ground  that  the  charter  was  too  general  to 
be  worth  much.  As  a  member  of  manage- 
ment, I  deeply  regret  that  Mr.  Mosher 
could  not  get  together  with  Eric  Johnston, 
William  Green,  and  Philip  Murray.  For 
the  implications  of  the  NAM's  isolation  on 
this  issue  are,  at  the  least,  discouraging. 

First,  it  gives  labor  cause  to  question  the 
sincerity  of  management's  belief  in  collec- 
tive bargaining;  it  destroys  confidence  and 
breeds  distrust  among  the  public.  Second, 
it  indicates  that  the  organized  leaders  of 
industry  lack  faith  in  general  principles  or 
acts  of  good  will. 

Ideals  have  been  out  of  style  ever  since 
the  earth-shaking  failure  of  World  War  I 
and  the  League  of  Nations  to  create  per- 
manent peace.  Yet  it  strikes  me  as  a  con- 
fusing paradox  that  while  the  NAM 
fervently  preaches  its  idea  of  free  enterprise 
as  gospel,  it  snubs  such  generalities  as  this 
charter,  resists  any  indulgence  in  idealism, 
in  fact  opposes  a  sincere  national  gesture 
toward  making  the  free  enterprise  system 
work  after  the  war. 

"Something  to  Realize" 

In  this  instance  Ralph  Barton  Perry's 
statement  rings  true:  "Ideals  are  not  idle 
dreams  or  rosy  pictures  .  .  .  they  are  goals 
to  be  achieved  by  human  flesh  and  blood 
and  embodied  in  a  firm  structure  of  physi- 
cal and  social  organization.  In  other  words, 
an  ideal  is  something  to  realize." 

JUNE     1945 


ELLSWORTH  S.  GRANT 

— By  the  personnel  director  of  the  Alien 
Manufacturing  Company  of  Hartford, 
Conn.,  makers  of  socket  screw  products, 
who  is  also  assistant  treasurer  and  a 
director  of  that  concern.  During  the  past 
year,  Mr.  Grant  has  served  as  president 
of  the  Hartford  County  Industrial  Rela- 
tions Society. 

With  those  words  as  a  text,  permit  me 
to  project  from  a  management  viewpoint 
the  practical  meaning  of  the  "code,"  as 
the  signers  term  it,  and  to  suggest  how 
both  labor  and  management  can  translate 
it  into  living  policies. 

Of  its  seven  points,  the  last  three  deal 
with  social  security,  foreign  trade,  and  an 
international  peace  organization.  Because 
these  are  less  controversial  and  more  fully 
understood  than  the  others,  I  shall  not 
discuss  them  in  detail.  I  am,  however,  in 
hearty  sympathy  with  each.  To  create  the 
basic  security  necessary  for  an  industrial 
democracy,  the  country  must  support  a 
broad  program  of  social  insurance  covering 
health,  unemployment,  and  old  age.  And 
it  seems  to  me  absolutely  clear  that  unless 
America  adheres  to  a  policy  of  two-way 
trade,  the  political  arrangements  made  at 
San  Francisco  to  maintain  international 
peace  and  security  will  die  aborning. 

The  preamble  to  the  code  calls  for  con- 
tinued "management-labor  unity"  for  the 
purpose  of  achieving  "a  vastly  expanding 
economy  and  unlimited  opportunities  for 
every  American."  In  my  opinion,  an  econ- 
omy of  expansion  and  opportunity  can 
mean  only  one  of  maximum  employment, 
production,  and  distribution.  I  dislike  the 
term  "reconversion"  because  it  implies  a 
return  to  our  pre-war  economy  or  to  static 
normalcy. 

The  Task  of  Remobilization 

Our  task,  on  the  contrary,  is  emphatically 
one  of  bringing  all  our  economic  and  social 
resources  to  bear  upon  the  objective  of  at- 
taining a  national  income  at  least  one  third 
higher  than  before  the  war.  That  requires 
nothing  less  than  remobilization. 

American  workers  and  managers  have  yet 
to  defeat  their  common  enemy:  unemploy- 
ment. They  have  yet  to  demonstrate  that 
the  effort,  skill,  and  ingenuity  applied  with 
the  greatest  amount  of  teamwork  and  suc- 
cess ever  known  in  industrial  history  to 
wage  war  can  be  applied  just  as  vigorously 
to  maintain  peace.  Businessman,  worker, 
and  farmer,  Republican  and  Democrat, 
know  that  this  country  cannot  endure  an- 
other major  depression  without  the  collapse 
of  what  Eric  Johnston,  president  of  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  calls  "the  people's 
capitalism."  Over  the  long  period  the  prob- 
lem of  remobilization  is  to  bring  individual 


freedom  and  national  security  into  balance 
within  a  dynamic  and  democratic  society. 
The  other  four  principles  which  the  cods 
recognizes  as  fundamental  to  the  establish- 
ment of  "a  practical  partnership"  between 
labor  and  management  are: 

1.  The  necessity   to  improve  productive 
efficiency  and  to  make  technological  prog- 
ress; 

2.  The  right  to  own  property  and  to  com- 
pete; 

3.  The  right  of  management  to  direct  an 
enterprise; 

4.  The  right  of  labor  to  organize  and  to 
engage  in  collective  bargaining. 

Although  they  seem  plain  and  unequi- 
vocal, these  principles  will  require  a  lot  of 
interpreting,  elaborating,  and  clarifying  be- 
fore complete  agreement — if  such  is  possi- 
ble— can  be  reached. 

Freedom  to  Produce 

Under  the  first,  the  code  says  that  pros- 
perity involves  "a  steadily  advancing  stand- 
ard of  living."  A  higher  living  standard 
means  more  take-home  pay  for  more  work- 
ers. Labor  has  always  emphasized  that  in- 
creased purchasing  power  is  essential  to 
stimulate  full  production  and  consumption. 
There  are  only  two  ways  to  raise  purchas- 
ing power:  by  government  handouts,  sub- 
sidies and  the  like;  and  by  maximum  indi- 
vidual productivity. 

To  achieve  the  latter,  the  worker  must 
efficiently  use  his  effort  and  skill;  and 
management  must  constantly  seek  better, 
less  costly,  methods.  It  should  be  patent  to 
anyone  who  tries  to  understand  how  busi- 
ness works  that  the  more  a  company  pro- 
duces and  the  less  the  unit  cost,  then  the 
greater  will  be  the  profit  of  its  workers, 
managers,  and  stockholders. 

Yet  many  in  labor  and  in  management 
are  blind  to  this  cause-and-effect  cycle, 
which  is  an  inherent  law  of  our  economic 
system.  For  years,  certain  unions  have 
looked  upon  management  demands  for 
greater  output  as  a  speed-up,  as  extra 
profit  for  everybody  but  the  worker,  or  as 
a  short-cut  to  unemployment.  Where  greater 
output  is  based  upon  speeded-up  machines 
rather  than  men,  reasonable  human  effort 
and  a  fair  share  of  the  resulting  profit  for 
the  worker  through  wage  incentives,  labor 
can  present  no  valid  argument  in  opposition. 

On  the  other  hand,  certain  managers 
have  always  believed  that  high  wages  mean 
high  costs.  That  is  true  where  manage- 
ment is  inefficient  or  shackled  with  restric- 
tions. But  progressive  management  knows 
that  properly  controlled  high  wages  not 
only  lift  production  but  also  improve  effi- 
ciency and  reduce  costs. 

For  various  unsound  reasons,  several  dan- 
gerous forms  of  output  restriction  exist. 

283 


Among  the  most  important  are  strikes  ancf 
lockouts;  business  monopolies  which  hold 
output  down  to  keep  the  price  up;  labor 
monopolies  which  prevent  the  introduction 
of  work-saving  methods,  require  unneces- 
sary work  or  condone  slowdowns. 

Anything  that  impedes  or  enchains  pro- 
duction hampers  our  economic  system  and 
works  against  the  goal  of  maximum  em- 
ployment. The  former  chairman  of  the 
War  Labor  Board  put  it  this  way:  "There 
is  a  pie  to  be  divided  and  the  way  to  get 
more  is  to  bake  a  bigger  pie,  not  grab  for 
a  bigger  slice." 

Freedom  to  Compete 

The  second  principle — "the  rights  of  pri- 
vate property  and  free  choice  of  action, 
under  a  system  of  private  competitive  capi- 
talism"— acknowledges  labor's  faith  in  the 
economic  way  of  life  under  which  we  have 
become  a  great  and  prosperous  nation.  It 
signifies  faith  in  the  individual — in  his  right 
to  work  for  himself  as  long  as  he  hurts  no 
one  else.  It  clearly  emphasizes  freedom, 
opportunity,  initiative,  reward. 

This  principle  must  be  interpreted  to  ex- 
clude the  totalitarian  idea  that  the  indi- 
vidual is  the  servant  of  his  union,  his  em- 
ployer or  his  government.  Yet  it  does  not 
preclude  government  aid,  regulation,  and 
control  where  such  intervention  strengthens 
our  economic  system.  And  it  certainly  does 
not  set  up  property  rights  as  inviolate  when 
they  conflict  with  human  rights.  With  the 
right  of  private  property  goes  an  equal  ob- 
ligation to  use  it  in  the  interests  of  society. 

The  Authority  of  Management 

If  labor  goes  along  with  a  system  of  pri- 
vate competitive  capitalism,  it  must  accept 
the  corollary  principle  of  management's 
right  to  manage.  The  word  "management" 
has  a  dozen  related  definitions  including 
"to  direct,"  "to  order,"  "to  economize,"  "to 
plan,"  "to  dominate."  Frequently  in  the 
past  the  true  meaning  has  been  distorted  by 
narrow,  paternal  or  unjust  leadership.  In 
industry,  management's  authority  —  the 
rightful  power  to  act — was  never  doubted 
and  little  limited  until  the  rise  of  a  new 
kind  of  authority — namely,  unions. 

Now  strong  enough  to  wield  as  much 
economic  force  as  big  business  and  even,  in 
the  cases  of  John  L.  Lewis  and  Caesar 
Petrillo,  to  thwart  the  government,  organ- 
ized labor's  deeper  motives  and  eventual 
aims  are  suspect. 

In  Detroit,  for  example,  the  automobile 
manufacturers  are  charging  that  "a  militant 
minority"  in  the  United  Automobile  Work- 
ers is  trying  to  "usurp  the  functions,  respon- 
sibility, and  authority  of  management."  The 
union  leaders  answer  that  management  is 
conspiring  to  destroy  them.  Whatever  the 
real  truth,  the  climate  in  Detroit  bodes  ill 
for  labor-management  peace  after  the  war. 

To  implement  this  principle,  to  create 
good  faith,  the  essential  conditions  which 
management  needs  to  perform  its  func- 
tions must  be  clearly  stated,  understood, 
and  respected.  I  believe  that  through  joint 
meetings  both  parties  will  find  the  areas 
of  agreement  larger  than  the  areas  of  dis- 
agreement. 

At  the  start  it  must  be  assumed  that  al- 


though an  enterprise  consists  of  managers, 
workers,  and  stockholders,  the  major  re- 
sponsibility for  its  success  rests  with  the 
managers.  This  is  four-fold:  to  produce  a 
product  or  service  that  is  needed  at  a  price 
the  customers  are  willing  to  pay;  to  earn  a 
reasonable  profit  for  the  stockholders  who 
own  and  finance  the  business;  to  satisfy  as 
much  as  possible  the  work  requirements  of 
employes;  to  contribute  to  the  welfare  of 
the  community  by  maintaining  industrial 
peace  and  steady  employment  at  fair  wages 
and  by  supporting  its  institutions. 

Actually,  under  our  economic  system,  this 
responsibility  constitutes  a  trusteeship  over 
the  means  of  production.  Government, 
labor,  and  the  public  have  a  vital  interest  in 
seeing  that  this  control  is  administered  for 
the  welfare  of  all.  Its  authority  should  be 
challenged  only  when  management  acts  un- 
wisely or  inadequately.  If  the  rights  of 
management  are  unduly  obstructed,  weak- 
ened, and  limited,  its  responsibility  cannot 
he  fulfilled. 

The  Authority  of  Labor 

In  respect  to  the  principle  concerning 
labor's  rights,  let  me  quote  Wendell  Will- 
kie:  "Every  thoughtful  American  knows 
today  that  a  strong  labor  movement  is  one 
of  our  greatest  bulwarks  against  the  growth 
of  fascistic  tendencies  and  consequently  is 
necessary  for  our  democratic  way  of  life." 

If  it  is  up  to  the  unions  to  convince 
management  that  they  have  no  intention 
of  undermining  its  authority,  then  manage- 
ment's task  is  to  convince  unions  of  its 
belief  in  collective  bargaining.  Not  a 
passive  or  legalistic  belief,  but  one  which 
recognizes  the  human  and  social  advantages 
of  unions,  which  appreciates  their  prob- 
lems, and  which  works  with  them  to  solve 
mutual  problems. 

The  foundations  for-  a  satisfactory  rela- 
tionship between  labor  and  management 
must  be  laid  in  the  plant.  From  my  per- 
sonal experience  I  have  learned  that  har- 
monious relations  cannot  prevail  where 
there  is  ill  feeling,  mistrust,  pettiness,  or 
prejudice  on  either  side. 

As  an  example,  take  the  company-union 
agreement.  Compared  to  the  spirit  and 
manner  in  which  it  is  carried  out,  a  con- 
tract signifies  nothing.  At  most  it  is  a 
statement  of  intentions.  What  counts  are 
the  attitudes  prevailing  before  and  during 
negotiations  and  the  various  day-to-day  de- 
cisions made  afterwards. 

The  same  applies  just  as  much  to  labor- 
management  committees.  While  their  value 
is  frequently  belittled,  I  feel  they  have  a 
permanent  place  in  the  organization  as  a 
dynamic  force  for  achieving  industrial 
democracy.  They  enable  the  men  who  pro- 
duce and  the  men  who  manage,  to  get  to- 
gether on  common  ground,  to  gain  confi- 
dence in  one  another,  to  learn  about  the 
multitudinous  problems  facing  the  business, 
to  collaborate  in  the  solution  of  those  af- 
fecting workers  directly. 

In  San  Francisco,  the  world  has  been 
striving  to  eliminate  force  as  the  means  of 
settling  international  disputes.  If  that  hope 
of  many  generations  is  realized,  then  almost 
the  only  segment  of  society  which  relies  on 
force  will  be  industry.  We  need  in  this 


country  after  the  war  a  national  labor  rela- 
tions policy,  the  purpose  of  which  might 
well  be — to  paraphrase  the  Dumbarton  Oaks 
proposals — the  maintenance  of  industrial 
peace  and  security. 

The  purpose  cannot  be  accomplished  by 
weakening  the  Wagner  act  or  outlawing 
strikes.  The  complete  failure  of  the  Smith- 
Connally  act  makes  it  obvious  that  such 
legislation  encourages,  rather  than  abolishes, 
strikes.  Last  year  the  number  of  strikes  in 
the  United  States  was  the  highest  on  rec- 
ord, while  Great  Britain,  where  they  are 
completely  forbidden,  had  proportionately 
just  as  many.  In  a  democracy,  compulsion  is 
unworkable. 

Joint  Obligations 

Instead,  such  a  policy  should  be  based 
upon  the  willingness  of  labor  and  manage- 
ment to  accept  jointly  the  following  obli- 
gations: 

1.  To   exert   every   effort   to    reach    and 
maintain   collective  bargaining   agreements 
and  to  settle  all  disputes  themselves; 

2.  To  submit  unsettled  disputes  concern- 
ing the  making  or  changing  of  agreements 
to  the  government  for  mediation; 

3.  To  submit  unsettled  disputes  concern- 
ing the  meaning  of  agreements  to  the  gov- 
ernment for  arbitration; 

4.  To  keep  the  status  quo  pending  settle- 
ment of  any  dispute; 

5.  To  consider  the  decisions  of  the  arbi- 
trators as  final  and  binding. 

As  machinery,  I  am  in  favor  of  establish- 
ing under  the  federal  Department  of  Labor 
a  mediation  board,  which  would  also  handle 
elections  of  bargaining  representatives,  and 
an  arbitration  board,  which  would  also  han- 
dle unfair  practices,  bargaining  units  and 
jurisdictional  disputes. 

The  keystone  of  this  policy  should  be  to  , 
require  both  parties  to  negotiate  exhaus- 
tively before  referring  a  dispute  to  a  third 
party  and  to  hold  government  intervention 
to  a  minimum.  However  necessary  an 
agency  during  wartime,  the  effect  of  the 
War  Labor  Board  as  a  compulsory  arbiter 
has  been  to  debilitate  the  real  function  of 
collective  bargaining,  since  both  sides  have 
become  prone  to  dispose  of  disputes  by  a 
"let  the  Board  decide  it"  approach. 

In  his  very  last  speech  to  the  nation  the 
late  President  Roosevelt  acutely  observed 
that  "if  civilization  is  to  survive,  we  must 
cultivate  the  science  of  human  relation- 
ships— the  ability  of  all  people,  of  all  kinds, 
to  live  together  and  work  together,  in  the 
same  world,  at  peace."  That  statement  com- 
mands attention,  for  none  better  fits  our 
present  national  predicament. 

Obstructing  the  path  of  industrial  peace 
is  the  growing  struggle  of  big  business  and 
big  labor  for  dominance.  Ours  is  an  era  of 
political  centralization  and  economic  con- 
centration; it  is  consequently  one  in  which 
civil  liberties  face  grave  danger. 

Persistence  of  this  struggle  regardless  of 
the  common  interest  can  lead  only  to  some 
form  of  dictatorship  that  will  eventually 
extinguish  capitalistic  democracy  and  indi- 
vidual rights. 

The  one  hope  for  reconciliation  is  more 
industrial  good  will,  the  priceless  dividend 
of  mutual  honesty,  tolerance,  collaboration. 


286 


Courtesy  Associated  American  Artists  Galleries,  New  York 

GHOST  TRAIL.  Specter-like  in  the  dank  gloom  of  the  Bougainville  jungle,  marine  riflemen  slog  up  to  the  front  lines  during  the  bitter  campaign 

for  the  tropic  stronghold 


This  War  Goes  On 

Kerr  Eby's  Record  of 
Marines  in  Action 


Some  of  the  most  notable  American  art  to  come  out 
of  World  War  I  was  that  of  Kerr  Eby,  who  had 
served  with  the  Engineers  in  France.  Who  has  for- 
gotten his  famous  etching,  "The  Caissons  Go  Rolling 
Along"?  There  was  mud,  cold  and  death  in  France. 
There  is  mud,  heat  and  death  in  the  Pacific  Islands 
where  Eby  landed  with  the  marines  late  in  1943, 
where  he  shared  their  dangers  and  discomforts  for 
months. 

His  drawings  tell  what  he  saw.  They  tell  what  sol- 
diers feel  as  well  as  endure.  Eby  is  not  tender  with 
civilian  emotions.  No  one  who  stands  in  the  midst 
of  his  forty  powerful  drawings  and  paintings  of 
Tarawa  and  Bougainville  can  miss  the  price  our 
advance  exacted.  "The  official  designation  of  my 
job  was  activities  of  the  marines  and  dying  terribly 
and  magnificently  is  one  of  those  activities,"  he  says 
in  one  of  his  graphic  captions. 

Commissioned  by  the  Abbott  Laboratories,  Eby's 
great  tribute  to  the  Marine  Corps  has  been  presented 
to  the  United  States  Navy. 


SMALL  MORTAR  LOADING.  Partially  protected  by  a  log-topped  foxhole  in 
the  New  Britain  jungle,  marines  load  a  small  mortar  while  a  comrade  gets  in- 
structions by  telephone  during  the  battle  for  Cape  Gloucester 


TARAWA:  DEATHLESS  VICTORY  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  DEATH.  Surging  forward  behind  a  shell-spitting  tank, 
marines  advance  another  hundred  yards  on  battle-torn  Tarawa  in  November  1943.  Shattered  tree  trunks  and  broken  bodies 

litter  the  tiny  atoll 


EBB  TIDE,  TARAWA.  The  attack  was  at  flood  tide  and  when  the  sea  went  out  over  the  reef  this  and  much  else 
was  left.    In  two  wars,  this  I  think  is  the  most  frightful  thing  I  have  seen. 


BULLETS  AND  BARBED  WIRE.  Both  constituted  tremendous  barriers  to  victory  in  the  bloody  battle  for  Tarawa;  but  this 
marine,  rifle  swung  grimly  in  one  hand,  typifies  the  resurgent  spirit  of  the  thinned  but  indomitable  ranks  of  the  conquerors 
of  the  Gilberts.  Past  the  brutal  wire  on  which  hung  the  bodies  of  his  comrades  the  tattered  marine  presses  on  toward  the  beach 

and  the  redoubts  of  the  hated  Japs 


"WE  WOULDN'T  HAVE  DONE  SO  GOOD  WITHOUT  HIM."  As  fine  an  epitaph  as 
ever  I  heard.  One  of  the  men  said  it  as  they  were  making  his  grave  look  nice 


.Photos,    International    Committee, 


Spencer  Hatch  (left)  and  two  experienced  assistants  on  their  way  to  a  roadless  village  to  introduce  bee-keeping 

A  Neighbor  in  a  Mexican  Valley 

Spencer  Hatch's  experimental  demonstration  training  center  in  rural  Mexico, 
though  modest,   points   a  way  to  raise  living  standards  in  other  rural   areas. 


IN  WASHINGTON  LAST  SEPTEMBER,  RECON- 
struction  experts  from  all  over  the  world 
were  threshing  out  problems  of  raising  the 
living  standards  of  poverty  stricken  rural 
masses  everywhere.  Then  D.  Spencer  Hatch, 
who  represents  the  International  YMCA 
in  rural  Mexico,  took  the  floor.  Quietly, 
compellingly,  he  told  the  story  of  his  three- 
year,  one-man  campaign  to  bring  about  new 
levels  of  production,  independence  and  well- 
being  among  Mexican  Indians. 

When  he  had  finished,  one  of  the  dele- 
gates arose.  "I  have  just  torn  up  my  pre- 
pared speech,"  he  said.  "Like  the  rest  of 
you,  I  was  so  fascinated  by  Hatch's  story 
that  I  bombarded  him  with  questions  to 
keep  him  talking.  It's  obvious  to  me  now 
that  centers  like  Hatch's  where  people  can 
learn  by  doing,  and  where  local  leadership 
can  be  trained  on  the  soil  are  the  answer 
to  our  problem.  We  must  do  the  job  as 
Hatch  is  doing  it — we  must  get  out  into 
the  field  and  work  among  the  people  we're 
trying  to  help." 

Spencer  Hatch  is  a  renowned  expert  with 
twenty  years  of  striking  success  in  India. 
He  came  to  Mexico  from  India  three  years 
ago  on  loan  from  his  sponsors,  the  Inter- 
national YMCA,  and  settled  near  Tepozt- 
lan,  in  a  tiny  valley  55  miles  from  Mexico 
City,  where  the  inhabitants  still  speak  Aztec 
and  live  as  their  ancestors  did  in  the  days 
o£  Montezuma.  Mountain  trails  lead  from 


J.  P.  McEVOY 

this  rugged  valley  to  eleven  primitive  vil- 
lages where  there  are  12,000  Indians.  The 
highest  village  is  3,500  feet  above  the  low- 
est, and  the  climate  ranges  from  cool  tem- 
perate down  to  almost  tropical — an  ideal 
proving  ground  for  Hatch  to  develop  crops, 
fruits,  livestock,  and  living  amenities  of 
immediate  value  to  local  natives,  and  which 
eventually  should  benefit  most  of  Mexico. 

Starting  with  the  Soil 

It  has  been  said  the  only  crop  you  can 
raise  on  poor  land  is  poor  people.  Poverty, 
ignorance,  disease — in  Mexico  as  elsewhere 
— are  inseparable  problems  that  must  be 
tackled  all  at  once,  and  from  the  bottom. 
Hatch  started  at  the  bottom — with  the  soil. 

— By  a  writer  whose  office  is  wherever 
he  hangs  his  typewriter,  though  at  pres- 
ent his  home  is  in  Havana. 

Mr.  McEvoy  has  traveled  widely  in 
Mexico  and  other  Latin  American  coun- 
tries in  recent  years  and  has  written  a 
number  of  firsthand  reports  on  what  has 
impressed  him.  Though  he  says  he  hates 
to  write,  he  is  versatile  and  prolific;  in 
addition  to  many  magazine  articles  he 
has  produced  a  considerable  number  of 
novels  and  short  stories,  as  well  as  plays, 
revues,  radio  programs  and  movie 
scenarios. 


He  took  a  piece  of  wretched  ground  and 
built  it  up  with  compost  made  of  the  plant 
life  and  natural  fertilizers  available  to  the 
poorest  farmer. 

On  this  soil,  worn  out  by  centuries  of 
misuse,  he  proceeded  to  grow  corn  twice 
as  high  and  four  times  as  productive  as  his 
neighbors'.  Not  only  that  but  —  here  in 
Mexico  where  pests  ravage  every  kind  of 
the  nine  varieties  of  beans  the  Indian  grows 
—  Hatch's  beans  flourished  and  ripened 
with  nary  a  bug  to  bite  'em.  On  his  other 
demonstration  plots,  quantities  of  vege- 
tables, small  fruits  and  herbs  unfolded 
month  after  month  in  a  succession  of  mira- 
cles. 

In  three  years,  Hatch  transformed  this 
typical  worn-out  valley  into  a  tiny  paradise 
of  rejuvenated  soil  and  bumper  crops,  to 
which  the  Indians  come  from  a  hundred 
miles  around  to  learn  his  "knowhow"  first 
by  seeing,  then  by  doing.  Each  building, 
from  the  smallest  chicken-house  to  the  home 
in  which  Hatch  and  his  family  live  is  a 
demonstration  of  how  to  use  effectively  the 
simplest  forms  and  the  cheapest  materials, 
all  of  which  are  within  reach  of  the  low- 
liest peon. 

Hatch  tried  out  70  kinds  of  field  crops 
and  vegetables  and  found  dozens  of  new 
crops  to  grow  on  land  that  for  generations 
had  produced  little  more  than  scraggly 
corn.  Rye,  oats,  buckwheat,  carrots,  radishes, 


290 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


turnips,  peanuts,  and  other  things  now 
flourish  there.  Twenty-one  varieties  of 
trees  are  introducing  fruit  hitherto  un- 
known in  that  area.  A  new  bush  soya  bean 
he  himself  developed  produces  rich  food 
all  year  round  and  bids  fair  to  revolution- 
ize agricultural  Mexico,  for  a  plot  20  feet 
square  can  feed  a  family. 

Looms,  Hives,  and  Houses 

All  the  sheep  in  this  part  of  the  world 
had  been  killed.  Hatch  re-introduced  them, 
and  the  practice  of  weaving  on  home  looms 
that  the  family  could  build  and  could  oper- 
ate in  the  long  idle  months  of  the  dry  sea- 
son. Wild  honey  has  been  known  to  the 
Indians  from  prehistoric  times,  but  Hatch 
taught  them  how  to  domesticate  the  fierce 
little  bees.  He  showed  them  how  to  make 
simple  scientific  hives  that  could  be  opened 
frequently  to  eliminate  pests;  how  to  ex- 
tract the  honey  without  destroying  the  hive. 
The  Indians  now  make  more  money  from 
one  vvell-cared-for  hive  than  they  could  the 
old  way  from  forty  wild  swarms. 

Small  model  houses  for  chickens,  tur- 
keys, sheep,  pigs,  and  the  poor  man's  cow 
— the  milch  goat — were  built.  Into  their 
construction  went  Hatch's  years  of  experi- 
ence in  India  with  stones,  mud,  rushes  and 
twigs — the  only  building  materials  many 
natives  can  get  or  afford. 

Hatch's  chickens  win  blue  ribbons.  So 
do  his  turkeys,  a  new  silver-grey  breed  he 
developed.  One  of  the  most  successful  parts 
of  his  program  is  the  "breeding  up"  of  all 
the  poultry  and  livestock  around  the  coun- 
tryside. To  do  this  he  lease-lends  to  the 
villagers  his  pure  bred  bulls,  rams,  and 
roosters,  which  travel  on  schedule  from 
village  to  village.  In  India,  as  part  of  this 
system,  he  had  revolutionized  poultry  and 
egg  production  with  a  highly  organized 
"cock  circuit."  Each  pure  bred  cock  was 
loaned  out  two  months  to  a  village  and 
was  then  moved  to  the  next. 

Perhaps  the  most  engaging  part  of 
Hatch's  Mexican  project  consists  of  a  model 
small  family  house,  with  a  fresh  water 
cistern  and  an  efficient  sanitary  latrine  so 
simple  and  cheap  that  it  can  be  made  by 


Indians  taking  quiet  note  of  what  Hatch  has  accomplished  by  "breeding  up"  local  poultry 


any  peon.  All  were  designed  by  Hatch 
and  his  wife,  and  built  for  them  at  a  cost 
of  290  pesos  (about  $60).  The  work  was 
done  by  local  villagers  adept  with  adobe, 
tile,  and  thatch.  Featured  are  an  ingen- 
iously contrived  outlet  for  smoke,  windows 
for  light  and  cross  ventilation,  overhanging 
eaves  for  shade,  and  a  shower  bath  made 
from  a  5-gallon  gasoline  tin. 

The  only  "luxury"  is  a  concrete  floor; 
local  cement  is  cheap,  however,  and  all  the 
other  ingredients  are  at  hand.  A  cement 
floor  helps  protect  the  barefooted  family 
from  the  ever-present  hookworm.  There 
are  homemade  beds  of  wooden  frames  and 
rope  webbing  for  sleeping  off  the  ground, 
and  a  cooking  hearth.  This  last  removes 
the  preparation  and  cooking  of  the  eternal 
tortilla  from  its  immemorial  shrine  of  con- 
tamination on  the  customary  dirt  floor. 

Waiting  for  the  First  Move 

Having  set  up  his  small  model  farm,  in- 
cluding a  permanent  exhibition  hall  where 


The  cheap  adobe-and-tile  model  house,  which  any  peon  can  build,  impresses  the  women 


the  Indians  can  see  a  continuous  agricultural 
fair  of  their  prize  products,  and  a  lending 
library  of  books  to  read  and  pictures  that 
can  be  borrowed,  the  next  step  is  Hatch 
at  his  wisest.  He  waits  for  his  Indian 
neighbors  to  make  a  move.  Are  they  im- 
pressed? He  doesn't  ask  them.  Would  they 
like  to  raise  corn  as  tall  as  his?  He  doesn't 
inquire.  Would  they,  too,  like  berries  and 
vegetables  and  fruits?  Chickens  that  lay 
three  or  four  times  as  many  eggs?  Pigs 
that  grow  two  or  three  times  as  fat  on  the 
same  amount  of  feed?  Goats  that  give  milk 
for  their  children?  A  brighter  house?  A 
pure  water  supply?  A  clean  latrine? 

Hatch  will  tell  you  that  the  Mexican 
Indian  you  have  seen  so  often  cartooned, 
sitting  with  his  head  on  his  knees,  his 
sombrero  over  his  eyes,  apparently  sleeping 
his  life  away,  isn't  sleeping  at  all.  He  has 
two  little  peep-holes  in  his  sombrero 
through  which  he  is  intently  watching  you. 
If  you  are  doing  anything  he  thinks  is 
worth  copying,  he  will  sit  there  quietly  and 
study  it.  Only  after  he  is  convinced  that 
this  will  be  good  for  him,  and  is  not  just 
another  scheme  to  exploit  him,  will  he  de- 
cide to  copy  it.  "The  farmer  the  world 
over  is  conservative,"  Hatch  says.  "He 
must  see  things  demonstrated  on  his  own 
level,  within  his  own  reach." 

From  their  primitive  villages  the  Indians 
come  to  see  Hatch's  crops  growing,  his 
houses  going  up,  his  poultry  and  small 
animals  prospering.  They  look  on  in  silence 
and  wonder,  then  trudge  home  over  the 
mountain  trails  to  think  it  over.  At  first 
only  a  few  trickle  back  for  seed  or  stock 
or  advice.  But  as  they  go  home  and  repro- 
duce Hatch's  "miracle"  in  their  own  com- 
munities, more  and  more  neighbors  make 
the  long  trek  over  the  mountains. 

The  model  house  and  the  latrine  make 
the  biggest  impression.  Before  they  were 
finished,  the  leader  of  the  nearest  village 
had  remodeled  his  own  home  to  include 
most  of  their  features,  and  built  a  copy  of 
Hatch's  chicken-house.  The  old  women, 
(Continued  on  page  301) 


JUNE     1945 


291 


The  New  Life  Savers 


Out  of  war's  terrible  laboratory,  scientists  and  physicians  are  bringing  new 
drugs  and  techniques  for  the  prevention  of  disease  and  the  saving  of  life. 


THE      WAR      OVERSHADOWS      EVERYTHING,      IN- 

cluding  the  progress  of  medicine.  Medicine 
has  advanced,  but  more  despite  than  because 
of  the  war.  This  needs  to  be  affirmed,  for 
the  prevailing  belief  is  to  the  contrary.  Yet 
from  Lucretius  to  Metchnikoff  those  who 
have  known  both  war  and  science  have 
found  that  science  suffers  when  war  pre- 
vails. 

War  is  a  stimulus  to  invention,  but  in- 
vention must  not  be  confused  with  dis- 
covery. Science  thrives  on  discovery,  and 
discovery  is  the  fruit  of  research.  Research 
languishes  during  war,  and  much  of  it  is 
harnessed  to  the  purposes  of  war.  Moreover, 
only  a  fraction  of  the  wartime  labors  and 
results  of  research  can  be  applied  to  peace- 
time purposes.  War  does  provide  a  vast  and 
terrible  laboratory,  and  accelerates  the  test- 
ing and  improvement  of  knowledge  and 
techniques  derived  from  peacetime  research. 
In  this  way,  war  shortens  the  lag  between 
discovery  and  utilization.  That  much  at 
least  is  profitable. 

Five  Medical  Inventions 

Five  major  items  dominate  war  medicine. 
They  are  the  antibiotics  (anti-bacterial  sub- 
stances which  are  derived,  not  from  chem- 
icals, but  from  living  organisms),  blood 
plasma  and  blood  transfusion,  specific  im- 
munizations, the  remarkable  insecticide 
DDT,  and  military  psychiatry.  These  items 
are  certain  to  dominate  peacetime  medicine 
as  well. 

That  most  remarkable  antibiotic,  peni- 
cillin, is  now  available  for  civilian  use  and 
is  therefore  being  tried  under  a  variety  of 
conditions  seldom  encountered  in  military 
experience.  But  while  the  scope  of  its  use- 
fulness is  being  greatly  extended,  the  limits 
of  its  effectiveness  are  not  yet  in  sight.  The 
mass  production  of  penicillin  and  the  con- 
current reduction  of  the  unit  cost  constitute 
a  great  engineering  achievement.  This  phase 
of  scientific  work  commonly  remains  un- 
sung and  unheralded,  yet  from  the  practical 
point  of  view  it  is  almost  as  important  as 
the  original  discovery. 

Penicillin  would  have  been  little  more 
than  a  "marvelous  rarity"  had  not  science 
and  industry  made  it  a  marvelous  commod- 
ity. In  March  1945,  The  Lancet  headed  an 
editorial  on  penicillin,  "Unequalled  but  Un- 
obtainable." There  is  not  space  here  for  the 
epic  of  its  manufacture,  but  it  is  a  story  well 
worth  the  telling.  I  am  concerned  here  with 
the  use  of  penicillin  in  combating  and  pre- 
venting diseases. 

Some  parts  of  this  story  are  now  well 
known.  Penicillin  is  extremely  useful  in  the 
treatment  of  the  pneumonias  caused  by  the 
pneumococci  and  certain  other  bacteria.  It 
is  not,  however,  specifically  effective  in  virus 
pneumonias.  In  fact,  the  virus-caused  dis- 
eases represent  the  field  in  which  penicillin 


IAGO  GALDSTON,  M.D. 

— By  the  executive  secretary  of  the  Med- 
ical Information  Bureau  of  the  New 
York  Academy  of  Medicine,  who  fol- 
lows day  by  day  the  lines  and  the  results 
of  medical  research. 

Dr.  Galdston  writes  for  both  lay  and 
professional  journals,  and  is  the  author 
of  "Progress  in  Medicine,"  "Behind  the 
Sulfa  Drugs,"  "Maternal  Deaths,  the 
Way  to  Prevention." 

His  article  is  the  fourth  in  our  series, 
"The  Future  Is  Already  Here." 

is  least  helpful.  But  even  here  some  success 
is  reported.  Certain  virus  diseases  of  birds, 
of  which  the  best  known  is  psittacosis,  or 
parrot  fever  (but  which  is  not  limited  to 
parrots),  and  which  are  communicable  to 
man,  are  favorably  affected  by  penicillin. 

The  venereal  diseases  are  yielding  to  peni- 
cillin. This  antibiotic  is  particularly  useful 
in  cases  of  gonorrhea  which  are  resistant  to 
the  sulfonamides.  Notice,  however,  has  been 
taken  of  the  fact  that  unless  large  doses  of 
penicillin  are  administered  (160,000  units) 
sham  cures  may  result,  the  individuals  be- 
ing relieved  of  their  acute  symptoms  but 
remaining  infected  and  infectious. 

As  to  syphilis,  the  first  reports  on  the  ef- 
fects of  penicillin  were  enthusiastic.  The  en- 
thusiasm still  abides,  but  now  it  is  being 
edged  with  caution.  Thus  Dr.  G.  Marshall 
Crawford,  of  the  Harvard  Medical  School 
and  the  Massachusetts  General  Hospital, 
writing  in  the  New  England  Journal  of 
Medicine  in  January  1944,  stated:  "Among 
the  therapeutic  advances  [in  syphilis]  the 
results  obtained  following  the  use  of  peni- 
cillin are  outstanding."  But  he  also  warns: 
"It  must  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that 
ten  to  twenty  years  will  have  to  elapse  be- 
fore the  ultimate  value  of  any  new  treat- 
ment for  syphilis  can  be  accurately  deter- 
mined." 

The  effective  use  of  penicillin  in  the 
treatment  of  such  grave  infections  as  an- 
thrax, tetanus,  and  gas  gangrene,  has  been 
reported  in  recent  months.  Perhaps  the  most 
dramatic  reports  are  those  dealing  with  the 
use  of  penicillin  in  the  treatment  of  sub- 
acute  bacterial  endocarditis,  an  infection  in- 
volving the  heart  which,  heretofore,  has 
proved  fatal  in  practically  every  case.  By  the 
use  of  penicillin,  alone  or  in  combination 
with  heparin,  clinical  cures  in  from  65  per- 
cent to  75  percent  of  patients  are  now  re- 
ported. Since  penicillin  has  proved  to  be  so 
effective  in  combating  bacterial  infections, 
it  is  being  utilized  in  a  large  number  of 
diseases  involving  many  parts  of  the  body. 
Surgery,  industrial  medicine,  dermatology, 
dentistry,  ophthalmology,  ear,  nose,  throat 
and  other  specialties  are  constantly  finding 
new  uses  for  penicillin. 

But  penicillin  is  more  fhan  a  "marvelous 


drug."  It  is  the  initiator  of  a  new  thera- 
peutic era:  that  of  the  fungus-derived  bac- 
teria killers.  The  pioneers  in  this  field  are 
not  alone  Fleming  and  Florey,  whose  names 
are  forever  associated  with  penicillin,  but 
also  Freudenreich,  the  Swiss  scientist,  who 
in  1888  wrote  on  bacterial  antagonism 
(Annals  of  the  Pasteur  Institute)  and  R.  J. 
Dubos,  now  of  Harvard,  who  in  1939  re- 
ported on  an  antibiotic  derived  from  a  soil 
bacterium.  Since  the  discovery  of  penicillin, 
hundreds  of  species  of  fungi  have  been 
examined  for  antibiotic  properties. 

Tuberculocidins 

One  particular  objective  has  been  to  find 
an  antibiotic  against  the  germ  of  tubercu- 
losis— that  is,  to  find  tuberculocidins.  It  is 
not  possible  at  this  time  to  report  that  the 
search  has  been  successful.  It  does,  however, 
appear  to  be  promising.  From  the  Institute 
of  Animal  Pathology,  at  Cambridge  Uni- 
versity, England,  and  from  the  University 
of  Western  Ontario,  come  reports  of  an 
antibiotic  which  in  the  test  lube  destroys 
the  human  type  tubercle  bacilli  in  dilutions 
as  high  as  1  to  1,400,000. 

This,  of  course,  is  only  a  beginning.  The 
tuberculocidin  must  be  tested  for  toxicity 
and  effectiveness  first  on  animals  and  then, 
if  the  results  warrant  it,  on  human  cases. 
But  if  it,  or  some  one  of  the  other  prom- 
ising antibiotics,  does  prove  effective  against 
tuberculosis,  then  medicine  will  indeed  have 
won  one  of  its  great  victories.  For  while  the 
tuberculosis  deathrate  has  been  remarkably 
reduced  in  recent  years,  tuberculosis  is  still 
a  major  plague. 

Blood  and  Blood  Derivatives 

The  life  saving  effects  of  blood  trans- 
fusion are  widely  known.  Thousands  upon 
thousands  of  our  military  personnel  owe 
their  lives  to  the  blood  donated  by  their 
fellow  countrymen  and  women.  Well 
known,  too,  are  the  skillful  ways  in  which 
the  problems  of  transportation,  preservation, 
and  "blood  administration,"  have  been 
solved  in  the  processing  of  whole  blood  to 
produce  blood  plasma  and  dried  plasma. 
Less  well  known  are  the  by-products  of 
these  experiences  and  the  new  uses  to  which 
blood  products  are  applied.  The  most  note- 
worthy among  these  is  Immune  Serum 
Globulin. 

Blood  is  chemically  complex.  It  contains 
a  great  variety  of  substances  including  pro- 
teins, extractives,  salts,  enzymes,  and  special 
elements.  Among  the  latter  are  included  the 
immune  bodies,  those  blood  elements  which 
help  to  protect  the  body  against  certain  in- 
fectious diseases  and  against  a  variety  of 
toxic  substances. 

At  the  Harvard  Medical  School  Plasma 
Fractionation  Laboratory,  E.  J.  Cohn  and 
his  associates  have  been  hard  at  work  tak- 


292 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


ing  the  blood  apart.  One  of  the  problems 
they  have  solved  is  how  to  abstract  from 
human  blood  one  of  its  protein  components, 
serum  globulin.  It  has  been  demonstrated 
that  the  globulin  component  of  the  blood 
contains  the  antibodies;  that  antibodies  are 
modified  globulins;  and  that  the  gamma 
fraction  of  serum  globulin  embraces  most 
of  the  antibodies.  By  separating  the  gamma 
fraction  of  the  globulin  from  the  rest  of  the 
blood,  one,  so  to  say,  skims  off  the  im- 
munological  cream.  The  result  is  a  high 
concentration  of  immune  bodies. 

Much  of  the  blood  which  has  been 
donated  during  the  war  period  has  been 
processed.  This  has  made  available  a  variety 
of  blood  fractions  and  an  appreciable  quan- 
tity of  serum  globulin.  The  gamma  fraction 
has  been  abstracted  and  is  being  tried  and 
used  clinically.  One  of  the  first  uses  made 
of  this  gamma  fraction  has  been  in  the 
prevention  and  treatment  of  measles.  The 
importance  of  this  usage  lies  in  the  fact  that, 
in  very  young  and  in  frail  children,  measles 
and  its  complications  may  prove  disastrous. 
Immune  globulin  can  protect  such  cases 
against  the  disease.  It  seems  likely  that  im- 
mune globulin  will  prove  effective  in  the 
prevention  and  treatment  of  other  infectious 
diseases,  such  as  whooping  cough,  chicken 
pox,  and  mumps.  That,  however,  must  be 
determined  by  added  experience. 

The  work  being  done  in  the  fractionation 
of  blood  is  promising  in  other  directions. 
There  is  some  hope  that  it  may  be  possible 
to  purify  certain  of  the  elements  of  animal 
blood,  making  them  usable  in  the  treatment 
of  human  beings. 

Other  blood  components  are  proving 
medically  valuable.  Thus,  the  red  cells  made 
into  a  paste  promote  healing  in  wounds, 
burnt  areas,  and  a  variety  of  ulcers.  Fibrin, 
which  normally  helps  blood  to  clot,  is  now 
being  used  in  brain  surgery  in  the  form  of 
fibrin  film.  Fibrin  foam  is  used  to  retard 
bleeding,  particularly  in  nerve  surgery,  and 
it  is  most  effective  in  controlling  bleeding  in 


Rockefeller    Foundation 
Making  a  virus  test  in  experiments  to  develop  a  protective  influenza  vaccine 


hemophiliacs — the  only  remedy  ever  found 
for  their  affliction. 

The  war  experience  is  proving  valuable 
in  still  another  direction.  It  is  stimulating 
the  development  of  blood  banks  for  civilians. 
Individuals  in  good  health  can  place  "on 
deposit"  a  quantity  of  their  blood  and  with- 
draw an  equivalent  amount  if  the  need 
arises,  with  little  or  no  cost  to  themselves. 
Of  course,  the  actual  blood  "deposited"  is 
not  "preserved,"  but  there  is  a  continuous 
and  replenished  working  capital  of  blood 
assets  with  which  to  meet  withdrawals.  The 
Michigan  Department  of  Health,  in  cooper- 
ation with  local  Red  Cross  chapters,  estab- 


U.  S.  Army  Signal  Corps 
DDT  protects  both  American  troops  and  natives  in  the  disease-ridden  tropics 


lished  such  a  service  in  1943.  [See  "Civilians 
Get  Blood  Plasma,  Too,"  by  Paul  de  Kruif, 
in  Survey  Graphic,  March  1944.]  New 
York  City  has  had  a  blood  bank  in  opera- 
tion since  1942. 

The  War  on  Disease  Carriers 

The  early  conquest  of  Malaya  by  the 
Japanese  cut  off  our  sources  of  pyrethrum 
and  rotenone  and  the  heavy  demands  which 
war  production  made  upon  our  stocks  of 
arsenic  and  copper  seriously  reduced  the 
supply  of  insecticides.  At  the  same  time, 
there  were  heavy  military  demands  for  in- 
secticides to  deal  with  tropical  pests  in  com- 
bat areas.  This  situation  prompted  the 
Bureau  of  Entomology  and  Plant  Quaran- 
tine of  the  U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture, 
and  numerous  other  public  and  private 
agencies,  to  institute  a  search  for  new  and 
effective  insecticides.  As  a  result,  DDT  was 
"discovered." 

The  discovery  was  a  belated  one,  for  the 
compound  itself  had  been  synthesized  in 
1874,  and  its  insecticidal  powers  demon- 
strated in  Switzerland  in  1939.  The  war 
afforded  vast  opportunities  for  testing  DDT, 
and  there  is  now  ample  evidence  that  this 
compound  really  is  phenomenal.  It  would 
require  far  too  much  space  to  catalogue  all 
the  uses  to  which  DDT  can  be  applied  in 
man's  war  upon  insects.  DDT  will,  for 
example,  protect  cloth  against  moths,  will 
destroy  termites,  and  will  protect  trees  and 
plants  against  many  insect  pests,  though  a 
few  pests  appear  resistant  to  it.  But  DDT 
more  direcdy  affects  health  in  its  extraordi- 
nary power  to  destroy  disease-transmitting 
insects  such  as  flies,  fleas,  mosquitoes,  ticks, 
and  other  blood  suckers. 

In  an  address  recently  delivered  at  the 
New  York  Academy  of  Medicine,  Fred  C. 
Bishopp  of  the  U.  S.  Department  of  Agri- 
culture said:  "It  seems  almost  incredible 


JUNE     1945 


293 


that  a  few  sweeps  of  a  fleet  of  bombers 
with  an  almost  invisible  discharge  of  DDT 
in  oil  would  destroy  practically  every  mos- 
quito in  the  area  and  permit  our  forces  to 
concentrate  on  the  Japs  without  danger  of 
malaria  or  dengue  infections  for  at  least 
several  days."  Since  the  major  factor  in  the 
prevention  of  malaria,  dengue,  filariasis, 
encephalitis,  and  yellow  fever  is  mosquito 
control,  the  public  health  potentials  of  DDT 
are  enormous. 

Preventive  Inoculations 

Medicine,  at  its  most  dramatic,  cures 
diseases,  but  at  its  most  effective  it  prevents 
them.  Our  war  experience  has  demonstrated 
the  value  of  preventive  inoculations,  and  has 
stimulated  the  development  of  new  and 
effective  vaccines.  In  previous  wars  more 
soldiers  died  of  disease  than  of  bullet 
wounds.  The  principal  scourges  of  the  army 
camp  were  typhoid,  typhus,  cholera,  and 
tetanus.  Today  these  pestilences  have  been 
controlled,  in  part  by  adequate  sanitation, 
but  principally  by  active  immunization. 

The  deathrate  from  disease  in  the  army 
is  now  less  than  6  per  10,000  and  this  figure 
represents  a  reduction  of  95  percent  of  the 
army  disease  deathrate  that  prevailed  dur- 
ing World  War  I.  The  soldier  feels  "sore" 
because  of  all  the  "jabs  in  the  arm"  he 
must  endure,  but  they  safeguard  his  health 
and  his  life.  Vaccines  against  typhoid,  ty- 
phus, cholera,  and  yellow  fever  have  been 
perfected  and  have  been  widely  employed 
in  protecting  our  troops  and  those  of  our 
Allies. 

The  most  recent  addition  to  this  series 
and  one  that  promises  to  be  of  great  value 
is  a  vaccine  against  influenza.  The  influenza 


pandemic  which  swept  all  countries  during 
-  World  War  I  is  still  a  vividly  horrible 
memory  to  many  who  witnessed  its  dev- 
astations. Fearful  that  influenza  might  once 
again  ravage  the  world,  many  scientists  in 
many  lands  undertook  to  unravel  the 
mystery  of  its  ways.  It  was  long  suspected 
that  influenza  was  caused  by  a  virus. 

In  1933,  this  suspicion  was  confirmed  in 
the  work  of  three  British  scientists.  C.  H. 
Stuart  Harris,  W.  Smith  and  C.  H.  An- 
drewes.  Soon  after,  it  was  discovered  that 
ferrets  are  susceptible  to  influenza,  and  this 
provided  the  first  experimental  animal 
(other  than  man)  with  the  aid  of  which 
research  in  influenza  could  be  advanced.  In 
subsequent  work  it  was  established  that  in- 
fluenza infection  evokes  a  strong  but  rela- 
tively short-lived  immunity  reaction.  In  the 
light  of  this  it  was  reasonable  to  expect  that 
vaccination  against  influenza  would  prove 
both  possible  and  effective. 

Work 'was  concentrated  on  the  develop- 
ment of  influenza  vaccines.  In  1940,  Drs. 
Horsfall  and  Lennette  of  the  Rockefeller 
Institute  reported  an  influenza  vaccine 
which  produced  a  high  immunity  reaction. 
Subsequent  work  by  a  host  of  scientists  in 
many  lands  yielded  numerous  technical  and 
scientific  advances  and  made  possible  the 
perfection  of  an  influenza  virus  vaccine 
which  appears  to  yield  a  substantial  immun- 
ity. This  vaccine  was  developed  and  tested 
by  the  Commission  on  Influenza,  under  its 
director,  Dr.  Thomas  Francis,  Jr. 

In  a  preliminary  report  on  the  effects  of 
the  vaccine  used  in  a  controlled  study  dur- 
ing an  influenza  outbreak,  the  commission 
stated: 

"Vaccination  done  shortly  before  or  even 


after  the  uusci  or  me  epidemic  [of  influ- 
enza] was  found  to  exert  a  protective  effect 
with  a  total  attack  rate  of  2.22  percent 
among  the  6,263  vaccinated  and  7.11  per- 
cent among  the  6,211  controls,  a  ratio  of 
1  to  3.12.  The  influence  of  the  vaccine  was 
most  clearly  evident  at  the  height  of  the 
epidemic.  .  .  ." 

All  of  this  represents  a  very  substantial 
achievement.  But  the  problem  is  far  from 
solved,  and  influenza  is  still  a  menace. 

Behind  this  brief  summary  of  achieve- 
ment in  war  against  influenza  stands  an 
enormous  amount  of  work.  Part  of  it  is 
particularly  noteworthy.  Thus  it  was  estab- 
lished that  not  one  but  possibly  several,  and 
certainly  two  distinct  viruses  cause  what  we 
term  influenza.  Significant,  too,  is  the  latest 
process  in  the  cultivation  of  the  influenza 
viruses.  The  viruses  are  "grown"  within 
incubated  fertile  chicken  eggs;  in  other 
words,  the  virus  multiplies  on  the  chick 
embryo.  This  process  yields  comparatively 
large  quantities  of  virus,  from  which  the 
influenza  vaccine  is  ultimately  made.  In- 
cidentally, the  chick  embryo  method  is  now 
employed  in  culturing  a  number  of  other 
disease-producing  viruses. 

A  new  process  for  the  "inactivation"  of 
bacteria  and  viruses  has  been  reported  re- 
cently and  this  promises  more  effective  vac- 
cines. In  the  past,  the  bacteria  and  viruses 
used  in  vaccines  were  killed  by  means  of 
heat  or  chemical  agents.  The  new  technique 
employs  intensive  ultraviolet  light.  The  ad- 
vantage of  the  new  process  over  the  old 
appears  to  be  that  ultraviolet  light  alters 
the  chemical  structure  of  the  bacteria  and 
viruses  less  radically  than  the  older  method. 
(Continued  on  page  300) 


Merck  &  Co. 
Mass  production  and  lowered  cost  of  the  "wonder  drug,"  penicillin,  constitute  almost  as  great  a  triumph  as  its  discovery 


294 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


A  Champion  of  Popular  Rights 


HARRY  HANSEN 


WHEN  GEORGE  W.  NORRIS,  IN  THE  FINAL 
months  of  his  life,  sat  on  the  political  side- 
lines at  McCook,  Neb.,  dictating  an  account 
of  his  career,  he  saw  his  experiences  as  a 
series  of  disconnected  "struggles"  on  behalf 
of  the  average  citizen  against  selfish  men 
and  organizations. 

There  would  be  no  end  to  this  battle, 
he  told  the  younger  generations;  wealth, 
which  wanted  to  use  the  natural  resources 
of  the  nation  for  its  own  purposes,  would 
fight  to  the  last  for  its  advantages,  by  fair 
and  unfair  means,  and  even  the  people 
would  be  puzzled  and  confused.  But  "lib- 
eralism will  not  die.  It  is  indispensable  to 
life  as  the  pure  air  all  around  about.  It  is 
deathless — it  marches  forward.  .  .  ." 

Thus,  at  the  age  of  eighty-three,  George 
W.  Norris  reiterated  the  traditional  slogan 
of  the  homespun  statesman,  which  he  was. 
And  in  "Fighting  Liberal,"  his  autobiog- 
raphy,* he  reveals  how  a  senator  associated 
with  some  of  the  most  vital  legislation  of 
modern  times — the  anti-injunction  law  and 
the  Tennessee  Valley  Authority — won  his 
individualism,  independence,  and  self-reli- 
ance in  practically  frontier  conditions,  in  a 
rural  community  where  frugality  and  hard 
work  were  associated  with  honesty,  auster- 
ity and  tenacity.  Norris,  as  a  personality, 
was  not  picturesque,  but  he  was  tremen- 
dously efficient  in  his  legislative  tasks  and 
he  had  a  conscience  that  must  have  shone 
like  a  jewelled  lamp  in  the  Senate  chamber. 

Frontier  Statesman 

The  evolution  of  Norris  from  a  "bitter 
Republican  partisan"  to  a  rebel  against 
party  discipline,  an  insurgent,  a  Theodore 
Roosevelt  Progressive,  and  an  "independent 
Republican"  who  supported  some  of  Frank- 
lin D.  Roosevelt's  cherished  measures,  is  a 
remarkable  example  of  a  farm  boy's  politi- 
cal education  by  experience.  Norris  really 
wore  homespun  suits  made  by  his  mother; 
he  taught  school  and  became  a  lawyer  in 
the  traditional  manner  of  earning  his  way, 
and  he  accounted  himself  lucky  to  have 
studied  at  Valparaiso  University  with  doz- 
ens of  other  poor  lads  who  made  names 
for  themselves. 

The  extraordinary  fact  of  his  early  man- 
hood is  that,  with  his  understanding  of 
poverty  among  farmers,  he  did  not  embrace 
Populism  in  Nebraska,  but  decided  that  the 
Republican  party  was  basically  sound.  He 
understood  that  farmers  needed  to  be  pro- 
tected from  ruinous  prices  for  their  prod- 
ucts— there  was  a  time  when  he  burned 
corn,  because,  at  8  cents  a  bushel,  it  was 
cheaper  than  coal — but  he  had  no  sympathy 


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for  "the  Populist  rebellion,"  because  he 
thought  many  of  the  leaders  were  dema- 
gogues exploiting  the  poor. 

Neither  was  he  swept  away  by  the  bit- 
ter fights  of  the  1890's  against  the  gold 
standard;  he  seems  to  have  lived  in  another 
world  from  that  of  his  fellow-Nebraskan, 
W.  J.  Bryan,  who  is  mentioned  only  cas- 
ually in  this  chronicle. 

From  1895  on,  he  served  seven  years  as 
state  district  judge  in  the  Beaver  Creek 
valley  and  when  he  was  elected  to  Congress 
in  1903,  to  begin  forty  years  of  public 
service  that  embraced  five  terms  as  repre- 
sentative and  five  as  senator,  he  still  called 
himself  a  conservative  Republican. 

The  Education  of  a  Congressman 

It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Norris  could 
have  been  as  "naive"  (his  own  word)  as  he 
professes  when  he  entered  the  House  and 
discovered  that  the  individual  was  nothing 
and  the  party  bosses  ruled  legislation.  After 
all,  he  had  been  listening  to  the  words  of 
Theodore  Roosevelt  and  found  them  sweet. 
Roosevelt's  denunciation  of  corrupt  bosses 
and  "the  machine"  echoed  through  Amer- 
ica and  must  have  affected  Norris's  confi- 
dence in  the  regular  organization  even 
before  he  saw  "Uncle  Joe"  Cannon  throt- 
tling free  speech  in  the  House.  But  Norris 
pictures  himself  as  surprised  to  learn  that 
speeches  printed  in  the  Congressional  Rec- 
ord were  not  necessarily  delivered,  and  he 
says  he  was  amazed  to  see  the  party  caucus 
in  operation.  He  began  to  ponder  the  evils 
of  "following  blind  leadership  which  fre- 
quently led  into  illogical  positions  and  to 
dealing  out  legislative  favors  to  men  who 
were  unworthy." 

History  knows  the  answer — Norris  broke 
away.  Here  he  tells  how  he  maneuvered 
to  defeat  Speaker  Cannon,  his  first  big 
victory.  He  observed  how  patronage  handi- 
capped the  public  service  and  he  fought  to 
increase  the  power  of  civil  service.  Obvi- 
ously this  man  was  dangerous  to  party  dis- 
cipline. Yet  he  was  the  regular  nominee 
of  the  Republicans  for  the  Senate  in  1912 
where,  he  found,  his  reputation  as  a  trouble 
maker  and  faultfinder  had  preceded  him. 

Here  we  must  recall  that  Norris  repre- 
sented the  upsurge  of  progressivism,  which 
had  an  electric  leader  in  Theodore  Roose- 
velt and  strong  support  in  Nebraska.  In 
fact,  Norris  is  representative  of  that  pro- 
gressivism that  runs  in  a  straight  line  from 
T.  R.  to  F.  D.  R.  He  was  singularly  sym- 
pathetic to  conservation,  one  of  Theodore 
Roosevelt's  favorite  measures,  which  found 
its  culmination  in  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt's 
support  of  TVA.  And  Norris  became  the 
embattled  "father  of  TVA"  because  he  had 
observed  the  ravages  of  erosion  and  the 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be 

295 


effects  of  drought  on  Nebraska  rarms,  and 
early  in  his  Washington  career  had  pro- 
posed that  the  government  help  bear  the 
cost  of  the  Pathfinder  dam  in  the  North 
Platte.  This,  too,  was  the  underlying  rea- 
son why  Norris  bolted  the  Hoover  ticket 
in  1928  and  supported  Alfred  E.  Smith; 
he  considered  Smith  right  on  water  power, 
whereas  he  expected  no  help  from  the  con- 
servative Hoover. 

In  these  contests  Norris  met  the  Power 
Trust,  "the  greatest  monopolistic  corpora- 
tion organized  for  private  greed."  To  dem- 
onstrate how  sleeplessly  great  corporations 
pursue  their  aims,  Norris  describes  the  long 
fight,  still  continuing,  to  preserve  the  bene- 
fits of  the  Hetch  Hetchy  Valley  improve- 
ment to  the  people  of  San  Francisco.  Nor- 
ris's experiences  led  him  to  conclude  that 
"delay,  the  weapon  of  great  wealth,  often 
nullifies  justice,"  but  he  also  observed  the 
lack  of  responsibility  and  inertia  among  the 
average  citizens,  who  could  be  kept  awake 
only  by  unselfish  leadership. 

By  this  time  Norris  was  fought  every- 
where by  privilege,  but  he  believed  in  the 
frontal  attack.  When  he  campaigned  in 
Pennsylvania  to  defeat  Vare,  he  met  reluc- 
tance and  cowardice;  the  people  were  in 
bondage.  All  the  greater  was  his  victory 
against  the  "yellow  dog"  contract  and  the 
passage  of  the  anti-injunction  bill,  which 
Norris  says  emancipated  the  mine  worker 
from  slavery.  It  was  championed  in  the 
House  by  Fiorello  La  Guardia.  It  directed 
attention  to  existing  inequalities.  But  again 
Norris,  always  judging  a  situation  on  its 
own  merits,  warned  the  miners  against 
blindly  following  leadership.  He  was  critical 
of  the  defiance  of  wartime  authority  by 
John  L.  Lewis. 

Audacity  Plus  Convictions 

This  tendency  to  judge  every  situation  by 
itself  and  to  square  it  with  his  concept  of 
justice,  equality,  and  decent  politics  ex- 
plains the  contradictions  in  Norris's  career, 
such  as  his  vote  against  war  in  1917  and 
for  war  in  1941,  and  his  vote  against  the 
League  of  Nations.  It  led  him  to  vote  with 
Robert  La  Follette  on  certain  issues  and  to 
hear  himself  condemned  by  Woodrow  Wil- 
son as  one  of  the  "little  group  of  willful 
men"  when  he  helped  defeat  Wilson's  bill 
to  arm  merchant  ships. 

Norris's  stand  in  these  controversies 
shows  his  method.  He  dealt  with  imme- 
diate, specific  matters.  In  the  first  World 
War  he  stood  for  strict  neutrality;  in  his 
fear  of  the  greedy  profiteer,  he  interpreted 
our  fight  for  freedom  of  the  seas  as  a  fight 
to  preserve  freedom  to  trade  and  to  make 
money.  He  failed  to  recognize  as  valid  the 
deep  undercurrents  that  swept  us  into  that 
postpaid) 


The  working  plans  for  a  new  order 
based  on  peace  and  justice  for  all 

A  DYNAMIC 

WORLD  ORDER 


Donald  A.  MacLean 


It  is  the  hope  of  everyone  that  out  of  this  war  will  come  a  new 
order  of  peace  which  will  insure  a  degree  of  tranquillity  and 
happiness  for  a  peace  loving  people.  .  .  .  Dr.  MacLean  outlines 
here  the  fundamental  ideals  and  principles  of  the  broad  pattern 
for  a  sound,  progressive  civilization  which  will  satisfy  the 
more  profound  and  loftier  cravings  of  mankind. 

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MILWAUKEE    1,   WIS. 


ENCYCLOPEDIA 
OF   THE   NEGRO 

209  Pages — Preparatory  Volume — $2.75 
Edited  by  DR.  W.  E.  B.  DuBOIS  and  DR.  GUY  B.  JOHNSON 


In  1932  the  Encyclopedia  of  the  Negro, 
Inc.,  was  organized  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Phelps-Stokes  Fund.  The  purpose  was 
to  publish  a  definitive  work  in  four  vol- 
umes on  the  Negro  race  similar  in  scope 
and  treatment  to  the  Catholic  and  Jewish 
encyclopedias.  Two  well-known  author- 
ities in  the  field,  one  a  Negro  and  the 
other  a  white  man,  were  appointed  editors. 

The  encyclopedia  is  obviously  a  tre- 
mendous undertaking  and  the  publication 
date  is  not  in  sight.  However,  much  valu- 
able material  has  been  assembled  which 
is  noia  published  in  a  Preparatory  Volume. 

The   main   feature  of   this  work   is   an 


alphabetical  lilt  of  subjects  dealing  with 
the  Negro  race  and  a  list  of  source  ma- 
terial for  each  subject.  The  introduction 
to  the  book  is  written  by  Anson  Phelps- 
Stokes,  and  the  editors  collaborate  on  the 
leading  article.  A  section  prepared  by  Dr. 
L.  D.  Reddick  discusses  Library  Resources 
for  Negra  Studies  in  the  United  States 
and  Abroad  and  there  is  a  Bibliography 
of  Bibliographies  compiled  by  Professor 
Rayford  Logan.  Appendices  contain  the 
history  of  the  Encyclopedia  from  its  in- 
ception; the  articles  of  incorporation,  lists 
of  the  Directors,  Advisory  Board,  and 
Editorial  Staff,  with  photograph. 


THE    H.    W.    WILSON    CO.    950  University  Ave.,  New  York  52,  N.  Y. 


BLOOD  DONORS  NEEDED! 

^m  RED  CROSS  plasma  is  saving  the  lives  of  hundreds  of  wounded 
soldiers  and  sailors.  But  thousands  of  additional  blood  donors  are 
needed. 

GIVE  A  PEST  OF  BLOOD  TO  SAVE  A  LIFE. 


war.    His  principles  guided  his  action. 

Other  senators  told  him  they  were  against 
war  but  they  voted  for  it.  This  raises  the 
question  of  how  far  the  individual  dares 
to  be  unrepresentative.  Norris  dared  great- 
ly because  he  was  convinced  he  was  in  the 
right.  It  is  impossible  to  say  today  what 
the  course  of  history  would  have  been  had 
he  and  his  associates  prevailed  against  the 
first  declaration  of  war,  or  had  they  failed 
to  vote  down  the  League  of  Nations.  There 
is  no  doubt  of  Norris's  lofty  aim,  and  his 
explanation  of  his  objections  to  the  League 
may  help  restore  some  sanity  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  that  momentous  incident,  now 
limited  chiefly  to  abuse  of  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge. 

Leadership  calls  for  a  certain  amount  of 
audacity,  and  audacity  has  no  moral  im- 
plications.   Norris   had   audacity,  courage 
and  strong  moral  convictions.  Invariably 
faced   his   enemies.    In   his   campaigns 
went  direct  to  "the  people,"  as  Theodor 
Roosevelt  had  done,  and  he  was  able  thus  tc 
defeat  the  men  who  controlled  the  Repufc 
lican  organization  to  which  he  adhered  un- 
til his  fifth  campaign  for  the  Senate,  whe 
he   ran   as   an   "independent   Republican." 
He  admits  that  he  won  only  because  of 
direct  primaries;  the  "machine"  would  long 
before  have  shelved  him. 

His  plurality  was  not  always  large  and 
for  many  voters  he  was  a  bitter  pill.    He 
lost  his  last  battle,  in  his  eightieth  year, 
cause  he  was  too  occupied  in  Washington 
to  go  home  before  the  last  minute  to  cam- 
paign.   This   interesting   comment  on   the 
inability  of  voters  to  make  up  their  mine 
unless  prodded  deserves  to  be  remembered 
It  is  that  characteristic  of  democracy  which 
accounts  for  the  longevity  of  corruption. 

George  W.  Norris  invariably  appealed 
the   voters'   better   nature   and   enough 
them  trusted  him  to  keep  him  in  office, 
was  the  sort  of  public  official  we  have 
right   to   expect    but    do   not   always   ge 
Whether  he  was  great  depends  upon  you 
definition  of  greatness;  his  work  was  ne 
monumental,  but  it  was  indispensable.  His 
friend,  James  E.  Lawrence,  editor  of  th 
Lincoln,   Neb.,   Star,    who   was   associated 
with  him  in  his  later  campaigns,  persuaded 
him  to  write  this  autobiography,  the  fortl 
right  story  of  an  American   statesman 
whom  the  term  liberal  can  be  applied  in 
its  best  sense. 

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widely  representative  of  the  varied  interest 
and  points  of  view  concerned  with  housing 
betterment  and  neighborhood  improvement 
throughout  the  United  States.  Effective  leac 
ership  of  such  a  body  requires  a  rare  unic 
of  imaginative  and  well-balanced  thinking 
and  vigorous  action.  These  qualities,  whicf 
Mrs.  Rosenman  is  displaying  as  an  organ 
izer,  she  has  distilled  into  her  book 
words  that  are  practical,  persuasive,  anc 
generally  precise. 
"A  Million  Homes  a  Year"  is  not, 


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296 


course,   an   official    pronouncement  of  the 
National  Committee  on  Housing.   If  a  poll 
j  were  to  be  taken  among  its  members,  some 
jfew    would   doubtless   vote   that  the  book 
(leans  too  far  either  to  the  left  or  to  the 
I  right.   But  the  preponderant  opinion  would 
be,  I  am  sure,  that  Mrs.  Rosenman's  con- 
I  elusions,  when  stated,  are  sound;  and  that, 
[where  she  indicates  that  a  sound  conclusion 
is  still  to  be  sought,  the  author  has  so  pre- 
sented the  pros  and  cons  as  to  help  sub- 
stantially in  such  search. 

The   broad  scope  of  the   book   and  its 
freedom  from  abstract  treatment  are  sug- 
gested   by    its    chapter    headings:    Home 
Truths  About  Housing;   Heartstrings  and 
1  Purse  Strings;  Can  Construction  Costs  Be 
(Lowered?;    Houses    Are    Built   on    Land; 
Property    Taxes    Do   More   Than    Nibble; 
j  Houses    Make    Neighborhoods,    and    Vice 
Versa;  Communities  Make  the  Nation,  and 
Vice  Versa;  Special  City  Headaches;  Uncle 
iSam  Carries  the  Bride  Over  the  Threshold; 
j  Home  Ownership  or  Rental;  and  In  a  Nut- 
j  shell.    The    readability   and   value   of  the 
I  volume  are  enhanced  by  charts,  tables,  ref- 
jerence  notes,  a  bibliography,  and  an  index. 
If  we  shall  actually  meet  the  urgent  post 
j  war  need  of  a  million  or  more  homes  a 
year,    Mrs.    Rosenman's    book    will    have 
j  helped   to   put  firm   foundations,   physical 
I  and  financial,  under  many  of  these  homes 
I  — and  well-planned  neighborhoods  around 
them.  HAROLD  S.  BUTTENHEIM 

Editor,  The  American  City 

THE  BEST  IS  YET  .  .  .  ,  by  Morris  L.  Ernst. 
Harper.  #3. 

I  PROBABLY   ONLY   AN   ARTICULATE   EXTROVERT 

j  could  be  so  completely  himself  in  cold  type 

as  is  Morris  Ernst  in  this  book,  which  is 

)  neither   an   autobiography   in   the   conven- 

I  tional   sense,   nor   a   collection   of  informal 

I  essays — though  it  partakes  of  the  nature  of 

both.    Disregarding  chronology,  he  tells  a 

great  deal  about  his  youth,  his  wife  and 

children,  his  homes — one  on  the  fringe  of 

New  York's  Greenwich  Village,  the  other 

in  Nantucket — much  about  carpentry  and 

]  boats,   his   friends   and   acquaintances,   his 

I  law  practice,  his  crusades,  his  favorite  night 

clubs,  his  transatlantic  travel,  his  likes  and 

I  dislikes.  Mr.  Ernst's  conversation — viva  voce 

I  or    printed — sometimes    masks    but    never 

J  conceals  the  man  himself,  and  the  reasons 

I  why  so  many  people  love  him. 

Perhaps  the  reasons  emerge  more  clearly 

1  in  this  curiously  charming  book  than  they 

do  from  the  conversation  of  a  person  who 

j  can  seldom  be  caught  except  on  the  wing 

1  from  courtroom  to  conference  to  cocktail 

party. 

Here,  for  instance,  are  the  major  cases 
I  in  which  Mr.  Ernst  has  led  the  fight 
I  against  book  censorship  by  "Comstockian 
I  moralists."  But  in  these  cases  he  has  been 
J  concerned  less  with  the  "right"  of  authors — 
I  James  Joyce,  D.  H.  Lawrence,  Lillian  Smith, 
among  them — to  use  tabooed  four-letter 
words  than  with  the  infringement  of  civil 
|  liberties.  For  here  he  takes  time  to  make 
I  you  see,  as  he  himself  sees  so  clearly,  that 
I  to  curtail  the  right  of  anyone  to  freedom 
I  of  expression  is  to  endanger  the  freedom  of 
I  us  all. 

Here   Morris  Ernst  documents  his  own 


(and  the  late  Justice  Brandeis's)  fear  ot 
bigness  per  se.  In  somewhat  frightening 
detail  he  sets  forth,  for  example,  how  the 
present  swift  trend  toward  "bigness"  in 
newspaper  ownership  affects  the  collection 
and  dissemination  of  news,  and  hence  the 
formulation  of  sound  opinion. 

Here  is  an  informed  citizen's  tribute  to 
J.  Edgar  Hoover  and  the  G-Men,  which 
undoubtedly  will  be  read  with  vrrath  ami 
dismay  by  some  of  the  author's  friends. 

Here  is  the  story  of  the  education  of  Joan 
Ernst,  in  which  her  father  had  a  major 
part.  To  help  this  child,  who  was  born 
deaf,  grow  into  a  friendly,  free-spirited,  ac 
complished  young  woman  is  a  rare  parental 
achievement.  As  Mr.  Ernst  tells  it,  it  is  als<  • 
a  proof  of  progressive  education  principles, 


followed  by  those  who  guided  her  growth 
both  at  home  and  at  school. 

Here  is  the  moving  story  of  Morris 
Ernst's  long  association  with  Heywood 
Broun,  and  how  that  troubled  spirit  turned 
to  his  Jewish  friend  for  advice  as  to 
whether  he  should  join  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic Church. 

Here  are  choice  tidbits  about  Lloyd's  of 
London,  about  how  Margaret  Ernst  teaches 
ethymology  to  ten-year-olds,  about  La- 
Guardia,  John  L.  Lewis,  young  Roger  Ernst 
in  the  army,  about  David  Lillienthal  of 
TVA  (whom  Mr.  Ernst  likes)  and  about 
Krock  of  The  New  Yor^  Times  (whom  he 
does  not),  about  a  host  of  individuals  and 
activities. 

The    publisher's   blurb    styles    the    book 


BEGINNER  EARNS   $1,819.00 

"Today  I  received  a  check  for  $165  for  a  story.  Another 
I  sold  for  $34.  The  other  day  I  counted  up  just  how  much 
I  made  previously.  It  amounted  to  $1,620.00.  Not  bad  for 
a  beginner,  is  it?" — Mrs.  L.  L.  Gray,  579  E.  McHarg  Ave., 
Stamford,  Texas. 

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Lawyers  must  be  law  clerks.  Doctors  must  be  internes.  Engineers  must  be  draftsmen. 
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297 


HARCOURT,   BRACE 
AND    COMPANY 


LEWIS  MUMFORD 

has  gathered  in  one  volume  the 
most  representative  selections  of 
his  work  in  the  field  of  urbanism 
during  the  past  25  years.  Not 
concerned  primarily  with  re- 
building demolished  houses  or 
ruined  cities,  he  aims  to  replace 
outworn  civilization  —  to  begin 
by  making  a  fresh  canvass  of 
human  ideals  and  purposes. 

CHRISTIAN  SCIENCE  MONITOR:  "The 

voice  of  Lewis  Mumford,  which 
has  been  crying  in  the  wilder- 
ness of  metropolitan  waste  and 
obsolescence  for  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  opportunely  proclaims 
again  the  gospel  of  rational  city 
planning."  $2.00 


DEVELOPMENT 

LEWIS  MUMFORD 


DOROTHY  ROSENMAN 

describes  for  the  first  time  all 
the  practical  factors  involved  in 
producing  more  and  better 
homes.  Every  phase  of  housing 
is  covered  succinctly.  Mrs.  Ro- 
senman's  comprehensive  experi- 
ence in  every  phase  of  housing 
(she  is  now  chairman  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee  on  Housing, 
Inc.)  makes  her  particularly 
suited  to  write  this  much-needed 
correlation  of  housing  problems. 


BUY     WAR     BONDS 

(In 


"the  reflections  of  an  irrepressible  man." 
But  "reflections"  seems  too  static  a  word 
for  this  swift  and  agile  commentary  on  the 
American  scene.  What  Morris  Ernst  in  fact 
sets  forth  are  the  passionate  hopes,  faiths 
and  loyalties  of  an  untiring  liberal.  They 
make  tonic  reading  for  our  uncertain  and 
anxious  times.  BEULAH  AMIDON 

DEMOBILIZATION  OF  WARTIME  ECO- 
NOMIC CONTROLS,  by  John  Maurice 
Clark.  McGraw-Hill,  gl.75. 

PROFESSOR  CLARK'S  BOOK  is  THE  OUTSTANDING 
analysis,  thus  far,  of  the  economic  prob- 
lems connected  with  returning  our  economy 
to  a  peacetime  basis.  V-E  has  come,  and  we 
are  already  in  one  of  the  periods  foreseen 
and  considered  by  Mr.  Clark. 

The  principal  virtue  of  the  book  is  clarity 
of  statement  joined  with  sensitive  awareness 
of  the  frame  in  which  "strictly  economic" 
considerations  and  conditions  must  proceed. 
Economists  contribute  most  to  public  policy 
when  they  analyze  issues  within  a  frame 
that  bears  some  close  resemblance  to  the 
actual  circumstances  in  which  decisions 
must  be  made.  A  suitable  set  of  assump- 
tions is  chosen  about  politics  (domestic  and 
foreign),  and  about  legal,  administrative, 
engineering,  and  related  matters. 

For  purposes  of  analysis  the  author  as- 
sumes that  the  aim  is  to  achieve  and  main- 
tain high  levels  of  productive  employment 
at  rising  standards  of  living;  and  that  the 
job  is  to  be  done  as  far  as  possible  in  the 
free  market.  This  is  the  goal  of  the  busi- 
nessmen who  organized  the  Committee  tor 
Economic  Development,  whose  research 
committee  has  assembled  an  able  body  of 
economists  to  assist  in  probing  possibilities. 

Even  a  cursory  reading  of  what  Professor 
Clark  has  to  say  will  show  the  wisdom  of 
selective  removal  of  controls.  The  slogan 
of  some  business  spokesmen  is  "Down  with 
Controls";  but  it  would  be  bad  for  business 
and  the  national  interest  if  this  slogan  were 
translated  into  abrupt  and  uncorrelated 
action.  HAROLD  D.  LASSWELL 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 


by 


DEMOCRACY     UNDER     PRESSURE, 
Stuart  Chase.  Twentieth  Century  Fund. 

TOMORROW'S  BUSINESS,  by  Beardsley 
Ruml:  Farrar  &  Rinehart.  #2.50. 

BUSINESS  LEADERSHIP  IN  THE  LARGE 
CORPORATION,  by  R.  A.  Gordon. 
The  Brookings  Institution.  $3. 

THESE  THREE  VOLUMES  ARE  APPROPRIATELY 
bracketed  together  because  they  embroider 
the  theme  of  the  relation  of  modern  busi- 
ness interests  to  the  public  welfare.  It  is  at 
once  significant  and  gratifying  that  from 
three  quite  disparate  students  comes  what 
is  essentially  a  thesis  about  the  economic 
issues  of  tomorrow. 

Stuart  Chase  has  never  been  more  cogent 
than  in  this,  the  fourth  in  his  series  on 
"When  the  War  Ends."  His  central  theme 
is  embodied  in  a  quotation  from  J.  Ray- 
mond Walsh,  head  of  the  Research  De- 
partment of  the  CIO:  "The  day  of  the  self- 
interest  pressure  group  is  past.  Instead,  this 
is  a  time  when  no  group  can  be  secure  in 
an  insecure  society;  a  time  when  the 
pragmatist  works  for  the  security  of  his 
fellow  men  in  order  to  secure  his  own." 
answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 
298 


Mr.  Chase  points  out  that  our  present 
problem  with  respect  to  organized  groups 
of  business,  labor,  and  agriculture,  "has  be- 
come a  matter  of  curbing  power  which  al- 
ready is  overgrown.  Nobody  has  die  spe- 
cific task  of  curbing  that  power  or 
even  planning  how  to  curb  it."  Yet 
author  is  clear  that  "intensive  representir 
we  must  have,  if  the  pressure  groups  are 
be  controlled"  And  he  adds  the  generaliz 
tion  that  "to  represent  the  citizens  effectiv 
ly,  the  government  should  .  .  .  u 
power-age  conditions  act  positively  ar 
aggressively  in  the  interest  of  consumer 
who  have  no  pressure  group  to  represent 
them." 

On  the  score  of  program,  however,  Mr. 
Chase  seems  to  this  reviewer  not  to  go  far 
enough.  To  be  sure,  he  makes  a  bow  to 
"labor-management  committees."  But  there 
is  hardly  a  suggestion  that  beyond  the 
political  representative  machinery  which 
Congress,  for  example,  embodies,  we  may 
need  some  further  representative  agencies 
concerned  with  the  explicit  representation 
of  economic  interests.  Surely  the  conclusion 
needs  scrutiny  that  if  pressure  groups  do  in 
fact  (as  they  do)  voice  vital  function 
points  of  view,  the  way  for  those  point; 
of  view  to  secure  the  necessary  considera 
tion  is  by  open  representation  rather  tha 
by  backstairs  lobbying.  This  implies  con 
stitutional  economic  government,  with  cor 
sumer  representatives  joining  representa 
tives  of  business,  labor,  and  agriculture  in 
deliberations  that  have  to  do  with  invest- 
ment, productivity,  and  employment,  at  the 
level  of  the  shop,  the  region,  and  the  na- 
tion. But  of  such  matters,  Mr.  Chase  has 
little  to  say.  Rather,  he  assumes  a  mono- 
lithic structure  of  control  and  elaborate 
regulation  under  congressional  mandate. 

Mr.  Ruml's  discussion  is  less  politically 
phrased,  and  more  concerned  with  the  in- 
ternal functioning  of  business  as  an  eco- 
nomic instrument.  His  postulates  as  to  the 
conditions  under  which  business  basically 
justifies  itself  would  have  been  ridiculed  by 
the  businessmen  of  a  generation  ago.  To- 
day, they  are  accepted  widely  in  principle, 
if  not  in  fact.  Mr.  Ruml's  book  is  primarily 
concerned  with  how  to  translate  the  prin- 
ciple into  fact.  His  slogan,  "not  freedom 
for  business  but  business  for  freedom,"  he 
develops  thus: 

"Today  what  people  want  when  they  de- 
mand freedom  is  a  condition  under  which 
they  can  realize,  with  reasonable  complete- 
ness, the  potentialities  as  persons  that  in- 
here in  their  capacities  as  individuals.  The 
demand  for  freedom  is  a  demand  for  ful- 
fillment, for  growth,  for  life — not  in  the 
material  or  biological  area  alone,  but  also 
in  the  realm  of  mind  and  spirit." 

Like  Eric  Johnston,  of  the  U.  S.  Cham- 
ber of  Commerce,  Mr.  Ruml  summons  his 
business  associates  to  a  more  socialized 
conception  of  their  economic  responsibili- 
ties, and  he  does  this  with  great  simplicity 
and  persuasiveness.  If  one  bears  in  mind 
the  business  audience  which  presumably 
he  is- trying  to  influence,  it  will  be  more 
readily  forgiven  him  that  he  is  not  vigor- 
ous on  some  aspects  of  his  theme.  For 
example,  his  comment  on  "the  idea  of  rep- 


resentation  of  parties  of  interest  other  than 
stockholders"  is  this:  "a  scheme  of  repre- 
sentation of  these  other  interests  would  be 
a  travesty  on  democratic  procedures."  He 
does,  however,  come  out  strongly  for  a 
plan  "of  director-trustees"  which  would  be 
a  far  more  representative  body  than  is  the 
typical  board  of  directors  today. 

But  the  fact  remains  that  if  Mr.  Ruml's 
general  outlook  were  shared  by  the  great 
majority  of  business  executives,  prospects 
for  our  economic  future  would  be  vastly 
more  encouraging. 

Professor  Gordon  is  examining  more  in- 
tensively the  effectiveness  of  the  executive 
leader  in  large  corporations.  It  is  therefore 
interesting  to  see  that  in  his  final  chapter, 
"Professionalization  of  Leadership,"  he 
comes  to  conclusions  broadly  in  harmony 
with  those  of  Mr.  Ruml  on  this  score. 
And  underlying  the  thinking  throughout 
the  entire  volume,  we  find  an  assumption 
similar  to  Mr.  Ruml's  that  "executives 
and  directors  have  obligations  extending 
far  beyond  those  they  bear  to  the  stock- 
holder group.  These  broader  responsibilities 
are  being  increasingly  recognized  by  ex- 
ecutives themselves." 

It  is  appropriate  to  point  out  that  these 
three  thoughtful  volumes  go  beyond  the 
stereotypes  of  "freedom  of  enterprise"  and 
"individual  initiative."  They  present  the 
problems  of  economic  government  in  a  con- 
temporary setting.  And  it  requires  little 
prophetic  vision  to  conclude  that  both  the 
points  of  view  and  the  broad  outlines  of 
the  methods  which  these  books  discuss  will 
be  the  areas  of  active  reconsideration  and 
change  in  both  public  and  corporation 
policy  in  the  next  twenty  years. 

ORDWAY  TEAD 
Lecturer,   Columbia   University 

THE  DOCTOR'S  JOB,  by  Carl  Binger,  M.D. 

Norton.  $3. 
THE  AUTHOR  PUTS   INTO  PAGES  OF  THIS  BOOK 

the  wisdom,  scholarship,  and  humanity  of 
the  finest  tradition  of  medicine.  Since  the 
days  when  the  physician  carried  a  snuff  box 
and  a  gold-headed  cane,  the  doctor's  job 
has  become  more  scientific  but  no  less 
human. 

Dr.  Binger  tells  of  the  changes  in  the 
sciences  and  arts  of  medicine.  He  discusses 
some  of  the  diseases  that  worry  people.  He 
will  help  every  chronic  worrier  who  has 
the  courage  and  persistence  to  follow  his 
sometimes  painful  advice.  He  deals  frankly 
with  the  limitations  as  well  as  the  powers 
of  present  medicine.  His  chapter  on  "Re- 
cent Achievements  and  Tasks  Ahead"  will 
be  particularly  informing  to  many  readers. 

So  much  practical  usefulness  as  well  as 
interesting  information  has  been  packed 
into  this  small  volume  that  one  wishes  it 
would  be  read  by  millions  instead  of  thou- 
sands. Its  style  and  its  terminology  unfor- 
tunately preclude  this.  Here  is  wisdom,  but 
here  also  is  required  intellectual  discipline, 
appropriate  to  college  graduates  who  have 
read  something  besides  "Gone  With  the 
Wind"  and  popular  magazines  during  the 
last  ten  years. 

Social  workers,  administrators  who  are 
interested  in  human  beings  as  well  as  ma- 
chinery, hospital  managers  and  trustees,  will 


find  this  book  useful  vocationally — helping 
them  to  deal  with  people  in  general  and 
doctors  in  particular.  Parts  of  the  book 
seem  especially  aimed  to  inform  and  "edu- 
cate" doctors.  This  is  particularly  true  of 
the  chapter  on  "Socialized  Medicine"  which 
ought  to  be  required  reading  for  every 
successful  city  specialist.  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


MORE  SECURE  SECURITY 

(Continued  from  page  279) 


Wagner  and  Murray  are  also  authors  of  the 
"full  employment  bill."  [See  "From  Patch- 
work to  Purpose,"  by  Leon  Keyserling, 
Survey  Graphic,  March  1945.] 

In  Senator  Wagner's  statement  to  the 
Senate  they  make  clear  that  additional  costs 
above  8  percent  should  be  met  from  a  direct 
contribution  by  the  federal  treasury.  Essen- 
tially this  means  that  instead  of  attempting, 
as  in  the  past,  to  finance  the  social  insur- 
ances wholly  from  contributions  by  em- 
ployers and  employes  the  financing  will  be 
tripartite,  and  the  government  the  third 
contributor.  "A  government  contribution," 
Senator  Wagner  declares,  "is  desirable  be- 
cause social  insurance  has  a  social  purpose. 
It  protects  society  as  a  whole  as  well  as  the 
individual  and  his  family."  Beveridge  would 
add:  "And  the  government  can  keep  costs 
down  if  it  will  by  maintaining  a  high  level 
of  employment." 

The  Opposition 

The  1943  and  1944  editions  of  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  attracted  vigor- 
ous, extensively  organized,  and  bitter  op- 
position. The  1945  edition  will  be  greeted 
with  no  less  hostility. 

The  two  strongest  opposing  camps  will 
be  first,  the  medical  fraternity;  and  second, 
the  state  governments.  The  former  will 
strive  to  prevent  the  enactment  of  health 
and  hospitalization  insurance.  The  states 
will  be  led  by  their  unemployment  compen- 
sation administrators  who  can  be  relied 
upon  to  resist  to  the  limit  the  federalization 
of  the  public  employment  offices  and  the 
unemployment  compensation  system. 

Employer  groups  generally  will  oppose 
the  additional  taxes  levied,  the  centralization 
of  administrative  authority  in  the  federal 
government,  and  the  possible  loss  of  em- 
ployer merit  rating.  There  may  be  other 
opposition. 

Indeed,  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill, 
in  its  successive  editions,  has  done  more  to 
mobilize  opposition  to  the  extension  of 
social  security  than  any  opponent  social 
security  has  encountered.  It  has  forced  the 
foes  of  social  security  to  organize  and  to 
band  together  in  a  solid  phalanx  which,  at 
the  moment,  is  almost  impregnable.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  it  has  also  made  the  pro- 
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the  fight  ahead  of  them. 

In  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  of 
1945,  the  architects  of  social  security  for 
this  country  have  presented  the  third  draft 
of  plans  for  the  edifice  they  would  build. 
This  draft  contains  revisions  resulting  from 
criticisms  of  earlier  drafts.  It  contains  as 
well  new  features,  particularly  in  the  field 


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of  health  protection.  Unfortunately  a  few 
mistakes  in  earlier  drafts  have  not  been 
corrected;  for  example,  the  provision  of 
needlessly  high  maximum  benefits  ($120  a 
month)  under  retirement  and  extended  dis- 
ability insurance. 

In  the  face  of  bitter  criticism  of  earlier 
drafts,  the  authors  have  given  not  an  inch 
of  ground  to  the  critics  of  health  insurance 
and  federal  administration  of  unemploy- 
ment compensation  and  the  public  employ- 
ment offices.  They  have  fashioned  all  these 
features  into  a  streamlined,  skyscraper  type 
of  structure — a  national  social  insurance  ad- 
ministration. And  while  this  edifice  may 
never  be  built  in  its  entirety  as  its  architects 
conceive  it,  many  of  its  features  are  certain 
to  be  accepted. 

Looking  back  over  the  ten-year  evolution 
of  social  security  legislation  in  this  country, 
no  one  can  deny  that  vast  progress  has 
been  made  in  a  single  decade.  In  1935  the 
enactment  of  the  Social  Security  Act  con- 
stituted a  beginning.  Within  four  years  we 
learned  that  the  private  insurance  pattern 
which  social  insurance  had  followed  was  an 
unrealistic  and  ineffective  way  of  meeting 
a  social  problem.  Hence,  in  1939  the  Social 
Security  Act  was  amended  and  made  a 
better  social  tool  for  providing  subsistence 
incomes  for  men  and  women  casualties  of 
an  industrial  civilization. 

For  six  years  since  then,  the  war  has  pre- 
vented the  consideration  of  proposals  for  its 
extension  and  expansion.  Now  the  time  is 
approaching  when  consideration  of  the 
limitations  of  the  present  scheme  cannot 
longer  be  postponed. 

When  the  existing  system  is  held  up  to 
the  light  of  objective  scrutiny  and  its  im- 
provement considered,  the  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  offers  an  architect's  drawings 
of  a  remodeled  structure.  Pessimistically,  I 
doubt  whether  we  shall  be  willing  to  take 
any  effective  steps  toward  those  goals  until 
the  unemployment  figures  mount  steeply 
again.  In  the  meantime,  the  discussion  and 
study  of  plans  which  must  precede  any  real 
advance  in  a  democracy  are  stimulated  by 
the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  of  1945. 


NEW  LIFE  SAVERS 

(Continued  from  page  294) 


Thus,  more  of  the  antigenic  or  immunity 
evoking  powers  of  the  vaccines  are  retained. 

Recent  years  have  witnessed  a  great 
revival  of  interest  in  vaccines  and  an  intensi- 
fication of  work  along  this  line.  The  results 
have  been  very  fruitful.  Vaccination  was 
the  initial  triumph  of  the  modern  medical 
care  era,  the  first  great  achievement  of 
Pasteurian  medicine.  For  a  time  it  was  be- 
lieved that  all  infectious  diseases  could  be 
conquered  by  means  of  vaccines.  Experience 
soon  dissipated  this  hope.  With  the  discov- 
ery of  diphtheria  antitoxin,  interest  shifted 
to  immune  serums.  Then  when  Ehrlich  an- 
nounced the  discovery  of  salvarsan,  chemo- 
therapy preempted  the  center  of  attention. 

Now  we  recognize  that  each  of  these 
instrumentalities  has  its  particular  applica- 
tion, and  that  some  of  them  can  be  used 
jointly.  The  outstanding  recent  advances  in 


the  field  of  "vaccination"  are  the  produc- 
tion of  an  effective  vaccine  against  whoop- 
ing cough,  and  the  discovery  that  it  is  pos- 
sible to  administer  tetanus  toxoid  and 
diphtheria  toxoid  in  one  inoculation. 

Psychiatry  and  the  War 

Psychiatry  received  a  great  impetus  from 
World  War  I.  This  was  the  first  great  con- 
flict in  which  the  psychiatric  factors  of 
military  life,  in  camp  and  in  combat,  re- 
ceived earnest  study  by  a  group  of  experts. 
There  developed  that  special  body  of  knowl- 
edge, military  psychiatry,  which  has  been 
so  largely  amplified,  elaborated,  and  applied 
during  the  present  war. 

The  psychiatric  services  rendered  to  the 
military  personnel,  from  the  time  the  in- 
dividual appears  before  his  draft  board  to 
the  time  he  is  discharged,  are  numerous  and 
varied.  They  have  been  listed  and  described 
by  Col.  William  Menninger,  by  many  of  his 
associates,  and  by  psychiatric  co-workers  in 
die  various  branches  of  the  armed  forces. 
The  newspapers  and  other  publications  have 
carried  much  information  on  these  matters. 
Nevertheless,  it  is  difficult  to  foresee  how 
much  of  the  "war  psychiatry"  will  carry 
over  into  peacetime,  and  to  assess  the  gains 
that  psychiatry  itself  has  made  through  the 
war  experience. 

The  difficulty  lies  in  this:  military  psychi- 
atry, or  psychiatry  applied  to  military  per- 
sonnel, operates  in  a  setting  and  in  an  at- 
mosphere radically  different  from  those  of 
peacetime.  It  is  not  easy  to  appreciate  this, 
for  during  wartime  all  of  us — civilians  as 
well  as  those  in  uniform — live  in  altered 
settings,  and  in  a  changed  atmosphere.  As  a 
result  we  all,  individually  and  collectively, 
behave  and  react  differently.  What  is  useful 
and  valid  in  wartime  may  not  be  so  effective 
when  the  spirit  and  reality  of  peace  return. 
The  psychiatric  techniques  that  help  the 
man  in  uniform  may  not  succeed  at  all  with 
the  man  in  mufti. 

Some  gains,  however,  seem  to  be  of  a 
permanent  nature.  There  is,  for  example, 
the  "discovery"  of  the  importance  of  morale 
to  the  effective  operations  of  the  individual 
and  of  the  group,  and  the  appreciation  of 
some  of  the  factors  that  favor,  and  those 
that  are  inimical  to,  good  morale.  This  dis- 
covery may  carry  over  to  peacetime  and  find 
application  particularly  in  industrial  life. 

The  war  experience  has  conditioned  the 
average  person  to  a  more  easy  acceptance 
of  both  the  term  and  the  concept  of  psycho- 
neurosis.  Today,  he  can  now  better  appre- 
ciate the  fact  that  the  psychoneurotic  indi- 
vidual is  a  sick  person  even  without  any 
demonstrable  organic  sickness  of  body  or 
brain. 

Psychiatry  itself  has  experienced  a  loosen- 
ing up  of  rigidities.  The  psychiatric  schools 
that  were  so  far  apart  have  been  brought 
closer  together  in  the  war  experience. 
Warmth,  rest,  sleep,  quiet,  food  are  found 
to  be  specifically  useful  in  psychotherapy. 
Narcosynthesis,  a  form  of  psychiatric  treat- 
ment applied  while  the  patient  is  in  a  semi- 
hypnotic  state  induced  by  drugs,  has  been 
extensively  utilized  in  military  psychother- 
apy. It  is  something  of  a  new  procedure, 
and  is  found  to  confirm  a  number  of  basic 
hypotheses  in  psychoanalysis. 


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Further,  psychiatry  is  discovering  some- 
thing about  the  limits  of  man's  endurance, 
and  about  the  potential  breaking  point  in 
each  man.  We  are  discovering  the  wide 
prevalence  of  psychoneurosis,  most  of  which 
was  not  created,  but  only  brought  to  light, 
by  the  war.  And  we  are  beginning,  too,  to 
appreciate  how  ill-equipped  we  are  to  deal 
with  this  morbidity. 

The  interplay  between  the  psyche  and 
the  soma,  between  the  emotions  and  the 
body's  organs,  is  finding  confirmation  in 
the  war  experience.  All  these  "discoveries" 
are  bound  to  have  multiform  and  enduring 
effects  on  tomorrow's  life.  [See  "Screening 
and  Remaking  of  Men,"  by  Flanders  Dun- 
bar,  M.D.,  in  Survey  Graphic,  October 
1944.] 

The  advances  of  medicine  in  recent  years 
are  of  great  magnitude  and  promise  far- 
reaching  consequences.  If  one  may  set  them 
in  a  scale  of  magnitude,  the  recently  gained 
knowledge  of  nutrition  is  perhaps  the  most 
important  and  the  one  that  is  bound  to  have 
the  most  salutary  effect  upon  all  human 
beings  throughout  life.  [See  "Public  Health 
in  the  Postwar  World,"  by  C.-E.  A.  Wins- 
low,  Survey  Graphic,  April  1945.] 

The  modern  science  of  psychiatry  as  it 
permeates  the  home,  education,  industry, 
and  the  social  organism,  must  be  ranked 
a  close  second.  The  immunizing  processes, 
which  in  effect  condition  man  to  live  safely 
in  a  world  inhabited  also  by  disease  produc- 
ing micro-organisms,  follow  in  the  scale. 
The  antibiotics,  sulfonamides,  and  other 
therapeutic  specifics,  for  all  their  dramatic 
effects,  must  be  ranked  below  these. 

DDT  stands  by  itself — we  are  scarcely  at 
the  threshold  of  its  possibilities.  It  may 
have  far-reaching  social  and  economic  ef- 
fects. It  may  open  vast  areas  to  human 
habitation  which  are  at  present  the  closed 
preserves  of  pestilential  insects  and  disease. 


A  NEIGHBOR  IN  MEXICO 

(Continued  from  page  291) 


the  ultra-conservatives  in  every  society,  were 
the  first  converts  to  this  new  domestic  archi- 
tecture, and  the  younger  women  of  the 
village  announced  they  would  marry  only 
young  men  who  would  build  such  sunny 
houses  and  sanitary  latrines  for  them. 

Hatch  is  as  patient  as  the  hills  around 
him,  but  even  he  must  restrain  himself 
forcibly  from  helping  the  Indians  before 
they  ask  for  it.  "Success  consists  of  holding 
back,  and  supplying  only  so  much  as  the 
Indian  is  ready  to  absorb — no  more,"  he 
says.  "To  keep  them  asking,  and  then  to 
make  it  possible  for  them  to  pay  for  what 
they  want,  is  the  way  to  successful  coopera- 
tion. The  Latin  American  Indian  is  proud. 
He  doesn't  want  something  for  nothing. 
The  biggest  mistake  that  well-meaning  in- 
dividuals or  organizations  can  make  is  to 
pauperize  the  Indians  by  forcing  charity  on 
them." 

Hatch  doesn't  make  that  mistake.  He 
gives  nothing  away.  When  an  Indian  comes 
for  some  seed  of  that  wonderful  corn,  or 
for  some  eggs  from  those  marvelous  chick- 


essary  and  lets  the  Indian  pay  back  with 
seed  from  his  first  crop  or  a  chicken  from 
his  first  flock.  This  is  self-help,  with  inti- 
mate, expert  counsel;  it's  the  slow,  hard 
way — but,  Hatch  will  tell  you,  "the  only 
sure  way  to  do  the  job." 

Self-help  could  be  the  trademark  of  D. 
Spencer  Hatch.  He  was  born  on  a  farm 
near  Greenwich,  New  York.  When  he  was 
fifteen  he  contracted  rheumatic  fever  and 
was  taken  to  a  specialist  in  Boston.  The 
specialist  could  not  cure  him,  and  the  boy 
was  taken  home  in  a  box  built  around  his 
cot,  unable  to  move  even  a  finger.  But  he 
doggedly  taught  himself  to  walk  again  by 
practicing  in  the  snow  drifts  back  of  the 
barn,  where  he  could  fall  without  harm. 
He  worked  his  way  through  Cornell  Uni- 
versity's College  of  Agriculture. 

The  Indestructible  Hatch 

During  the  first  World  War  he  did 
YMCA  work  among  the  British  in  India 
and  Mesopotamia.  There  he  contracted 
muscular  rheumatism  and  was  shipped 
home,  unable  to  move  without  intense  pain. 
Another  year  of  self-help — constant,  tortur- 
ing exercise — cured  that;  then  he  went  to 
India. 

His  wife  joined  him  there  in  1921,  and 
they  have  worked  together  as  a  team  ever 
since — Hatch  in  the  fields  teaching  farming 
skills  to  the  men,  his  wife  in  the  homes 
teaching  spinning,  weaving,  and  other  do- 
mestic arts  to  their  families.  When  they 
came  back  to  America  on  furloughs  they 
went  to  college  again,  learning  new  tech- 
niques to  improve  their  work. 

In  India  they  survived  famines,  floods, 
and  plagues,  including  one  visitation  of 
cholera,  when  19,000  people  died  in  the 
district  where  they  worked.  But  Hatch  is 
seemingly  indestructible.  His  car  once  rolled 
over  a  precipice  and  Hatch  was  found  un- 
der it,  broken  up  and  half  dead.  For  the 
third  time  doctors  told  him  he  could  never 
walk  again — but  once  again  self-help  won 
out. 

In  Mexico  the  yield  of  the  Hatch  Center 
— scrapes,  honey,  eggs,  vegetables,  fruits — 
are  offered  first  at  cost  to  the  local  people. 
Only  the  surplus  is  marketed  in  the  city. 
"Our  object,"  says  Hatch,  "is  to  experiment 
with  many  things  and  methods,  to  demon- 
strate results  and  train  others.  We  try  to  be 


ens,  Hatch  opens  a  credit  account  if  nec- 

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301 


as  nearly  self-supporting  as  possible  through 
sale  of  our  products,  but  no  purely  educa- 
tional and  experimental  institution  can  be 
fully  self-supporting  without  sacrificing  its 
aim — which  is  education  and  not  business." 
At  the  Center  one  impressed  student  for 
a  day  last  summer  was  Walt  Disney,  scout- 
ing ideas  in  Latin  America  for  educational 
movies.  The  Rt.  Rev.  L.  G.  Ligutti,  secre- 
tary of  the  National  Catholic  Rural  Life 
Conference,  came  twice — the  second  time 
with  the  President  of  the  Conference  and 
Bishop  Schlarman  of  Peoria,  who  said: 
"This  is  a  must  for  all  priests  who  go  out 
to  do  rural  work  in  this  part  of  the  world." 
Monsignor  Ligutti,  in  his  official  publica- 
tion, Land  and  Home,  wrote:  "If  you're  a 
Protestant,  you'll  feel  proud  of  Dr.  Hatch. 
If  you're  a  Catholic,  you'll  feel  envious.  All 
of  us  can  admire  him." 

Training  Rural  Leaders 

Although  the  Hatch  Center  profoundly 
influences  the  Mexican  countryside,  it  costs 
only  about  $3,000  a  year  to  run,  exclusive 
of  the  founder's  modest  YMCA  salary. 
Hatch  points  out  that  his  system,  adapted 
to  local  conditions,  could  function  at  mod- 
est cost  in  any  country  through  a  network 
of  experimental  demonstration  training  cen- 
ters, each  serving  a  100-mile  radius. 

The  principal  difficulty  in  large  scale 
programs  of  rural  reconstruction  is  to  find 
competent  men.  The  surest,  cheapest,  and 
best  place  to  train  them  is  in  the  rural  com- 
munities themselves.  Hatch  trained  more 
than  1,000  rural  reconstruction  leaders  in 
his  demonstration  center  in  India.  These 
leaders  went  out  to  form  village  associations 
not  only  in  India  but  in  China  and  Korea. 
In  Mexico,  he  hopes  to  duplicate  this  pro- 
gram. Potential  leaders  are  coming  to  him 
from  all  over  the  Americas,  learning  his 
methods  and  going  back  to  start  similar 
projects  in  their  own  countries. 

"The  farmers  in  depressed  areas  in  Mex- 
ico, as  in  other  countries,"  says  Hatch, 
"learn  best  by  doing.  They  may  or  may  not 
be  impressed  by  what  they  see  done  on 
government  show-farms,  but  they  are  pro- 
foundly impressed  by  what  they  achieve 
themselves." 

Our  U.  S.  delegation  to  the  recent  Inter- 
American  Conference  in  Mexico  City  pro- 
(Continued  on  page  304) 


WORKERS  WANTED 


OPPORTUNITIES  AVAILABLE 

WANTED—  (a)  Health  educator  or  social  worker 
to  direct  department  of  health,  industrial  company 
having  two  plants;  approximately  1700  employees; 
would  serve  as  liaison  officer  between  officials  of 
company  and  employees;  interesting  postwar 
plans;  Chicago,  (b)  Admitting  social  worker; 
experience  in  social  service,  either  as  case  worker 
°r-  Say5Fa*  worker,  required;  300-bed  hospital 
with  125  general  ward  beds;  East,  (c)  Medical 
social  worker  for  positions  in  department  of 
rehabilitation  of  tuberculosis  sanatoria  and  state 
department  of  health;  $2100-$2580;  East.  SGS-1. 
Ibe  Medical  Bureau  (liurneice  Larson,  Director), 
Palmolive  Building,  Chicago,  Illinois. 


T  JEWISH    WOMEN'S    ORGANIZA- 

TION    requires     workers     for     overseas     service 
Must    be    graduate    of    professional    school    with 
Jerience    in    child    care,    institutional    or    foster 
Surve  25~45'     MUSt  be  physicall>'  fit-      8163 

SENIOR  SOCIAL  WORKER  with  two  years 
graduate  work  and  field  experience,  needed  in 
well  established  non-denominational  children's  in- 
stitution in  Connecticut.  Good  salary,  attractive 
placement  for  alert,  capable  person  of  supervisory 
qualifications.  8161  Survey. 

CASE  .  WORKER  for  adoption  agency  of  high 
standard.  Requirements  :  Graduate  degree  in  case 
work;  experience  or  training  in  children's  agency 
preferred.  Salary  range:  $2,100  to  $2,700.  Re- 
ply to:  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Harral  Carlton,  Adoption 
Service  Bureau,  1001  Huron  Road,  Cleveland  IS 
Ohio. 


»  DEPARTMENT    OF    PUBLIC 

WELFARE  needs  trained  social  workers  in  Pub- 
lic Assistance  and  Child  Welfare.  Entrance  sal- 
aries $145  to  $205.  Applications  accepted  con- 
tinuously. Write  Merit  System  Council,  Box 
939,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico. 

HOMEFINDER    for   well-established,   private    chil- 

rens  agency.     Good  salary  and  excellent  working 

conditions       Write    Byron   T.    Hacker,    Children's 

Center,  1400   Whitney  Avenue,  New  Haven,  Con- 

necticut.      __ 

RECREATIONAL  DIRECTOR  for  handicapped 
persons  including  blind.  Attractive  salary  _ 
permanent—  give  experience,  references.  Goodwill 

Industries,   Dayton.    Ohio.  _ 

CASE  WORKERS  who  meet  requirements  of 
A?42,?n  Association  of  Social  Workers;  CASE 
AIDES  who  have  B.A.  Degree;  full-time  day  or 
night  employment.  American  Red  Cross.  529 
South  Wabash  Avenue,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 
VV  abash  7850.  __ 

WANTED:  EXPERIENCED  GROUP  WORK- 
JiRS.  Men  and  women.  B'nai  B'rith  Youth 
Organization  expanding  its  field  offices  through- 
out the  U.  S.  and  Canada.  Positions  open  for 
Directors  and  Assistant  Directors.  Social  group 
work  training  and  experience  required.  Salary 
commensurate  with  experience  and  job  responsi- 
bility. Apply  BBYO  Headquarters,  1746  M 
Street.  N.W..  Washington.  P.  C. 


u  JEWIS.H  WOMEN'S  ORGANIZA- 
with educational  and  service  program  has 
opening  for  professional  staff  member  with  com- 
munity organization  background  to  service  local 
groups  throughout  the  country.  Some  travelling 
involved.  8162  Survey.  _ 

SOCIAL  WORKERS,  MALE  preferred,  New  York 
City  Office,  New  York  State  Training  School 
for  Boys.  Salary  $1800-$2300  plus  17)4%  war 
emergency  compensation.  Duties:  General  case- 
work services  for  adolescent  boys.  State  case 
k  experience  and  education.  8164  Survey. 

SOCIAL  WORKER,  AASW,  eligible  for  Jewish 
Family  Agency.  Complete  responsibility  for  case 
work,  administration,  and  some  community  par- 
ticipation. Write  Phoenix  Jewish  Community 
Council.  128  N.  1st  Avenue.  Phoenix,  Arizona. 

PUBLIC  WELFARE  DEPARTMENT  one  hour 
from  New  York  City.  Small  agency  needs  Case 
supervisor.  Integrated  case  loads  ;  participation 
in  community  planning;  prefer  experience  in  chil- 
dren s  work,  especially  adolescent  boys.  Salary 
and  working  conditions  good.  Write  Commis- 
sioner of  Welfare,  Greenwich,  Conn. 

WANTED:  Two  trained  and  experienced  case  work- 
ers to  work  in  a  private  child  placing  agency. 
Good  salary.  Write  Children's  Bureau,  225  N 
Jefferson  Street,  Dayton,  Ohio. 

EXECUTIVE  SECRETARY,  family  agency  in 
Bangor,  Maine,  member  F.W.A.A.  Duties:  ad- 
ministration of  agency  and  Social  Service  Index, 
carry  case  load,  supervise  trained  caseworker. 
Require  training,  experience.  8160  Survey. 

WANTED:  Executive  Director  for  Jewish  Child- 
care  organization.  offering  _a  regional  program  to 


WORKERS  WANTED 


THE  CONSULTATION  BUREAU  OF  DE- 
TROIT,  a  Family  Case  Work  agency,  is  adding, 
at  the  request  of  the  community,  a  number  of 
new  services  such  as  Child- Parent  Home  Place- 
ment, Outposts,  Case  Work-Group  Work  Project. 
The  Agency  offers  opportunity  for  a  variety  of 
positions  adapted  to  worker's  special  interests. 
Excellent  employment  practices.  Salary  Range : 
Case  Worker — $2200  to  $3400;  Supervisor — $2800 
to  $3600.  The  Consultation  Bureau,  51  West 

^Warren,    Detroit    1,    Michigan. 


HEADWORKER,  Neighborhood  House  in  Newark. 
Experience  group  work,  community  organization, 
administration.  Apply  8165  Survey. 


WANTED:  Science  Instructor,  Assistant  Nursing 
Arts  Instructor,  Medical  and  Surgical  Clinical 
Instructor,  Supervisor  Obstetric  and  Pediatric 
Departments,  and  Assistant  Operating  Room  Su- 
pervisor. School  of  100  student  cadets.  Affili- 
ated with  Millikin  University.  Apply,  Director 
School  of  Nursing,  Decatur  and  Macon  County 
Hospital,  Decatur,  Illinois. 


WANTED:  An  Executive  to  fill  Resident  position 
of  superintendent  of  institution  housing  approxi 
mately  100  children  and  20  old  ladies.  For  fur- 
ther details,  write  to  Mrs.  S.  H.  von  Storch, 
Friendship  House,  2010  Adams  Avenue,  Scranton, 
Pa. 


JEWISH  FAMILY  AGENCY  in  Western  city  is 
looking  for  a  senior  visitor,  a  graduate  of  an 
accredited  graduate  school,  with  psychiatric  and 
child  welfare  experience.  Good  salary.  8170 
Survey. 


WANTED— CASE  WORKER  with  psychiatric 
training  for  a  Chicago  agency  providing  special- 
ized case  work  service  to  adolescents.  Beginning 
salary  $175.00  to  $200.00  per  month.  8171  Survey. 


WANTED:  Case  Worker  for  state-wide  child  plac- 
ing agency.  Must  have  car.  Salary  $1800  to 
$2400  depending  on  training  and  experience.  Time 
allowed  for  graduate  course.  N.  J.  Children's 
Home  Society,  471  Parkway  Avenue,  Trenton  8, 
New  Jersey. 


EXECUTIVE  HOUSEMOTHER  for  a  Children's 
Home ;  social  work  experience  necessary ;  ability 
to  supervise  staff;  permanent  position  for  the  right 
person.  Bangor  Children's  Home,  Bangor,  Me. 


PAROLE  OFFICER— Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dents. Vacancies  principally  in  New  York*  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  15%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679. 
Albany,  New  York. 


WANTED:  A  couple  for  resident  position — Boys 
Dormitory.  Must  be  able  to  supervise  school 
work,  recreational  activities,  direct  the  conduct 
of  the  boys.  There  are  housekeeping  duties  en- 
tailed. For  full  details  write  to  Superintendent, 
Friendship  House,  2000  Adams  Avenue,  Scran- 
ton  9,  Pa. 


POSITIONS    OPEN 
IN  ALASKA 


Ap- 
vork : 


CHILD   WELFARE  SERVICES 

WORKERS 

Salary  Range :  $235.00-$265.00  per  month, 
pointments  at  the  minimum.  Area  of 
Alaska  Department  of  Public  Welfare.  Minimum 
Qualifications :  College  4  years  Graduate  Study, 
1  year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work.  Must 
include  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Supervised 
Field  Work  in  Child  Welfare  and  Family  Wei- 
fare.  Experience :  2  years  in  past  5  years  of 
social  work,  one  of  which  must  be  in  child 
welfare.  Apply :  Alaska  Merit  System,  Box  201, 
Juneau,  Alaska,  via  Air  Mail,  supplying  minimum 
qualifications. 


OPPORTUNITIES  AVAILABLE 

WANTED — (a)  Psychiatric  social  worker  experi- 
enced in  psychiatry  or  child  guidance  work ;  new 
clinic  operated  by  university ;  duties  include  serv- 
ing as  admission  officer;  beach  resort  city  of  the 
West;  $2100-$2400.  (b)  Director  of  social  serv- 
ice department  and,  also,  an  admitting  social 
worker;  300-bed  hospital  having  125  general  ward 
beds ;  duties  of  latter  consist  primarily  of  de- 
termining financial  eligibility  for  ward  care ;  resi- 
dential town  located  vicinity  New  York  City. 
SG6-1  The  Medical  Bureau  (Burneice  Larson. 
Director),  Palmolive  Building,  Chicago,  Illinois. 


WE  OFFER  EMPLOYERS  AND  CANDIDATES 
in  all  fields  of  social  work  everywhere  an  en- 
tirely new,  unique  medium  for  finding  just  the 
right  person  or  position.  Because  screening  tech- 
niques have  been  streamlined,  commissions  and 
registration  fees  eliminated,  and  placement  fees 
reduced  to  a  flat  $25.00,  the  widest  selection 
current  conditions  permit  is  attracted.  Why  leave 
any  stones  unturned?  Perhaps  the  very  person 
you  would  most  like  to  get  in  touch  with  is  also 
reading  this  ad.  Write  for  details.  Central 
Registry  Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus 
9,  Ohio. 


children  in  the  Southern  Seaboard  States.  Give 
details  of  professional  training  and  experience, 
enclose  recent  photograph.  State  salary  require- 
ments. 8169  Surrey. 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC.) 

302 


WORKERS  WANTED 


TRAINED  AND  EXPERIENCED  SOCIAL 
WORKER  for  State  Wide  Children's  Organiza- 
tion, East.  Salary  $2000  with  maintenance.  8172 
Survey. 


WOMAN  of  some  experience  to  work  with  young 
adults  in  educational  and  recreational  activities. 
Interesting  community.  Good  salary.  Address : 
Y.  W.  C.  A.,  282  Morris  Avenue,  Summit,  New 
Jersey. 


WANTED:  Two  fully  trained  case  workers  for 
Episcopal  agency  serving  adolescent  girls;  metro- 
politan area;  consultant  psychiatrist;  progressive 
Board.  State  qualifications,  salary  desired.  8173 
Survey. 


WANTED:  Business  Executive  with  training  and 
background  in  orthopedic  and  case  work  as  di- 
rector of  the  New  Hampshire  Crippled  Chil- 
dren's Society.  This  position  requires  an  able 
organizer  and  a  man  in  good  physical  condition 
for  strenuous  work  to  carry  out  a  broad  pro- 
gram. H.  A.  Gregg,  Treasurer,  Nashua,  New 
Hampshire. 

CASEWORKERS— MEN   AND   WOMEN.   Family 

Agency  under  Protestant  auspices.  Middle  West. 
Small  specialized  case  load.  Salary  range  $1700 
to  $2400.  State  qualifications.  8174  Survey. 

SITUATIONS  WANTED 

EXECUTIVE,  fifteen  years  with  National  Group 
Work  and  community  organization;  personnel 
management,  interpretation,  promotion  specialties, 
University  graduate.  8175  Survey. 

HOUSEMASTER,  recreational  teacher  for  chil- 
dren's home,  private  school,  boys'  club,  insti- 
tution. Protestant,  mature,  available  September 
15th.  8123  Survey. 

SOCIAL  WORKER,  young  man,  ten  years'  experi- 
ence welfare  work,  well  equipped  education  and 
experience  handling  people ;  public  speaker.  Now 
employed  large  national  organization,  wishes  new 
opportunity,  New  York  or  vicinity  preferred. 
8097  Survey. __ 

POSITION  with  progressive  social  or  labor  organi- 
zation desired.  Knowledge  of  organizational 
make-up ;  office  management  and  detail ;  public 
relations  and  fund-raising;  research,  educational 
programs,  literature.  New  York  City  preferred. 
8141  Survey. 

EXECUTIVE,  MALE;  considering  change.  Insti- 
tution or  Children's  Agency.  Sound  academic 
background  in  psychiatric  and  family  social  work. 
10  years  with  private  children's  agency  of  excep- 
tional, modern  standards.  10  years  Public  Ad- 
ministration of  extensive  children's  program.  In- 
stitutional and  recreational  experience.  Religion — 
Catholic.  $4600  te  $5000  or  family  maintenance 
equivalent.  8159  Survey. 


MAN  (30),  Master's  Degree 
sires  executive  position  in 
8166  Survey. 


in    Social    Work.    de- 
Group    Work    field. 


WOMAN,  35,  Master's  Degree  in  Social  Work,  ten 
years'  experience  in  administration,  community 
organization,  teaching  and  supervision  for  a  large 
national  group  work  agency ;  desires  teaching  or 
supervisory  position  in  New  York  City.  Minimum 
salary  $3500.  8167  Survey. 

QUALIFIED  MEDICAL  SOCIAL  WORKER, 
experienced,  wishes  position  in  or  near  Bos_ton, 
six  hour  day  until  September  1st,  then  full  time. 
8168  Survey. 

YOUNG  MAN,  experienced  in  organizati9nal  and 
personnel  analysis,  research  and  administration, 
Master's  degree,  seeks  promising  opportunity  m 
a  council,  federation,  public  or  private  agency  in 
a  technical,  planning  or  administrative  position. 
8158  Survey. 

"POWHATAN"  INDIAN  PIPE 

SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 

COFFEE 

"IT  IS  RICH,  full-bodied,  flavorsome  and_  strong 
— a  combination  I  had  looked  for  in  vain."  writes 
an  Ohio  customer.  Send  $1.00  for  trial  2  pounds 
of  this  superb  coffee.  Specify  grind.  Richard  H. 
Toeplit/,  Suite  205,  342  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York  17. , 

EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 

GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 


RESORTS 


:  WOODLAND    COTTAGES:    High    in    the    moun- 
i      tains  of  Western  Carolina.     Quiet,  clean  and  com- 
I      fortable.     Equipped  for  Housekeeping.     For  infor- 
mation  address :    Miss   Martha   Armstrong,    Wood- 
land  Cottages,  Spruce  Pine,  North  Carolina. 

I  A  WYOMING   VACATION?      Yes,   it  is  possible. 
Paton's    Ranch    has    mountains   looming   above    it, 
i      a   trout   stream   at   the   door.      May   they   tell    you 
J     more?    Write:    Paton  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyoming. 


REAL  ESTATE 

L  QUAINT  COTTAGE  of  six  rooms,  furnished,  one 
large  bedroom  and  two  small;  bathroom  and  two 

!  fireplaces ;  wood  fuel  and  electricity  supplied.  At- 
tractive outlook  and  fine  old  maples.  Rent  for 

|  season  $300.  Four  hours  by  train  from  New 
York  City.  Frederick  K.  Hillman,  South  Ashfield, 
Mass. 

SECLUDED  MOMENTS— Just  the  place  for  un- 
forgettable  quiet  hours.  About  90  acres,  mostly 
woods,  thousands  of  evergreens,  running  springs, 
!  tar  road,  4-room  shack,  stone  fireplace,  view. 
$4800.  Part  cash.  Charles  G.  Ort,  Hacketts- 
town,  N.  J. 


SUMMER  COURSES 


An  exceptional  vacation  in  a  beautiful  fettinif  at 
LAKE  GEORGE  WORKSHOP.  Ideal  sum- 
mer camp  life,  drama,  music,  arts  and  crafts, 
combined  with  seminars  on  democracy  and  civil 
liberties,  education  for  the  task  ahead,  under 
distinguished  educators.  Youth  and  adult  ses- 
sions, co-educational  and  international.  Write 
now  for  information  and  reservations.  Room 
912,  8  West  40th  Street,  New  York  City. 
LAckawanna  4-2554. 


PLAN  TO  VACATION  in  quaint  Boothbay  Har- 
bor, Maine,  and  paint.  Anson  K.  Cross  Art 
School.  Vision-training  method.  "Eight  to 
eighty."  Charcoal,  Oil,  Water-color.  Landscape, 
Portrait.  College-credit  certificate.  Circular  on 
request.  G.  R.  Brigham,  Ph.D.,  Director.  Also 
Home  Study  Extension  Courses. 


BOOKHANDLING    SEMINARS. 

Expert  training  in  Bookshop  Technique,  Bibli- 
ography, Assembling  and  Curatorship  of  Special 
Libraries,  Rare  Book  Collecting.  Katharine  Lord, 
Nantucket  Island,  Massachusetts. 


THE  BOOKSHELF 


CAMP 


CHILDREN'S  CAMP  with  mountain  and  pond 
offers  boys  and  girls  6  to  12  years  healthful  life 
July  and  August,  $25  weekly,  $200  for  season. 
Training  includes  arts,  crafts,  music,  swimming, 
sports,  dramatics,  nature  study,  under  manage- 
ment of  reliable  college-trained  teachers.  Also 
opportunity  for  extra  counsellors  at  $10  weekly 
plus  board,  lodging  and  time  off.  Send  for  folder 
to  APPLE  HILL  CAMP,  East  Pepperell,  Mass. 


FARMS  AND  ACREAGE 


DUE  TO  EXTREME  AGE  of  few  remaining  mem- 
bers  the  famous   Mt.    Lebanon   Shaker  community 
Property,    near    I'ittsfield,   is   now  offered   for  sale. 
50   acres;    3   acre   lake;    ski   run;    woods;    unsur- 
passed    Berkshire    view;    dormitories;     3    smaller 
houses  ;  barn.      Ideal  for  summer  theatre  ;  school ; 
convalescent  home;  boarding.  Asking  only  $15,000. 
Berkshire   Farm   Agency,   Chatham,   New    York. 


USED     BOOKS 

50%  Off  Regular  Price 

for  books  displayed  by  our  field  workers. 
In  good  condition,  but  without  that  new 
look! 

For  complete  new  list  icrile 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Book   Order  Department 

112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


RATES 

Classified  Advertising 

Discounts      .       .       .       15%   on  six   insertion 

Display 35c   per  line 

Non-Display 8c     per     word 

Minimum  Charge      .      .       .    SI. SO  per  insertion 
1O%    on    twelve   insertion 
CASH   WITH   ORDER 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC 
112  E.   19th  Street       New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


WHAT    BOOKS  DO   YOU   WANTT 
vv»    juote    lowest    market    prtoer    No    ebun    for 
iM     Hird-to-Flnd     «nd     Out-of-Prlnt     Booki. 
boob.     OLD    or    NEW.     milled    POST-FREE. 
SEARCHLIGHT    BOOK   COLLECTIONS 
22  Eut  17th  St..  N.w  Y*rk  City 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  NURSING 
shows  the  part  which  professional  nurses  take  in 
the  betterment  of  the  world.  Put  it  in  your 
library.  $3.00  a  year.  1790  Broadway  at  58  St., 
New  York  19,  N.  Y. 

Write  for  our  FREE  bargain  catalogues  of  books 
at  30%-70%  reductions.  Any  book  mailed  post- 
paid in  USA.  THE  NATIONAL  BOOKSELL- 
ERS, 1182  Broadway,  New  York  City  1. 


BACKGROUND  FOR  BROTHERHOOD 

By    Kendall   Weislger 

"It  brings  together  some  very  valuable  material  .  .  . 
will  prove  useful  in  promoting  better  relations  between 
white  and  colored  people  in  this  country."  Shelby  M. 
Harrison.  Russell  Sage  Foundation. 

50  Copies  $10.    12  Copies  $3.    Singly  30c 

ASSOCIATION    PRESS 
347    Madison    Avenue  New    York    17.    N.    Y. 


ANSWERS  to 

DIVORCE,  SEPARATION  & 
ANNULMENT 

Legal  Questions 

(Written  by  a  Lawyer  and  Indexed  for 
enrh    reference) 

Postpaid   Sl.OO 
SAUL  STEINLAUF,  S6S  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York   17 


FARMS 


"A  Blueprint 

for  the 
CITY   Man" 


This  book  tells  the  facts  the  city  man  wants: 

Is   his   vision   of   a  country   home   possible? 

What  are  the  chances  of  success  V 

What  is  farm  life  like? 

Why  do  things  grow?   What  do  farmers  do  to  help  them 
Krowy   Can    he  do  likewise? 

How  much  food  can  he  raise? 

How   can    he   earn   money   in   the   country? 
It   answers  these   questions   and   others:   Is  this  the  time  to 

buy — are  farm   prices  likely  to  drop?  How  can   he  choose 

a   farm?   What   must   he   look  for?   What   must   he  avoid? 

Where    should    he    locate?    How    much    should    he    pay? 

What    about    abandoned    farms,    fixing   up   old    and    inex- 
pensive  houses? 
Then,   too,   how  can  he  work  to  increase  the  value  of  hts 

property?    Finally,     being    a    city    man.    he    knows    little 

about   fanning   technique.    How  can  he  learn   how   to   run 

his   farm? 
Explicit  answers  are  given,  and  there  are  hundreds  of  other 

facts.    Send    $1    (cash   or   check)    to    Harian    Publications, 

Dect.    SA.    270   Lafayette   St..   New   York   12.   N.    Y. 


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(Continued  from  page  101) 
posed  a  cooperative  program  to  raise:  the 
rural  living  standards  of  all  Latin  American 
countries.  Other  programs  are  being  pro- 
jected. As  I  see  it,  perhaps  before  we  are 
launched  on  a  global  voyage  of  moon-struck 
philanthropy,  we  should  hug  the  ground  for 
a  brief  pause  and  take  a  look  at  Hatch  and 
his  modest  but  amazingly  successful  plan. 
Perhaps  we  could  learn  something  that 
would  help  us,  if  only  thai  we  can  plan  big 
if  we  start  small  and  make  haste  slowly,  in 
teaching  people  how  to  help  themselves. 


A  USA  CLOSE-UP 

(Continued  from  page  284) 


the  outside,  and  once  they  had  a  program 
by  a  Metropolitan  Opera  singer.  Most  of 
the  residents  of  the  Fort  ate  cultured,  edu- 
cated people.  Artists  like  to  entertain  them, 
for  they  respond  with  eagerness  and  under- 
standing. 

Another  interesting  set  up  is  that  of  the 
welfare  committee,  h  is  opeiated  on  a 
voluntarily  cooperative  basis;  that  is,  when 
supplies  of  any  kind  arrive,  they  are 
divided  up  and  handed  to  block  wardens. 
If  an  individual  or  a  group  of  individuals 
receive  special  packages,  the  recipients  take 
only  what  they  actually  need  and  hand 
over  the  rest  to  the  welfare  committee  for 
distribution. 

Indicative  of  the  attitude  of  these  refu- 
gees toward  their  "property"  is  the  ar- 
rangement they  made  when  their  foreign 
currency  finally  was  relurned  to  them — 
they  decided  to  turn  it  into  U.  S.  War 
Bonds. 

The  residents  eat  in  five  cooperative 
kitchens:  four  general  kitchens,  and  one 
kosher  kitchen  All  have  good,  wholesome, 
American  breakfasts,  lunches,  and  dinners. 
The  best  indication  of  the  quality  of  the 
food  is  that  some  of  the  girls  are  beginning 
to  worry  about  calories  and  pounds. 

The  Question  of  Their  Tomorrows 

As  to  their  tomorrows,  the  people  of 
Fort  Ontario  can  be  divided  into  three 
categories:  Those  who  want  to  go  back  to 
Europe;  those  who  would  like  to  stay  in  the 
United  States;  and  those  who  desire  settle- 
ment in  other  parts  of  the  world — Mexico, 
England,  Australia,  and  so  on — including  a 
small  number  who  want  to  go  to  Palestine. 

There  are  two  groups  who  want  to 
return  to  Europe — those  with  personal,  and 
those  with  political  reasons.  Many  of  the 
older  people,  most  of  them  Austrians, 
Czechs,  and  Yugoslavs,  cannot  think  of 
putting  down  new  roots  anywhere.  They 
hope  that  some  day  they  will  be  able  to 
return  to  what  is  left  of  the  life  they  know 
and  understand.  There  are  many,  too,  who 
want  to  go  back  because  they  hope  that 
"somewhere  in  Europe"  their  families  may 
be  alive — wives,  parents,  brothers  and  sis- 
ters, children.  They  will  roam  the  ruins 
of  Europe  from  the  coast  of  France  to  the 
border  of  Russia,  if  necessary — to  try  to 
find  those  they  have  lost.  Thirteen  Yugo- 
slavs have  already  gone  back,  sailing  May 
31  on  the  Gripsftolm.  The  other  group  of 
those  who  want  to  go  back  are  concerned 


with  the  future  rather  thaa  the  past.  They 
believe  that  a  new  world  is  being  shaped 
in  Europe.  They  want  to  help  bring  it 
about.  They  are  socialists  from  Poland,  and 
Yugoslav  partisans. 

Those. who  want  to  go  to  odier  parts  of 
the  world  have  a  variety  of  reasons.  Con- 
sider, for  example,  the  small  group  whose 
choice  is  Palestine.  Some  of  the  older  ones 
amoung  this  number  want  to  go  to  join 
children  or  grandchildren  there.  Others, 
after  meeting  the  Palestinian  Jewish  soldiers 
in  Italy,  decided  that  those  were  the  kind  of 
people  among  whom  they  would  like  to  live. 
Still  others  have  been  convinced  by  the  ex- 
periences of  the  last  ten  years  that  they  want 
to  live  as  Jews  among  Jews  and  spend  the 
rest  of  their  lives  helping  to  build  a  Jewish 
country.  The  younger  ones  among  them  arc 
studying  Hebrew  and  learning  about  Pales- 
tine. They  are  counting  the  days  until  they 
can  cross  the  ocean  again  and  really  "go 
home." 

Finally,  there  are  those  who  would  like 
to  stay  in  the  States.  Many  of  these  have 
relatives  in  the  U.  S. — husbands  or  wives, 
brothers,  sisters;  some  even  have  sons  in 
the  U.  S.  Army.  Some,  like  Dr.  Landau, 
long  had  planned  to  immigrate  to  this 
land.  Dr.  Landau,  an  editor  of  the  On- 
tario Chronicle,  who  used  to  be  a  journal- 
ist in  Germany,  Prague,  and  Paris,  is  now 
in  the  "public  relations"  office  of  the  camp. 
In  1941,  he  had  a  visa  for  the  States.  But 
it  came  through  only  a  few  days  before 
this  country  entered  the  war  and  he  never 
had  a  chance  to  use  it.  He  fled  first  from 
Paris  to  the  south  of  France,  then  from 
France  to  Italy.  Then  he  went  from  con- 
centration camp  to  concentration  camp  and 
finally  to  prison  until  on  June  4,  1943,  the 
Allies -broke  down  the  doors  of  the  Rome 
jail  in  which  he  was  held.  Now  he  wants 
only  a  chance  at  peace  and  happiness,  to 
be  allowed  to  write,  to  make  a  living,  and 
to  be  left  alone.  His  dream  is  what  every 
American  takes  for  granted. 

People  like  Dr.  Landau  are  hoping  with 
a  resigned  sort  of  hope  that  something  will 
happen  to  make  it  possible  for  them  to 
remain  here;  that  perhaps  America,  with 
its  tradition  of  freedom,  will  someday 
grant  them  the  right  to  freedom,  also. 

These  are  their  hopes;  but  they  are  only 
hopes. 

The  Lesson  of  Fort  Ontario 

Despite  all  the  comfort  and  opportunities 
which  the  camp  offers  its  residents,  there 
is  but  little  real  security  in  the  Fort  and 
less  happiness. 

The  experience  at  Oswego  confirms  a  les- 
son already  clear  to  many  connected  with 
the  undertaking,  even  before  the  shelter 
was  opened. 

It  is  this:  Camps  are  bad — even  the  best 
of  them.  Camp  life  does  not  satisfy  human 
needs — even  under  the  most  favorable  cir- 
cumstances. 

Life  in  camp  is  bound  to  breed  an 
attitude  of  dependency.  Men  in  camp  have 
no  incentive  to  develop  their  ingenuity, 
use  their  strength,  exploit  their  talents, 
strive,  and  hope.  Moreover,  the  energies 
which  normally  they  would  use  to  obtain 
the  necessities  of  life  find  expression  in 


resistance  to  the  administration,  in  circum- 
venting rules  and  regulations,  in  petty  ani- 
mosities and  antagonisms.  Unused  energies 
breed  trouble.  The  confinements  of  camp 
life  create  artificial  class  divisions  and 
warped  social  relationships.  Above  all,  camp 
life  inescapably  presses  people  into  a  mould. 
All  this  is  unfortunate  preparation  indeed 
for  normal,  democratic  living. 

In  the  end,  this  sort  of  confinement  is  a 
loss,  not  a  gain  to  society.  Men  cannot  be 
liberated  behind  bars. 


HEALTH  CARE  FOR  ALL 

(Continued  from  page  281) 


.  .  .  and  to  conduct  the  business  of  peddling 
pink  pills  to  people." 

The  task  of  everybody  interested  in 
health — physicians  and  laymen  alike — is  to 
study  the  provisions  of  the  bill  itself,  to 
consider  its  benefits,  costs,  methods  of  ad- 
ministration, and  the  ways  in  which  it 
might  be  improved  through  public  discus- 
sion and  through  our  established  demo- 
cratic processes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  American 
public  sentiment  demands  more  health 
service.  There  is  no  doubt  that  farm  fam- 
ilies feel  the  shortage  of  doctors  and  hos- 
pitals as  never  before  and  want  something 
done  about  it.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
middle-class  people  are  dissatisfied  with  the 
uncertainties  and  catastrophes  of  sickness 
costs.  There  is  no  doubt  where  organized 
labor  stands,  for  it  has  already  committed 
itself  to  this  particular  legislation.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  more  businessmen  appre- 
ciate the  economic  values  of  health  service. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  all  these  groups 
respect  the  medical  profession  and  trust 
their  personal  physicians  when  they  have 
them. 

There  is  also  no  doubt  that  farmers,  in- 
dustrial workers  and  white-collar  people  are 
steadily  though  slowly  appreciating  that  the 
health  services  they  would  like  cannot  be 
made  available  by  individual  action  alone, 
cannot  be  paid  for  effectively  by  the  indi- 
vidual alone,  and  cannot  be  furnished  effic- 
iently by  the  individual  doctor  alone.  On 
the  growth  of  this  understanding  rests  the 
passage  of  any  comprehensive  national 
health  legislation. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  many  doctors, 
especially  the  young  men,  are  prepared  to 
consider  these  issues,  if  they  have  a 
chance,  on  grounds  of  fact  rather  than 
emotion.  On  more  effective  expression  from 
such  doctors  rests  the  opportunity  to  de- 
sign the  best  legislation. 

If  we  are  going  to  have  more  spring  in 
our  springboard — fewer  soft-muscled  youth, 
less  premature  death  and  disability  from 
controllable  causes,  fewer  people  with  un- 
corrected  eye  defects,  hernias,  uncared-for 
tuberculosis  and  chronic  illnesses — preven- 
tive and  curative  services  must  be  available 
according  to  the  medical  tradition — the  ex- 
istence of  need,  not  the  possession  of  dol- 
lars. The  people  must  organize  payments 
for  service.  The  doctors  must  take  the  lead 
in  the  better  organization  of  services.  In 
these  interdependent  tasks  their  government 
must  be  the  servant  of  both. 


304 


THE  NEW  YORK  SCHOOL 
OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

SUMMER  INSTITUTES  1945 

July  9-20. 

Community  Responsibility  for  Services  to  Veterans 
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Psychiatry  in  Social  Case  Work  with  Children 

July  23-August  3. 

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Current  Trends  in  Case  Work 

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Administrative  Problems  in  International  Social 

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Group  Work  Services  in  the  Reconversion  Period 
Current  Developments  in  Community  Organization 

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Applications  may  be  obtained  from  the 
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THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BUFFALO 

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We  MUST  Make  THIS  The  LAST  War! 

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These 

scientists 

are  working 

for  YOU 


A  C-E  SCIENTIST,  winner  of  the 
Nobel  prize,  studies  oil  films  in  a 
pan  of  water.  And  out  of  this  research 
conies  a  clue  to  make  glass  invisible, 
to  make  metals  stronger,  to  create 
a  fog  by  machine. 

Engineers  working  with  certain 
kinds  of  radio  waves  run  a  tempera- 
ture. A  G-E  fever  machine  utilizes 
this  principle,  so  doctors  can  treat 
patients  with  artificially  created 
fevers. 

This  page  of  pictures  isn't  one- 
hundredth  part  of  what  is  going  on 
at  General  Electric.  But  you  will  see 
a  few  ways  in  which  life  can  be  made 
easier,  healthier,  and  happier.  And 
that's  what  we  are  trying  to  do. 
General  Electric  Company,  Schenec- 
tady,  New  York. 


Worit  weather  in  the  world  is  found  atop 
Mt.  Washington,  N.H.,  where  ice  feathers 
like  these  sometimes  grow  three  feet  in  a  single 
night,  and  where  G-E  scientists  are  conducting 
cold  weather  research  for  the  Air  Forces. 


General  Electric  devicesare  helping  the  Signal 
Corps,  the  Weather  Bureau,  and  the  Air 
Forces  predict  the  weather  all  over  the  world. 
Accurate  weather  prediction  aids  troop  move- 
ments, saves  crops,  protects  you. 


Ever  see  pure  vitamins?  These  three  pinches 
of  vitamin  crystals  in  the  hand  of  a  G-E 
scientist  are  enough  carotene,  vitamin  C,  and 
thiamin  to  supply  the  average  man  for  one 
day.  Research  at  G-E  Consumers  Institute 
helps  improve  diet,  make  food  taste  better. 


Electrons  took  this  photo.  This  picture  of  gold, 
made  by  shooting  electrons  through  a  gold 
sheet  less  than  one-millionth  of  an  inch  thick, 
was  made  in  the  G-E  Research  Laboratory, 
where  scientists  are  studying  metals  to 
make  new  stronger  combinations. 


You  can  actually  see  It  grow.  New  G-E  foam  plastic  grows  like  magic 
at  the  rate  of  an  inch  a  second  from  a  liquid  resembling  molasses. 


When  it  stops  growing,  it's  ready  for  use.  Lighter  for  its  size  than 
a  loaf  of  bread,  it  promises  to  have  many  uses  after  the  war. 


Hear  the  G-E  radio  programs:  The  G-E  All-girl 
Orchestra,  Sunday  10  p.  m.  EWT,  NBC—  The 
World  Today  news,  Monday  through  Friday 
6:45  p.m.  EWT,  CBS—  The  G-E  House  Party, 
Monday  through  Friday  4:00  p.  m.  EWT,  CBS. 
FOR  VICTORY— BUY  AND  MOID  WAR  BONDS 


GENERAL  m  ELECTRIC 


A  Problem 
in  Multiplication 


X  26,000,000  =  f 


lake  the  case  of  John  Smith,  aver- 
age American: 

For  over  three  years  now,  he's  been 
buying  War  Bonds  through  the  Payroll 
Savings  Plan.  He's  been  putting  away  a 
good  chunk  of  his  earnings  regularly — 
week  in,  week  out. 

He's  accumulating  money — maybe 
for  the  first  time  in  his  life.  He's  building 
up  a  reserve.  He's  taking  advantage  of 
higher  wages  to  put  himself  in  a  solid 
financial  position. 

Now  suppose  everybody  in  the  Payroll 
Plan — everybody  who's  earning  more 
than  he  or  she  needs  to  live  on— does 
what  John  Smith  is  doing.  In  other  words, 
suppose  you  multiply  John  Smith  by  26 
million. 

What  do  you  get? 

Why — you  get  a  whole  country  that's 
just  like  John  Smith!  A  solid,  strong, 
healthy,  prosperous  America  where  every- 
body can  work  and  earn  and  live  in  peace 
and  comfort  when  this  war  is  done. 

Fora  country  can't  help  being,  as  a  whole, 
just  what  its  people  are  individually! 

If  enough  John  Smiths  are  sound — 
their  country's  got  to  be! 

The  kind  of  future  that  America  will 
have — that  you  and  your  family  will 
have — is  in  your  hands. 

Right  now,  you  have  a  grip  on  a  won- 
derful future.  Don't  let  loose  of  it  for  a 
second. 


Hang  onto 
your  War  Bonds! 

BUY  ALL  THE  BONDS  YOU  CAN 
KEEP  ALL  THE  BONDS  YOU  BUY 

Inserted  by 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publishers  of  Survey  Graphic 
and  Survey  Mid- Monthly 

This  is  an  official  V.  S.  Treasury 

advertisement — prepared  under  auspices 

of  Treasury  Department  and  War 

Advertising  Council 


Letters  About  "Juan" 

To  THE  EDITOR:  Your  December  issue  carried 
an  article  by  Quincy  Guy  Burris,  of  New 
Mexico  Highlands  University,  "Juan:  A  Rural 
Portrait,"  describing  the  average  citizen  of 
Spanish-American  descent. 

Though  Juan's  earnings  amount  to  ap- 
proximately $900  a  year,  several  members  of 
his  family  are  self-supporting.  The  1930's, 
which  brought  Juan  back  to  his  village  dis- 
couraged over  the  loss  of  his  job,  affected  the 
whole  nation  as  well  as  the  Spanish-American 
Southwest.  I  worked  for  the  certification  divi- 
sion of  the  WPA  in  three  counties  in  New 
Mexico.  Proportion  of  certifications  did  not 
show  Juan  less  self-supporting  than  others. 

The  Brotherhood  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  has 
no  political  affiliation  and  its  membership  can 
be  roughly  estimated  at  less  than  one  percent 
of  the  population  instead  of  50  percent. 

Schools  are  conducted  in  English,  Mr.  Bur- 
ris's  assertion  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 
Teachers  are  certified  by  the  New  Mexico  State 
Department  of  Education  and  should  be  ade- 
quately prepared.  Today's  average  Juan  can 
read,  write,  and  speak  both  English  and  Span- 
ish, or  Selective  Service  summaries  of  regis- 
trants are  not  accurately  kept. 

Juan  has  shown  what  he  can  do  if  given  an 
opportunity.  Proof  lies  in  such  outstanding 
leaders  as  Dennis  Chavez,  United  States  sen- 
ator; Eugene  Lujan,  State  Supreme  Court 
justice;  Antonio  M.  Fernandez,  U.  S.  repre- 
sentative from  New  Mexico;  Dr.  George  I. 
Sanchez,  formerly  with  the  University  of  New 
Mexico  and  now  with  the  Rockefeller  Founda- 
tion; Dr.  Aurelio  Espinoza  of  Leland  Stanford 
University;  David  Chavez,  formerly  First  Judi- 
cial District  judge,  and  now  a  major  general 
with  the  Army  Air  Forces. 

"JUAN"  (J.  D.  GARCIA) 
San  Juan  Pueblo,  N.  M. 

TWO    ASSUMPTIONS    SERVE    AS   THE    BASIS    FOR    MR. 

Garcia's  criticism.  The  first  is  that  the  article 
"Juan"  covers  the  whole  Spanish  population  of 
New  Mexico.  The  second  is  that  the  Spanish 
people  have  been  singled  out  for  attack-  Both 
are  unsound. 

Take  an  instance.  Mr.  Garcia  enumerates  the 
names  of  distinguished  men  from  the  Spanish 
of  New  Mexico.  Of  course  there  are  such. 
There  are  also  urban  Spanish  residents  and 
wealthy  Spanish  residents.  But  "Juan"  does 
not  cover  them.  I  set  out  to  talk  about  the 
average  rural  citizen  of  Spanish  blood,  without 
comparing  him  favorably  or  unfavorably  with 
people  of  other  mountain  communities. 

One  point  is  perhaps  debatable — the  article 
estimated  that  50  percent  of  the  Spanish  rural 
adult  male  citizens  belong  to  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  as  against  Mr.  Garcia's  one  percent  of 
the  whole  population.  The  estimate  was  an 
average  of  several  estimates.  Since  the  Society 
is  highly  secret,  it  is  difficult  for  an  outsider  to 
be  accurate. 

Information  for  the  article  was  drawn  from 
a  group  of  rural  school  teachers,  themselves 
Spanish-speaking  dwellers  in  mountain  com- 
munities, and  from  certain  local  state  and 
county  officials  who  work  closely  with  the 
Spanish  residents.  They  know  conditions,  and 
they  have  no  reason  to  misrepresent  matters. 
Las  Vegas,  N.  M.  QUINCY  GUY  BURRIS 


llllllillllBIIIIIBIIIIIBl 


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PRESIDENT  HARRY  S.  TRUMAN 

by  Max  Kalish 

Made   in    1944,   this   small   bronze  belongs   in  the   Smithsonian   Institution's  collection   of  out- 
standing Americans  of  the  war  years  (see  page  323).  Max  Kalish,  sculptor  of  anonymous  work- 
ingmen  as  well  as  of  distinguished  men  and  women,  died  suddenly  last  March,  with  five  of  the 
figures  for  this  enormous  project  still  to  be  completed. 


S  U  RVEV 


PH I C 


Charter  of  the  Golden  Gate 


Structure  of  peace  and  security  hammered  out  in  a  Constitution  for  the  United  Nations- 
compared  with  the  League  Covenant,  the  Geneva  Protocol,  and  the  Briand-Kellogg  Pact. 


"OH,    WHAT    A    GREAT    DAY    THIS    CAN    BE    IN 

history!"  These  were  the  words  with  which 
President  Truman  opened  his  address  at 
the  closing  session  of  the  San  Francisco 
Conference  in  June.  Printed  though  they 
are  as  part  of  the  prepared  official  text,  they 
read  like  a  spontaneous  exclamation  —  all 
the  more  because  this  was  the  only  part  of 
that  quiet-toned  deliverance  in  which  Harry 
S.  Truman  permitted  himself  to  express  the 
emotion  of  the  hour. 

But  thoughtful  listeners — and  all  America 
was  listening  6ver  the  radio — caught  that, 
even  in  his  innate  American  response  to 
the  high  impact  of  the  occasion,  he  was 
reminding  them  that  the  proclamation  of 
the  Charter  of  the  United  Nations  was  only 
one  step  toward  its  fulfillment.  Like  the 
July  day  when  he  later  delivered  the  his- 
toric document  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  the  day  the  Senate  passes  it,  this  could 
be  a  great  day  only  if  the  Charter  is  carried 
out. 

That  fact  was  apparently  uppermost  in 
President  Truman's  mind  as  he  hailed  the 
completion  of  the  work  of  representatives 
.  of  half  a  hundred  nations  at  the  Golden 
Gate  and  commended  it  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  While  the  address  as  a 
whole  was  charged  with  confidence  in  the 
adoption  of  the  Charter  at  the  capitals  of 
the  world,  the  American  president  showed 
clearly  his  consciousness  of  the  criticisms 
which  have  been  made  and  those  which 
were  sure  to  be  made  in  subsequent  de- 
bates. As  result,  his  treatment  was  all  the 
more  convincing.  His  was  the  leadership 
of  understanding,  a  projection  of  ideals 
within  the  reach  of  attainment,  a  fair  ap- 
praisal of  the  extent  to  which  the  supreme 
task  of  the  San  Francisco  Conference  had 
been  accomplished. 

This  being  the  case,  I  cannot  do  better 
than  employ  the  President's  own  phrases  as 
texts  for  my  appraisal.  Here  are  some 
of  them  which  should  not  be  forgotten: 

"It  has  already  been  said  by  many  that 
this  is  only  the  first  step  to  a  lasting  peace. 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


— By  a  Chairman  of  the  Consultants  at 
San  Francisco  who  brought  to  bear  his 
experience  as  Chief  of  the  Division  of 
History  at  the  Peace  Conference  in  Paris 
(1918-19). 

Director  of  the  Division  of  Economics 
and  History  of  the  Carnegie  Endow- 
ment for  International  Peace,  Professor 
Shotwell  has  served  throughout  the  40's 
as  chairman  of  the  (American)  Com- 
mission to  Study  the  Organization  of 
Peace. 

This  is  the  fifth  in  his  series  of  articles 
in  Survey  Graphic — brought  out  in  1945 
under  the  general  title  "Bridges  to  the 
Future."  These  began  in  February  and 
have  included:  "What  Shall  We  Do 
About  Germany"  (March),  "From  Yalta 
to  Golden  Gate"  (April),  "Four  Free- 
doms and  the  Atlantic  Charter"  (May). 

In  August  will  come  his  analysis  of 
those  "really  new  parts"  of  the  Charter 
— which  put  an  Economic  and  Social 
Council  alongside  the  Security  Council. 

That  is  true.  The  important  thing  is  that 
all  our  thinking  and  all  our  conclusions  be 
based  on  the  realization  that  it  is  in  fact 
only  a  first  step.  .  .  . 

"The  Constitution  of  my  own  country 
came  from  a  convention  which — like  this 
one — was  made  up  of  delegates  with  many 
different  views.  .  .  .  When  it  was  adopted 
no  one  regarded  it  as  a  perfect  document. 
But  it  grew  and  developed  and  expanded. 
And  upon  it  there  was  built  a  bigger,  bet- 
ter, and  more  perfect  union. 

"This  Charter,  like  our  own  Constitution, 
will  be  expanded  and  improved  as  time 
goes  on.  No  one  claims  that  it  is  now  a 
final  or  a  perfect  instrument.  It  has  not 
been  poured  into  a  fixed  mold.  Changing 
world  conditions  will  require  readjustments 
—  but  they  will  be  the  readjustments  of 
peace  and  not  of  war. 

"That  we  now  have  this  Charter  at  all  is 
a  great  wonder.  It  is  also  a  cause  for  pro- 


found thanksgiving  to  Almighty  God,  who 
has  brought  us  so  far  in  our  search  for 
peace  in  world  organization." 

The  Crux  of  the  Charter 

This  passage  in  the  President's  speech  is 
so  simple  and  straightforward  that  its  full 
significance  may  easily  escape  us.  Although 
the  structure  of  a  world  made  up  of  na- 
tions remains  outwardly  unchanged,  it  is 
in  reality  no  longer  to  be  the  same.  If  the 
San  Francisco  Charter  is  adopted  and  holds, 
nations  can  no  longer  adjust  their  differ- 
ences by  the  oldest  of  all  methods  of  ad- 
justment— war.  That  is  the  interpretation 
placed  upon  it  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  stated  so  quietly  as  to  be 
almost  unobtrusive.  Let  me  quote  that  sen- 
tence again:  "Changing  world  conditions 
will  require  readjustments — but  they  will  be 
the  readjustments  of  peace  and  not  of  war." 

The  crux  of  the  Charter  is  therefore  to 
be  found  in  the  provisions  it  makes  for 
these  peaceful  adjustments  in  the  affairs  of 
nations.  War  cannot  be  eliminated  unless 
there  are  substitutes  for  it  capable  of 
achieving  what  nations  regard  to  be  their 
vital  interests. 

The  promise  in  the  San  Francisco  Con- 
ference thus  hangs  on  the  prospect  that  for 
the  first  time  in  history  we  shall  have  an 
international  agreement  which,  in  the  pur- 
suit of  peace  and  security,  covers  practically 
the  whole  field  of  international  relations; 
which  even  extends  those  relations  to  deal 
with  the  rights  of  the  individual  within  the 
state.  So  vast  is  its  scope  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  do  justice  to  the  agreement  in  any 
short  survey. 

Our  experience  in  the  debate  over  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  a  quar- 
ter century  ago,  shows  the  importance  of 
keeping  major  issues  clearly  in  mind  so 
as  not  to  be  lost  in  controversy  over  details. 
We  now  have  documentary  proof  that 
American  opponents  of  the  League  Cove- 
nant won  the  debate  before  the  United 
States  Senate  in  1919  by  concentrating  upon 


309 


such  details  in  order  to  confuse  the  public 
mind.  If  public  opinion  were  not  better 
informed  today,  if  the  national  conscience 
were  not  so  deeply  stirred,  the  San  Fran- 
cisco Charter  would  offer  a  like  chance  for 
confusing  people  by  pointing  out  this  or 
that  inadequacy. 

Fortunately,  however,  the  great  Charter 
of  1945  is  fundamentally  simple.  Each  part 
was  shaped  with  reference  to  the  junction 
to  be  performed.  Thus,  in  the  field  of 
security  the  framers  were  always  conscious 
that  they  were  dealing  with  questions  of 
military  power.  Economic  problems  have 
their  own  means  of  solution.  Questions  of 
human  rights  and  freedom  have  a  unity  of 
their  own,  and  international  justice,  also, 
has  its  definite  techniques.  Keeping  these 
things  in  mind,  we  can  see  the  Charter  as 
a  whole. 

Purposes  and  Principles 

Fortunately,  also,  the  Dumbarton  Oaks 
Proposals  began  with  a  general  statement 
on  the  nature  and  aims  of  the  organization 
of  the  United  Nations.  Repeated  in  clearer 
and  even  stronger  terms  in  the  first  chapter 
of  the  Charter,  this  had  no  parallel  in  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  as  drafted  at  Paris 
after  World  War  I.  Moreover,  a  preamble 
was  added  at  San  Francisco.  It  was  chiefly 
the  work  of  Field  Marshal  Jan  Christian 
Smuts  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  al- 
though some  of  the  significant  phrases  were 
contributed  by  Senator  Henri  Rolin  of  Bel- 
gium and  by  members  of  the  American 
delegation  among  others. 

By  far  the  most  striking  phrase  in  this 
preamble  is  the  one  with  which  it  opens. 
"We,  the  peoples  of  the  United  Nations," 
was  consciously  adapted  from  our  own  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  The  tradi- 
tional formula  with  which  most  treaties 
have  begun  recognizes  only  "the  high  con- 
tracting parties."  By  this  was  formerly 
meant  the  negotiating  governments.  The 
formula  was  employed  in  the  Covenant  of 
the  old  League  of  Nations,  but  nations,  not 
governments,  were  recognized  as  members. 
That,  in  itself,  was  an  advance  towards 
acceptance  of  national  partnership  in  the 
world  community.  The  Charter  of  the 
Golden  Gate  takes  this  progress  for  granted 
and  definitely  looks  beyond  governments 
to  the  support  of  peoples  everywhere  for  the 
achievement  of  its  purposes. 

Not  too  much,  however,  should  be  made 
of  the  wording  of  the  Preamble,  for  pre- 
ambles are  not  binding.  The  real  test  of 
the  extent  to  which  the  Charter  reaches  be- 
yond diplomacy  into  the  lives  of  ordinary 
people  in  all  countries  is  to  be  found  in 
the  body  of  the  document. 

On  the  other  hand,  nowhere  in  these 
opening  sections — neither  in  the  Preamble 
nor  in  Chapter  I — is  there  any  such  clear 
statement  of  the  denial  of  the  right  to  make 
war  as  was  set  down  in  the  Protocol  of 
Geneva  in  1924,  which  had  the  adherence 
at  that  time  of  all  the  continental  nations 
of  Europe.  This  protocol  declared  that  ag- 
gressive war  is  an  international  crime;  and 
defined  aggression  as  the  resort  to  war  in- 
stead of  to  pacific  means  of  settlement  made 
available  by  the  community  of  nations  or 
by  parties  to  the  dispute  themselves. 


,  The  statement  of  principles  in  the  San 
Francisco  Charter  chimes  in  more  closely 
with  the  Briand-Kellogg  Pact  of  1928.  Com- 
pare the  two  short  articles  of  that  document 
on  the  renunciation  of  war — which  were 
themselves  practically  renounced  or  con- 
veniently forgotten  in  subsequent  years  — 
with  the  third  paragraph  of  the  second 
article  of  Chapter  I  of  the  Charter  of  1945: 

"All  members  shall  settle  their  interna- 
tional disputes  by  peaceful  means  in  such  a 
manner  that  international  peace  and  secur- 
ity and  justice  are  not  endangered." 

Now,  the  Briand-Kellogg  Pact,  in  which 
Washington  along  with  Paris  had  taken 
the  initiative,  and  which  bore  the  signatures 
of  61  nations,  went  this  far  and  no  further. 
It  made  no  provision  for  the  fulfillment  of 
its  terms,  as  public  opinion  was  not  yet 
ready  to  accept  the  obligations  which  the 
maintenance  of  peace  involves.  Those  who 
are  critical  of  the  San  Francisco  Charter 
because  it  does  not  go  far  enough  in  the 
direction  of  world  government  should 
measure  the  distance  in  peace  enforcement 
which  lies  between  the  pronunciamento  of 
1928  and  practical  implementation  in  1945. 

The  framers  of  the  San  Francisco  Char- 
ter consciously  avoided  any  direct  refer- 
ence to  the  Briand-Kellogg  Pact.  Nonethe- 
less, at  the  very  time  that  the  San  Francisco 
Charter  anonymously  incorporated  some  of 
its  principles,  these  were  being  revived  in 
another  quarter  as  having  opened  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  international  law. 
This  is  clearly  set  forth  in  the  impressive 
state  document  of  Justice  Robert  H.  Jack- 
son in  resting  our  case  in  the  trial  of  war 
criminals. 

Contract  for  the  Living  Present 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  San  Francisco 
framers  make  no  reference  to  other  pre- 
vious efforts  to  prevent  war — not  even  to 
the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
which  afforded  suggestions  for  so  much  of 
the  Charter  structure.  The  basic  reason  for 
this  absence  of  any  reference  to  Protocol, 
Pact,  or  Covenant  is  that  the  Charter  is  not 
an  historical  document  but  a  contract  for 
the  living  present  and  the  future.  It  is  there- 
fore a  part  of  the  process  of  history,  like 
those  efforts  which  preceded  it,  and  should 
be  so  regarded. 

Before  we  leave  history  behind  us,  how- 
ever, a  word  should  be  said  about  the  ar- 
ticle of  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant 
which  was  chiefly  responsible  for  the  ad- 
verse vote  by  the  United  States  Senate  in 
1919.  This  was  Article  X,  according  to 
which  the  members  of  the  League  under- 
took "to  respect  and  preserve  as  against 
external  aggression  the  territorial  integrity 
and  existing  political  independence  of  all 
members  of  the  League." 

There  is  no  stranger  paradox  in  history 
than  that  this  Article,  upon  which  President 
Wilson  placed  so  much  importance,  was 
all  but  ignored  by  the  League  until  the 
Manchurian  crisis  in  1931.  The  San  Fran- 
cisco Charter  has  no  "Article  X,"  but  none- 
theless, shifting  gears  from  obligation  to 
self-restraint,  it  restates  its  inherent  prin- 
ciple of  territorial  integrity.  To  quote: 

"All  members  shall  refrain  in  their  inter- 
national relations  from  the  threat  or  use  of 


force  against  the  territorial  integrity  or 
political  independence  of  any  member  or 
state,  or  in  any  other  manner  inconsistent 
with  the  purposes  of  the  United  Nations." 
This,  it  is  true,  is  only  a  statement  of 
principle  and  is  not  taken  up  again  in  the 
body  of  the  San  Francisco  Charter.  And 
yet  it  is  unquestionably  right  and  proper 
that  the  general  principle  of  national  secu- 
rity should  thus  be  reaffirmed  as  background 
for  the  sections  which  come  to  grips  with 
aggression. 

Great  Powers  and  Small 

When  we  turn  to  the  body  of  the  docu- 
ment, we  find  ourselves  at  once  faced  with 
a  long  and  complicated  text.  In  spite  of 
the  efforts  of  the  Conference  staff  to 
"streamline"  the  Charter  in  the  closing  days 
at  San  Francisco,  it  remains  difficult  to 
follow  and  therefore  will  need  clarification. 
Fortunately  the  U.  S.  Department  of  State 
was  fully  aware  of  this  and  has  prepared 
commentaries  for  the  use  of  the  general 
public  as  well  as  technicians  and  lawyers. 
In  addition,  the  consultants  to  the  American 
delegation  have  prepared,  also,  a  number 
of  unofficial  guides  which  are  readily  acces- 
sible to  the  wide  membership  of  those 
national  bodies  from  which  the  consultants 
were  drawn. 

In  its  final  form,  the  Constitution  of  the 
Organization  of  the  United  Nations  bears 
little  trace  of  the  difficulties  which  con- 
stantly arose  in  the  course  of  its  making. 
It  gained  in  both  strength  and  usefulness 
because  every  part  was  tested  and  much  of 
it  hammered  out  on  the  anvil  of  debate. 

Thus,  members  of  the  Conference  early 
became  aware  of  the  anomaly  that  Soviet 
Russia  was  upholding  the  conservative  point 
of  view  on  national  sovereignty  and  that 
Australia,  which  led  much  of  the  debate 
against  that  viewpoint,  acted  not  as  part 
of  a  worldwide  empire  and  commonwealth 
but  as  a  champion  of  the  smaller  nations. 
On  either  hand,  there  was  the  same  realis- 
tic sense  of  national  needs — and  the  Char- 
ter is  the  embodiment  of  such  realism. 

This  fact  undoubtedly  was  in  the  mind 
of  President  Truman  when  he  held  that 
"a  just  and  lasting  peace  cannot  be  attained 
by  diplomatic  agreement  alone"  but  that  the 
United  Nations  had  at  last  thrown  open  a 
new  era  by  their  unity. 

His  warning  not  to  look  for  perfection 
in  the  document  (which  was  repeated  by 
Secretary  Stettinius  and  others)  might  seem 
at  first  somewhat  overdone.  But  it  is  aston- 
ishing how  many  people  there  are  who 
are  more  concerned  about  getting  an  accept- 
able form  of  words  than  in  making  sure 
that  promises  and  commitments  are  those 
which  can  and  will  be  carried  out  when 
they  come  to  the  test. 

Perhaps  the  best  way  to  gauge  the  crea- 
tive effort  that  went  into  charter-making 
at  San  Francisco  is  to  appraise  the  vast 
improvements  made  over  the  Dumbarton 
Oaks  Proposals  which  supplied  the  frame- 
work. These  had  themselves  been  the  prod- 
uct of  careful  study  and  team  play,  but 
were  negative  rather  than  positive,  directed 
against  aggressive  nations  and  according 
insufficient  attention  to  the  normal  pro- 
cesses of  international  peace.  Thus,  the 


310 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Photos   by   Rosenthal    for   Fix 
HERBERT  VERE  EVATT 

Attorney     General     and     Minister     of     External     Affairs     of 

Australia,  who  in  the  course  of  Conference  discussions  became 

a  leading  voice  for  the  smaller  nations 


FIELD  MARSHAL  JAN  CHRISTIAN  SMUTS 

Prime  Minister  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  chairman  of  its 

delegation  to  the  San  Francisco  Conference.  The  Preamble  of 

the  Great  Charter  of  1945  is  chiefly  his  work 


San  Francisco  Conference  recognized  the 
legitimacy  of  providing  for  international 
police,  but  attempted  at  the  same  time  to 
fend  against  the  erection  of  another  Holy 
Alliance  like  that  which  followed  the  de- 
feat of  Napoleon. 

Clearly,  the  balance  between  the  domi- 
nance of  the  Great  Powers  and  the  coher- 
ence of  the  smaller  ones  cannot  be  per- 
fectly maintained  so  long  as  the  threat  of 
war  lies  in  the  background  of  international 
politics.  But  the  whole  trend  at  San  Fran- 
cisco was  to  accord  increased  influence  to 
the  forces  of  peace  as  the  danger  of  war 
recedes;  and  these  influences  are  by  no 
means  the  monopoly  of  the  Great  Powers. 
Indeed  many  of  the  finer  aspects  of  social 
life  and  much  of  the  development  of  justice 
between  nations  (as  well  as  within  nations) 
have  come  from  the  little  peoples  of  the 
world.  In  San  Francisco  they  spoke  out 
fearlessly  and  effectively,  and  left  their  mark 
upon  almost  every  section  of  the  Charter. 

This  was  to  be  expected.  Ever  since  the 
Dumbarton  Oaks  Proposals  appeared,  it 
had  been  evident  that  agreement  found  by 
the  Great  Powers  would  have  to  be  modi- 
fied to  meet  the  demands  of  the  others. 
The  problem  was  whether  this  could  be 
done  without  a  fundamental  change  in  the 
Proposals.  The  chief  triumph  of  the  San 
Francisco  Conference  is  that  it  found  the 
way  through  compromise  to  better  the  doc- 
ument for  the  Great  Powers  while  making 
it  at  least  acceptable  for  the  smaller  ones. 

The  element  of  surprise  in  the  Confer- 
ence was  in  the  contribution  of  the  con- 
sultants to  the  American  delegation.  This 
constituted  a  new  chapter  in  diplomatic 
history,  for  it  offered  the  nearest  approach 
to  public  diplomacy  that  has  yet  been  found. 

Their  appointment  was  a  device  of  the 
U.  S.  State  Department  to  escape  from  the 
embarrassment  of  having  too  many  "ob- 


servers." Some  forty-two  national  bodies 
were  asked  to  nominate  representatives  to 
act  as  consultants.  There  was  objection  in 
experienced  quarters  lest  this  might  prove 
an  embarrassment  to  those  charged  witl 
negotiating  delicate  questions  with  foreign 
governments.  The  sessions  of  the  consult- 
ants proved  innocent  enough,  however,  and 
soon  they  were  making  their  contribution 
to  the  Charter.  It  owes  to  them  some  of 
the  most  important  clauses  dealing  with 
human  rights,  with  economic  and  social 
problems.  Indeed  it  is  hardly  too  much  to 
claim  for  them  that  both  by  advice  and  by 
influence  they  helped  largely  to  transform 
a  document  of  international  security  into 
one  covering  the  whole  range  of  normal 
procedures  in  peacetime  relationships. 

This  does  not  mean  that  the  consultants, 
or  the  American  delegation  for  that  matter, 
had  any  monopoly  of  enlightened  outlook. 
It  means  that  the  American  delegation  was 
more  fortunately  placed  in  being  able  to 
draw  upon  so  large  a  body  of  informed 
leaders  of  opinion.  The  opportunity  had 
at  last  come  to  reap  the  full  benefit  of  years 
of  study  and  discussion  on  the  part  of  great 
national  organizations  of  business,  labor 
and  agriculture,  of  education  and  religion, 
service  clubs  and  women's  organizations. 

"Veto  Power" 

Nevertheless,  the  chief  interest  at  San 
Francisco  continued  to  center  upon  the 
problem  of  security.  Unless  peace  could  be 
assured,  nothing  else  could  be  certain. 

At  Dumbarton  Oaks,  the  Great  Powers 
had  made  it  their  joint  responsibility  to 
prevent  or  suppress  war,  although  the  exact 
method  of  voting  was  not  finally  settled, 
and  therefore  the  relation  of  their  action 
to  that  of  the  smaller  powers  remained 
uncertain. 

This  had  led  to  misunderstandings.  Al- 


though in  the  light  of  two  world  wars  the 
maintenance  of  peace  was  seen  to  be  a 
primary  responsibility  of  the  Great  Powers, 
the  smaller  ones  were  apprehensive  of  any 
such  monopoly  in  war  prevention.  These 
concentrated  their  attack  at  San  Francisco 
upon  what  was  dubbed  the  "veto  power" 
of  the  Great  Powers  in  the  Security  Coun- 
cil. So  strong  was  their  effort  in  this  regard, 
so  well  was  their  case  maintained  by  sup- 
porters in  the  public  press  as  well  as  in 
debates  in  committee,  that  this  "question 
of  the  veto"  was  widely  held  to  be  the 
test  of  the  Conference — of  its  success  or 
failure  as  a  whole.  The  amount  of  atten- 
tion which  was  concentrated  upon  it  makes 
unnecessary  a  full  treatment  of  the  question 
here.  Two  or  three  points  will  suffice. 

First  of  all,  there  was  nothing  new  in 
the  "unanimity  rule"  of  the  Great  Powers 
through  which  any  one  could  prevent  ac- 
tion. That  is  the  customary  reservation  by 
a  government  in  diplomatic  conferences  on 
matter's  affecting  its  own  interest.  What 
was  new  in  the  procedure  of  voting  in  the 
Security  Council  was  that  the  Great  Powers 
refused  this  right  of  reservation  to  the  other 
powers.  Essentially,  this  issue  was  one  of 
discrimination;  of  drawing  a  line  of  privi- 
lege between  nations.  It  meant  a  lessening 
of  sovereignty  for  some  while  maintaining 
the  sovereignty  of  others — a  situation  which 
the  League  of  Nations  had  always  tried  to 
avoid.  More,  it  seemed  to  run  counter  to 
that  equality  of  nations  which  had  been 
constantly  invoked  in  all  the  negotiations 
and  conferences  from  Moscow  to  San  Fran- 
cisco. 

There  were  realists  who  pointed  out  that 
the  sovereignty  of  the  small  nations  had 
already  been  lessened  in  fact;  that  this  has 
been  shown  by  their  relative  helplessness 
in  two  world  wars.  Not  only  had  neutral- 
ity been  impossible  for  any  one  nation  in 


JULY     1945 


311 


Photos   by    Rosenthal    tor 

VYACHESLAV  M.  MOLOTOV    . 
USSR  Commissar  for  Foreign  Affairs  and 
chairman  of  the  Soviet  delegation 

the  path  of  a  major  invasion,  but  the  col- 
lective scheme  of  security  of  the  League  of 
Nations  had  broken  down  under  the  su- 
preme test  of  power. 

Yalta — and  a  Great  Compromise 

By  good  fortune,  the  leaders  of  the 
smaller  nations  did  not  press  their  case 
with  doctrinaire  insistence.  They  did  not 
look  backward  to  the  procedure  of  the 
League.  What  they  asked  was  that  the 
Great  Powers  should  limit  the  right  of  veto 
to  acts  of  force  in  the  prevention  or  sup- 
pression of  aggression.  What  they  pressed 
for  was  that  distinction  between  great  and 
small  powers  should  not  hold  in  the  pre- 
liminary procedures  of  pacific  settlement. 

It  was  upon  this  point  that  the  Yalta 
Agreement  was  invoked,  and  the  Confer- 
ence ran  into  a  dilemma  of  conflicting  in- 
terpretations as  to  its  meaning.  The  Amer- 
ican and  British  constructions  of  the  Agree- 
ment were  very  similar  to  the  demands  of 
the  smaller  powers.  Soviet  Russia,  however, 
insisted  that  it  had  never  made  any  such 
concession,  and  that  the  Great  Powers 
should  act  as  a  unit  in  any  and  all  action 
taken  by  the  Security  Council  with  refer- 
ence to  an  alleged  aggression. 

Clearly,  Marshal  Stalin  was  intent  upon 
preventing  even  the  discussion  of  issues 
arising  in  connection  with  the  former  Bal- 
tic States  or  with  Poland.  Equally  clearly 
other  nations — middle-sized  as  well  as  small 
— were  not  willing  to  permit  the  inter- 
national organization  to  be  thus  reduced  to 
what  seemed  hardly  more  than  a  hollow 
shell.  They  revived  once  more  one  of  the 
oldest  of  all  problems  in  politics:  Quis  cus- 
todiet  ipsos  custodes — "Who  will  be  the 
guardian  of  the  custodians  of  peace?" 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  President 
Truman  intervened  by  sending  abroad  the 
two  Americans  in  whom  the  Soviet  Premier 
had  shown  the  greatest  confidence:  Harry 


Hopkins  to  Moscow  and  former  Ambas- 
sador Joseph  E.  Davies  to  London.  In  a 
few  days  Mr.  Hopkins  had  achieved  one 
of  the  greatest  diplomatic  strokes  in  his- 
tory, for  the  Russian  delegation  at  San 
Francisco  gave  up  the  right  to  veto  on  all 
preliminaries  in  the  pacific  settlement  of 
disputes — reserving  only  a  right  to  object 
to  investigation  and  to  the  final  resort  to 
force. 

Thereupon,  the  astute  leaders  of  the 
smaller  nations  joined  with  other  liberaliz- 
ing forces  in  moves  to  make  the  preliminary 
steps  themselves  more  important  than  had 
been  the  case  hitherto.  The  main  effort  was 
concentrated  upon  extending  the  powers  of 
the  Assembly.  At  Dumbarton  Oaks  the 
Assembly  had  been  subordinated  distinctly 
to  the  Security  Council.  At  San  Francisco 


ANTHONY  EDEN 

British    Foreign    Secretary    and    chairman 
of  the  United  Kingdom  delegation 

this  was  changed.  After  a  long  struggle 
Australia  finally  won  a  reluctant  assent 
from  Russia  to  the  extension  of  the  As- 
sembly's functions  and  powers  so  that  it 
could  really  intervene  in  a  field  which  had 
been  staked  off  as  preserve  of  the  Security 
Council.  It  was  only  after  this  compromise 
that  the  Conference  was  ready  to  sign  the 
Charter. 

The  Article  which  contains  the  final 
agreement  of  the  Conference  (Article  10 
of  Chapter  IV),  reads  as  follows: 

"The  General  Assembly  may  discuss  any 
questions  or  any  matters  within  the  scope 
of  the  present  charter  or  relating  to  the 
powers  and  functions  of  any  organs  pro- 
vided in  the  present  charter,  and,  except  as 
provided  in  Article  12,*  may  make  recom- 
mendations to  the  members  of  the  United 
Nations  or  to  the  Security  Council  or  both 
on  such  questions  or  matters." 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that 
the  Assembly  is  primarily  a  debating  body 

*  This  Article  12  provides  that  the  Assembly  shall 
not  make  a  recommendation  with  regard  to  a  dispute 
if  it  is  under  consideration  by  the  Security  Council, 
unless  the  Security  Council  so  requests. 


and  that,  in  questions  of  security,  it  can 
make  only  recommendations.  Nevertheless, 
there  is  now  no  check  upon  free  discus- 
sion in  the  Assembly  of  all  the  problems 
which  bear  upon  the  maintenance  of  peace. 
If  the  resulting  mobilization  of  the  public 
opinion  of  mankind  should  have  no  influ- 
ence upon  the  decisions  of  the  Security 
Council,  our  conception  of  the  nature  of 
government  needs  revision. 

Pacific  Settlement  of  Disputes 

The  supreme  lesson  of  two  world  wars 
is  that  it  is  too  late  to  stop  a  war  after  the 
fighting  begins.  Nor  can  police  action  be 
regarded  as  other  than  an  exercise  of  force. 
Therefore,  the  only  sure  way  of  maintain- 
ing peace  is  to  anticipate  violence  by  re- 
sorting in  time  to  measures  of  pacific  set- 
tlement. Unless  there  is  adequate  provi- 
sion for  these  measures,  which  are  the  alter- 
natives for  force,  there  is  no  guarantee  of 
lasting  peace.  To  maintain  peace  the  Char- 
ter must  depend  more  upon  provisions  for 
peaceful  settlement  than  even  upon  final 
resort  to  force. 

These  provisions  are  set  forth  in  the  six 
articles  of  Chapter  VI  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco Charter.  The  text  follows  that  of 
Dumbarton  Oaks  but  with  changes  both 
in  emphasis  and  procedure. 

Thus  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  Proposals 
began  with  the  statement  that  the  Security 
Council  is  "empowered  to  investigate"  any 
dispute  which  might  lead  to  international 
friction.  Anyone  familiar  with  the  history 
of  Soviet  Russia  can  readily  see  how  this 
initial  phrase  might  be  misinterpreted  there 
— especially  as  the  Russian  translation 
would  naturally  put  an  emphasis  upon  the 
word  "empowered"  which  it  has  lost  in 
English.  The  phrasing  at  least  did  nothing 
to  uproot  any  suspicion  in  Moscow  that  the 
capitalist  governments  might  seek  occasion 
in  due  course  to  interfere  in  matters  which 
the  Russians  regarded  as  their  own  affairs. 

It   seems   like  a  small   matter  to  us  that 


HALIFAX  and  PAUL-BONCOUR 

The  Earl  of  Halifax,  British  Ambassador 

to  the  United  States,  talking  with  Joseph 

Paul-Boncour,     acting    chairman     of    the 

French  delegation 


312 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


I  the  word  "may"  was  substituted  for  the 
I  word  "empower,"  but  diplomacy  is  highly 
I  sensitive  to  the  overtones  of  words. 

It  is  the  first  article  (33)  of  Chapter  VI, 
J  which  throws  open  wide  the  doors  of  peace- 
I  ful  settlement: 

"1.  The  parties  to  any  dispute,  the  con- 

•  tinuance  of  which  is  likely  to  endanger  the 

•  maintenance    of    international    peace    and 
I  security,  shall,  first  of  all,  seek  a  solution 
I  by   negotiation,  inquiry,  mediation,  concil- 
I  iation,  arbitration,  judicial  settlement,  resort 
1  to   regional   agencies   or  arrangements,   or 
I  other  peaceful  means  of  their  own  choice. 

"2.  The  Security  Council  shall,  when  it 
I  deems  necessary,  call  upon  the  parties  to 
I  settle  their  dispute  by  such  means." 

This  text  is  perhaps  the  most  concen- 
I  trated  provision  of  the  whole  Charter.  Each 
I  of  the  devices  named  in  its  lexicon  of  so- 
|>  lutions  for  maintaining  peace  has  a  history 
I  and  a  technique  of  its  own. 

Negotiation   calls   for   the   action   of  for- 

[i  eign  offices  and  their  authorized  agencies. 

Inquiry    (notice    that    the    resort    is    not 

I  referred  to  here  as  investigation)  brings  in 

I  outsiders. 

Mediation  is  the  check  upon  hostilities. 
Conciliation  is  the  oldest  of  all  devices, 
yet    it    was    not    formally    accepted    as   the 
1   privilege  of  friendly  powers  until  the  mid- 
i]   die  of  the  nineteenth  century.    It  presents 
I    no  judgments  but  works  only  toward  agree- 
H   ment.   It  is,  however,  the  essential  first  step 
|j   toward 

Arbitration  —  which  follows  conciliation 
ij  with  the  acceptance  of  definite  judgments. 
Judicial  settlement,  contrary  to  wide- 
4  spread  American  opinion,  is  limited  to  but 
I  a  section  of  all  this  wide  area  of  pacific 
i  settlement. 

Finally  the  article  gives  up  the  effort  to 
I  describe  or  even  enumerate  all  the  methods 
I  to  be  followed  and  calls  upon  the  disputers 
I  to  use  any  "other  peaceful  means  of  their 
\  own  choice." 

The    second    paragraph    in    Article    33, 
which  states  that  the  Security  Council  may 
I    "call  upon  the  parties"  to  settle  their  dis- 
pute   by    the    means   indicated,   has    much 
I    more  to  it,  also,  than  appears  at  first  read- 
ing.  For  this  provision  is  the  link  between 
peaceful    settlement   and   police    action.     If 
I    the  disputing  powers  pay  no  attention  to 
the  summons,  the  Council  can  then  offer  a 
I    settlement  of  the  dispute  on  its  own  terms. 
(Article  37,  Section  2.) 

The  Charter  does  not  state  in  so  many 
words  that  a  nation  which  refuses  these 
pacific  means  of  settlement — and  which  re- 
sorts to  war  instead — is  an  aggressor.  That 
is  the  implication  in  both  Chapters  VI  and 
VII,  but  there  is  a  conscious  avoidance  of 
defining  aggression.  The  Protocol  of  Gen- 
eva was  simple  and  clear  upon  this  point 
and  it  would  have  strengthened  the  Char- 
ter to  have  faced  it  frankly. 

The  Use  of  Force 

This  brings  us  to  the  central  question  in 
the  minds  of  most  people — the  provisions 
for  the  use  of  force  to  preserve  peace.  These 
provisions  are  spelled  out  in  detail  in  the 
twelve  articles  of  Chapter  VII. 

Article   40    (Chapter   VII)    begins   with 

JULY     1945 


the  mild  provision  that  the  Security  Coun- 
cil may  request  the  parties  to  a  dispute  to 
comply  with  provisional  measures  without 
prejudicing  their  rights  or  claims.  Article 

41  goes  on  to  say   that  then  the   Security 
Council    "may    decide   what    measures   not 
involving  the  use  of  armed  force  are  to  be 
employed"  to  influence  the  disputants,  such 
as  "complete  or  partial  interruption  of  eco- 
nomic  relations."    Then  come  the  central 
articles  of  the  security  provisions— Articles 

42  and  43: 

ARTICLE  42 

"Should  the  Security  Council  consider 
that  measures  provided  for  in  Article  41 
would  be  inadequate,  or  have  proved  to  be 
inadequate,  it  may  take  such  action  by  air, 
sea  or  land  forces  as  may  be  necessary  to 
maintain  or  restore  international  peace  and 
security.  Such  action  may  include  demon- 
strations, blockade,  and  other  operations  by 
air,  sea  or  land  forces  of  members  of  the 
United  Nations." 

ARTICLE  43 

"1.  All  members  of  the  United  Nations, 
in  order  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of 
international  peace  and  security,  undertake 
to  make  available  to  the  Security  Council, 
on  its  call  and  in  accordance  with  a  special 
agreement  or  agreements,  armed  forces,  as- 
sistance, and  facilities,  including  rights  of 
passage,  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  main- 
taining international  peace  and  security. 

"2.  Such  agreement  or  agreements  shall 
govern  the  numbers  and  types  of  forces, 
their  degree  of  readiness  and  general  lo- 


cation, and  the  nature  of  the  facilities  and 
assistance  to  be  provided. 

"3.  The  agreement  or  agreements  shall 
be  negotiated  as  soon  as  possible  on  the 
initiative  of  the  Security  Council.  They  shall 
be  concluded  between  the  Security  Council 
and  member  states  or  between  the  Security 
Council  and  groups  of  member  staies  and 
shall  be  subject  to  ratification  by  the  vgna- 
tory  states  in  accordance  with  their  con- 
stitutional processes." 

It  is  impossible  in  this  short  survey  to 
analyze  these  commitments.  They  will  be 
discussed  many  times  over,  in  connection 
with  the  ratification  of  the  Charter.  The 
main  principles  of  the  commitments  are 
clear.  The  Charter  of  the  United  Nations 
has  improved  upon  Article  16  of  the  Cove- 
nant, which  contained  the  sanctions  of 
pacific  settlement  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
For  according  to  Article  16,  military  sanc- 
tions were  not  obligatory.  The  Council  of 
the  League  could  only  recommend  "what 
effective  military,  naval  or  air  force"  the 
members  of  the  League  should  contribute. 
Only  economic  sanctions  were  obligatory  in 
the  League. 

Therefore  it  has  been  commonly  asserted, 
and  with  reason,  that  the  Charter  has  more 
force  behind  it  than  was  provided  in  the 
Covenant.  But  in  the  history  of  the  League, 
Article  16  was  not  so  important  as  Article 
11,  which  dealt  "with  action  in  case  of  war 
or  threat  of  war."  No  article  in  the  San 
Francisco  Charter  is  quite  so  sweeping  as 
(Continued  on  page  333) 


V.  K.  WELLINGTON  KOO  (left)  and  T.  V.  SOONG 
Dr.  Koo,  Chinese  Ambassador  to  Britain;  Dr.  Soong,  Premier,  head  <?{  China's  delegation 


Lee  for   FSA 
There  are  those  who  urge  peacetime  military  service  as  a  way  of  keeping  800,000  to  1,000,000  youths  out  of  the  labor  market  each  year 

Why  Postwar  Conscription  Now? 

The  thoughful  view  of  an  educator,  who  urges  an  uneasy  America  to  scrutinize 
arguments  put  forth  for  taking  at  this  time  a  step  contrary  to  our  traditions. 


SHOULD  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE  DECIDE  NOW, 
prior  to  the  cessation  of  hostilities  and  prior 
to  accurate  knowledge  regarding  the  nature 
of  the  peace  that  will  follow  these  hostili- 
ties, to  introduce  a  postwar  program  of 
universal  military  training? 

The  serious  public  discussion  of  this 
question  illustrates  dramatically  the  con- 
trast between  the  spirit  of  1918  and  today. 
In  January  1918,  Woodrow  Wilson  pro- 
claimed his  fourteen  points  in  what  Charles 
Beard  describes  as  "ringing  periods  that 
flew  on  the  wings  of  lightning  to  the  re- 
mote corners  of  the  earth."  These  fourteen 
points  seemed  to  presage  an  era  of  democ- 
racy and  liberty,  the  end  of  imperialism, 
and  the  conclusion  of  wars  of  aggression. 

Since  nations  of  the  earth  were  hence- 
forth to  live  in  peace  and  good  will,  Amer- 
icans concluded  they  might  safely  beat  their 
swords  into  plowshares  and  their  spears 
into  pruning  hooks.  There  followed  dis- 
armament, isolationism,  and  passivism. 

No  such  confidence  exists  today.  On 
the  contrary,  Congress  is  contemplating 
passage  of  measures  that  would  commit  the 
American  people  to  a  postwar  program  of 
compulsory  military  service.  What  response 


V.  T.  THAYER 

do  we  encounter  to  these  suggestions? 

Our  official  military  spokesmen — I  use 
this  term  advisedly,  since  not  all  military 
authorities  are  of  one  mind — say  "Yes." 
Supporting  this  view  are  the  American  Le- 
gion, the  Veterans  of  Foreign  Wars,  the 
U.  S.  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  citizens' 
committees  that  favor  the  military  training 
of  young  men.  On  the  other  hand,  educators 
in  schools  and  colleges,  religious  leaders, 
spokesmen  for  the  AFL  and  the  CIO,  farm- 
ers' organizations,  and  other  citizen  groups 
say  "No." 

People    at    large    are    divided,    although 

— By  the  educational  director  of  the 
Ethical  Culture  Schools  in  New  York 
City,  and  associate  leader  of  the  Ethical 
Culture  Society.  A  schoolman  all  his  life, 
Mr.  Thayer  questions  the  educational 
benefits  of  military  training  as  a  virtue 
of  the  peacetime  draft;  he  demands  that 
we  be  honest  with  our  young  men  and 
face  fundamental  issues. 

Readers  will  recall  this  author's  in- 
formative summary  of  programs  for  the 
educational  reconstruction  of  European 
lands,  in  Survey  Graphic  for  November. 


polls  of  public  opinion  indicate  a  general 
disposition  "to  avoid  the  mistakes  of  last 
time"  and  to  accept  conscription  as  a  form 
of  war  risk  insurance.  In  short,  there  is  divi- 
sion of  opinion  and  considerable  confusion 
of  mind  on  the  part  of  the  average  citizen 
with  a  proneness  to  evade  cleari-cut  defi- 
nitions of  the  alternatives  which  actually 
confront  the  American  people. 

Opposing  Points  of  VieW 

This  confusion  of  mind  is  understand- 
able since  the  arguments  pro  and  con,  as 
presented  in  the  public  press  and  in  the 
hearings  conducted  in  June  before  the 
House  Committee  on  Postwar  Military 
Policy,  seem  to  checkmate  each  other.  For 
example,  Under  Secretary  of  State  Joseph 
C.  Grew  argued  that  our  obligations  under 
the  forthcoming  security  organization  ren- 
der military  training  essential,  whereas  the 
spokesmen  of  religious  and  educational 
groups  contend  that  to  reverse  our  tradi- 
tional American  policy  at  this  time  would 
be  a  declaration  of  lack  of  faith  in  the 
ability  of  an  international  organization  to 
assure  peace.  They  add,  moreover,  that  con- 
scription would  create  a  war  machine  out 


314 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


of  all  proportion  to  our  obligations  under 
a  security  pact. 

The  advocates  of  conscription  stress  its 
physical  and  disciplinary  benefits  to  young 
men  in  either  peace  or  war,  whereas  its 
opponents  hold  that  it  would  retard  rather 
than  further  health  programs  as  well  as 
the  cultural  and  educational  development 
of  youth. 

The  supporters  of  the  draft  urge  im- 
mediate action  as  an  earnest  indication  of 
our  determination  to  maintain  peace 
through  strength,  while  those  who  counsel 
delay  propose  as  a  substitute  for  immediate 
action  the  creation  of  a  national  commis- 
sion representative  of  many  interests — army, 
navy,  education,  business,  labor,  agriculture, 
and  religion — to  study  postwar  national  de- 
fense. 

Confusion  of  mind  also  results  from  the 
disposition  of  many  people  to  hope  for 
some  combination  of  military  conscription 
with  education  and  vocational  training. 
Many  who  would  otherwise  reject  military 
training  are  persuaded  to  see  some  good  in 
this  joint  program,  both  from  the  stand- 
point of  national  defense  and  the  youth 
concerned.  Thus,  when  postwar  conscrip- 
tion was  first  proposed,  President  Roosevelt 
hinted  vaguely  that  conscription  might  be 
associated  with  a  national  youth  program; 
and  public  school  superintendents,  in  re- 
sponse to  a  questionnaire  addressed  to  them 
by  the  National  Education  Association, 
have  voiced  considerable  sentiment  in  favor 
of  combining  with  military  training  a  pro- 
gram^ of  national  service  "on  useful  public 
projects"  and  camping  experiences  "which 
emphasize  such  things  as  health,  physical 
fitness,  outdoor  living,  recreation,  work  ex- 
perience, leadership  training  and  individual 
guidance." 

On  the  other  hand,  the  U.  S.  Chamber 
of  Commerce  and  the  American  Legion, 
as  well  as  all  who  fear  that  military  train- 
ing might  serve  as  an  excuse  for  reviving 
the  work  of  the  National  Youth  Adminis- 
tration, insist  that  there  be  no  boondoggling 
or  "socialistic"  experiments  in  connection 
with  conscription.  In  this,  they  are  assured 
the  support  of  educational  groups,  such  as 
the  National  Education  Association,  who 
fear  the  development  of  any  program  that 
might  lead  to  a  federal  system  of  educa- 
tion or  deprive  states  and  localities  of  an 
exclusive  control  over  the  administration  of 
either  general  or  vocational  education. 

Getting  Down  to  Essentials 

All  this  suggests  the  importance  of  high- 
lighting the  issues  that  Americans  must 
accept  or  reject. 

The  late  Secretary  Knox,  speaking  for 
the  navy,  and  General  Marshall  for  the 
army,  advocated  one  year's  training  at 
either  seventeen  or  eighteen  for  boys  who 
meet  the  essential  physical  standards.  Meas- 
ures introduced  in  the  last  Congress,  the 
Wadsworth  and  the  May  bills,  omitted  pro- 
vision for  both  conscientious  objectors  and 
the  physically  unfit.  Our  military  leaders 
state  quite  bluntly  that  they  wish  to  as- 
sume no  responsibility  for  either  a  reme- 
dial health  program  or  a  system  of  general 
vocational  education. 

Since,  moreover,  it  is  highly  questionable 


that  the  courts  would  uphold  the  consti- 
tutional right  of  Congress  to  conscript 
young  men  in  peacetime  for  education  or 
for  work  projects  on  the  public  domain, 
the  prospects  of  including  allied  programs 
of  education  or  of  public  service  in  con- 
junction with  conscription  are  by  no  means 
certain. 

Fundamentally  we  face  two  questions: 

1.  Are  we  sufficiently  certain  at  the  mo- 
ment of  the  character  of  the  peace  to  follow 
this  war  that  our  people  should  adopt  ex- 
'treme  measures  for  national  security  now? 

2.  Granted  that  a  high  degree  of  military 
preparedness    is    essential    in    the    postwar 
world,  is  compulsory  military  training  the 
wisest  policy  to  adopt? 

Stated  thus,  we  can  avoid  befuddlement 
regarding  the  so-called  educational  benefits 
of  military  training.  Let  us  be  honest  with 
our  young  people.  If  it  be  true  that  na- 
tional survival  demands  their  sacrifice,  why 
should  we  not  look  them  squarely  in  the 
eye  and  request  it  of  them?  In  any  event, 
let  us.  not  be  hypocritical  not  try  to  delude 
them  with  false  rationalizations. 

Military  Discipline 

What  are  some  of  these  false  "rationali- 
zations?" 

First  comes  the  argument  for  discipline. 
For  example,  Congressman  Costello  of  the 
House  Military  Affairs  Committee  stated: 
"The  sound  discipline  of  military  training 
will  produce  a  most  salutary  result  in  our 
youth  who,  too  often,  due  to  broken  homes 
or  inadequate  parental  supervision,  lack  all 
sense  of  discipline.  In  each  young  man  will 
be  emphasized  the  respect  for  authority,  at- 
tention to  duty,  obedience  to  superiors,  and 
faithful  execution  of  orders." 

Perhaps;  but  many  will  question  the 
wisdom  of  imposing  upon  all  young  people 
measures  that  are  at  best  applicable  to  the 
few.  Not  all  homes  are  broken,  nor  are  all 
parents  neglectful  of  their -children.  As  we 
know,  this  offense  applies  only  to  the  family 
next  door!  Moreover,  in  those  instances  in 
which  children  are  delinquent  because  pa- 
rental affection  and  guidance  are  wanting 
or  misplaced,  the  cure  is  not  of  necessity 
military  discipline. 

For  the  one  immature  individual  who 
thrives  under  military  routine  with  its  regi- 
mentation and  subordination  there  are  many 
for  whom  this  experience  results  in  stunted, 
if  not  retarded,  development.  On  occasion 
the  military  camp  may  bring  companion- 
ship and  affection  to  the  emotionally  and. 
socially  undernourished  individual,  and  he 
will  respond  as  we  all  respond  to  the  reali- 
zation that  we  are  needed.  But  this  is  a 
happy  accident,  not  a  product  native  to 
military  training.  Indeed,  the  low  state  of 
morale  in  the  training  camps  prior  to  Pearl 
Harbor  and,  we  may  add,  the  disturbing 
moral  conditions  that  frequently  prevailed 
when  men  were  off  duty,  are  more  logically 
the  derivatives  of  military  training  and  mili- 
tary discipline  when  only  a  hypothetical 
enemy  is  beating  upon  the  gates. 

By  and  large  the  discipline  of  the  army 
camp  is  not  calculated  to  instill  the  qualities 
of  character  essential  for  responsible  citizen- 
ship. The  disciplined  citizen  takes  his  orders 
from  within,  not  from  without.  The  Greeks 


recognized  this  when  they  gave  to  the 
term  "obey"  the  meaning  "be  persuaded" 
or  "to  persuade  oneself." 

Civilian  Discipline 

What  then  becomes  of  the  military  vir- 
tues that  Congressman  Costello  considered 
so  essential  for  our  democracy? 

Do  free  men  not  need  to  respect  author- 
ity? By  all  means.  But  they  must  likewise 
possess  the  will  and  the  wisdom  to  oppose 
misplaced  authority. — To  give  attention  to 
duty?  To  be  sure,  provided  it  be  duty 
understood  and  for  that  reason  self-imposed. 
— To  obey  their  superiors?  Certainly,  so 
long  as  these  superiors  are  worthy  and  com- 
petent and  thus  eligible  for  retention  as 
superiors. — To  execute  orders  faithfully? 
Yes,  indeed,  provided  these  orders  conform 
to  that  higher  law  which  William  Seward 
in  his  famous  speech  on  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Act  insisted  even  Americans,  on  rare  occa- 
sions, must  respect  and  obey,  if  need  be,  in 
preference  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

Military  discipline  is  not  identical  with 
the  requirements  of  dicipline  in  civil  life. 
Why  should  it  be?  The  purpose  of  military 
discipline  is  to  simplify  action  so  that  men 
can  fight  and  kill  efficiently,  unhampered 
by  disturbing  inquiry  or  normal  compunc- 
tion.. It  is  of  a  different  order  from  the 
discipline  that  makes  for  intimate,  whole- 
some, and  satisfying  relations  between  peo- 
ple in  family  and  neighborhood,  or  for  the 
more  impersonal  associations  of  business, 
professional,  and  political  life. 

We  do  not  need  military  training  in 
order  to  prepare  young  men  for  civilian  life. 
There  is  also  some  reason  for  believing  that 
modern  conditions  of  mechanized  warfare 
render  conventional  notions  of  military 
training  out  of  date. 

Compare,  for  example,  the  German  and 
the  American  soldier.  The  German  was 
the  ideal  product  of  military  discipline,  the 
American  not.  And,  for  this  reason,  the 
American  exercised  an  initiative  and  a  re- 
sourcefulness totally  lacking  in  the  German. 
Harold  Denny,  writing  for  The  New  Yor^ 
Times  from  the  Ardennes,  pointed  out  that 
the  American  lacked  utterly  the  abject  sub- 
ordination to  authority  so  characteristic  of 
the  German.  The  American,  said  Denny,  is 
an  individualist  and,  for  this  reason,  he  is 
less  likely  to  be  bewildered  and  discouraged 
by  a  new  and  unexpected  situation. 

Indeed,  Denny  attributed  the  American's 
success  to  qualities  precisely  the  opposite  of 
those  extolled  by.  ardent  advocates  of  mili- 
tary training.  It  is  the  American's  self- 
reliance  and  initiative  that  enable  him  to 
carry  on  in  desperate  emergencies  when  he 
must  think  for  himself.  The  American  is 
"critical  of  his  officers  and  unwilling  to 
respect  their  rank  alone,"  Denny  ^continued. 
"In  a  tight  place  American  soldiers  have 
been  known  to  disregard  an  incompetent  or 
cowardly  officer  and  take  over  command 
for  the  duration  of  that  particular  emer- 
gency." This  trait  makes  for  lack  of  dis- 
cipline, but  "it  certainly  keeps  officers  up 
to  scratch."  On  the  other  hand,  the  Amer- 
ican soldier  is  wholesouled  in  "admiration 
for  a  man  he  is  willing  to  consider  as  good 
as  he  is." 


JULY     1945 


315 


The  value  of  compulsory  military  train- 
ing as  a  means  for  discipline  and  character 
development  in  thus  highly  questionable. 

Making  Better  Citizens? 

We  are  told  that  military  training  will 
raise  the  level  of  citizenship.  The  late  Secre- 
tary Knox  wrote  that  it  would  help  young 
men  "to  find  a  purpose  in  life,  a  place  in 
society,"  and  other  enthusiasts  have  added 
that  it  would  "promote  a  law-abiding  citi- 
zenry." 

On  the  other  hand,  sincere  and  competent 
students  of  human  nature  fear  precisely 
the  opposite  outcome.  For  example,  the 
distinguished  sociologist,  Charles  A.  Ell- 
wood,  holds  that  military  training  may 
render  more  violent  such  conflicts  as  those 
between  capital  and  labor  and  rival  racial 
groups.  Thus,  he  states,  "When  the  whole 
population  has  been  trained  to  the  use  of 
armed  force,  they  naturally  resort  to  armed 
force  as  a  political  weapon." 

Doubtless  both  of  these  assertions  are 
overly  partisan.  Military  training,  like  any 
experience,  affects  individuals  differently. 
It  is  conceivable  that  the  routine  and  regi- 
mentation of  the  army  camp  will  meet  the 
mental  hygiene  needs  of  a  small  number  of 
insecure  and  immature  individuals.  This 
same  discipline,  together  with  the  cram- 
ming, learning  by  rote  and  the  mastery  of 
specific  operations  without  inquiry  into 
underlying  principles,  will  run  counter  to 
the  needs  of  others.  So,  too,  these  two 
groups  will  vary  in  their  response  to  the 
indoctrination  that  Secretary  Knox  evidently 
identified  with  instruction  in  citizenship. 

In  one  respect,  conscription  can  contribute 
toward  democratic  understanding.  I  refer  to 
the  mingling  in  camp  of  young  men  from 
varied  backgrounds  and  all  economic  and 
social  groups.  In  Switzerland,  we  are  told, 
this  experience  has  exercised  a  positive 
democratic  influence.  At  best,  however,  this 
is  but  a  rudimentary  step  in  a  genuine  edu- 
cation for  citizenship.  To  assume  that  in 
itself  it  will  produce  the  qualities  essential 
for  responsible  citizenship  is  naive  indeed. 

Nor  is  there  anything  in  the  military 
camp  designed  to  inculcate  the  habits  and 
the  ideals  which  constitute  the  heart  of 
democratic  procedure:  the  conference  meth- 
od and  the  spirit  of  compromise,  a  willing- 
ness to  talk  things  over  and,  in  the  course 
of  discussion,  to  search  for  an  understand- 
ing of  the  other  fellow's  point  of  view  in 
the  hope  that  imagination  and  good  will 
may  create  solutions  that  can  harmonize 
warring  interests. 

Not  a  Health  Measure 

The  argument  that  universal  military 
training  will  raise  the  health  level  of  our 
people  is  also  at  best  an  exaggeration.  It  is 
true  an  annual  inventory  of  rejections,  with 
their  causes,  might  serve  a  useful  purpose. 
But  to  introduce  military  training  for  this 
purpose  is  both  a  costly  and  a  complicated 
method  of  confirming  the  fact  that  the 
barn  is  locked  after  the  horse  is  stolen. 

In  plain  fact,  there  is  danger  that  reliance 
upon  military  training  as  a  means  for  im- 
proving the  -health  of  our  people  would  re- 
tard health  measures  at  points  where  they 
are  badly  needed.  The  easy  assumption  that 


one  year  of  military  training  can  offset  the 
failure  of  home,  school,  and  community 
might  encourage  us  to  neglect  health  pro- 
grams at  their  most  crucial  point — in  the 
early  years  of  childhood.  It  is  in  these  years, 
rather  than  at  eighteen  and  thereafter,  that 
the  health  of  our  nation  is  determined. 
Nourishing  food,  hygienic  conditions  in 
home  and  community,  assured  medical  care, 
good  housing,  and  a  sound  educational  and 
recreational  program  constitute  the  condi- 
tions of  good  health. 

And  what  of  the  emotional  and  social ' 
foundations  of  good  health?  George  Soule 
wisely  remarks,  "There  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  the  army  routine  does  anything 
for  the  mental  or  emotional  health  of  most 
of  those  who  experience  it;  sometimes  it 
produces  neurotic  injury."  Obviously,  mili- 
tary training  can  not  reach  back  and  cor- 
rect one  of  the  most  ominous  and  numerous 
causes  for  rejection  from  the  army — those 
that  originate  in  psychoneurotic  difficulties. 
For  example,  out  of  4,000,000  rejections 
between  April  1942  and  March  1943,  30 
percent  were  ascribed  to  mental  as  dis- 
tinct from  physical  causes. 

There  is  no  assurance,  then,  that  com- 
pulsory military  training  would  noticeably 
improve  health  conditions  for  youth  as  a 
whole.  Its  benefits  would  undoubtedly  be 
restricted  to  those  who  meet  the  physical 
requirements  of  the  draft.  And  it  would 
affect  only  by  neglect  the  health  needs  of 
girls  and  young  women. 

Will-o'-the-Wisp  Training 

Americans  are  properly  impressed  with 
the  rapid  and  efficient  manner  in  which  the 
army  and  the  navy  have  acquainted  young 
men  with  the  skills  essential  to  perform  the 
highly  specialized  operations  of  modern 
war.  So  hypnotized  indeed  are  some  by 
this  success  that  they  would  make  over 
the  work  of  our  schools  in  the  image  of 
army  instruction.  It  is  not  surprising  there- 
fore to  encounter  the  argument  that  com- 
pulsory military  training  can  serve  both  a 
military  and  a  vocational  function. 

This  overlooks  certain  pertinent  facts.  In 
the  first  place,  the  army  and  navy  programs 
are  not  weighed  down  at  present  by  a  dual 
purpose.  They  center  instead  upon  the 
skills  and  techniques  required  for  specific 
performance  as  defined  by  the  rapidly 
changing  requirements  of  war.  No  time  is 
wasted  in  developing  either  the  theory  or 
the  basic  understanding  essential  for  flexible 
adjustment  to  change  and  progress.  Re- 
search and  inquiry,  in  short  the  genuinely 
educational  functions,  are  assigned  to  spe- 
cialists. As  machines  are  outmoded  or  de- 
mands on  the  front  change,  men  are  shifted 
from  one  operation  to  another,  often  at 
great  personal  loss  in  time  and  training. 
But  this  is  inevitable,  since  wars  are  not 
won  by  consulting  the  interests  and  needs 
of  the  individual. 

Vocational  education  for  civilians,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  an  altogether  different  prob- 
lem. Success  turns  upon  securing  a  general 
understanding  of  basic  principles  that  cut 
through  specific  operations  and  are  applic- 
able to  what  we  might  term  families  of  oc- 
cupations. The  individual  is  thus  prepared 
to  meet  new  conditions  and  at  best  to  be- 


come  the    master   and   not   the    servant   of 
change. 

The  notion  that  valuable  vocational  train- 
ing and  guidance  can  be  combined  with 
compulsory  military  training  is  a  dangerous 
will-o'-the-wisp.  It  will  not  stand  inspection 
as  a  sound  procedure  for  the  mass  of  indi- 
viduals affected.  It  can  not  benefit  young 
men  who  will  enter  the  professions  or  occu- 
pations that  call  for  a  different  order  of 
skills.  Nor  can  anyone  trained  for  a  brief 
period  in  the  specific  operations  appropriate 
to  military  performance  be  assured  that 
these  will  correspond  to  the  most  up-to-date 
methods  in  business  and  industry  or,  for 
that  matter,  in  war  shortly  thereafter. 

Each  to  His  Last 

We  should  hesitate  to  delegate  training 
other  than  military  to  the  military.  The 
American  people  should  deliberate  long  and 
prayerfully  before  they  entrust  a  national 
system  of  vocational  education  to  our  mili- 
tary establishment,  thus  taking  education 
away  from  the  localities  and  the  specific 
characteristics  and  needs  of  the  civilian 
vocations. 

To  associate  general  vocational  education 
with  military  training  is  questionable  from 
an  educational  point  of  view.  It  is  also  a 
doubtful  military  expedient,  since  it  would 
require  military  leaders  to  combine  two 
quite  different  functions.  The  army  realizes 
this  and  asks  that  it  be  permitted  to  stick 
to  its  last.  Moreover,  as  Hanson  Baldwin 
has  pointed  out,  many  military  leaders  fear 
that  the  training  of  large  masses  of  men 
each  year  will  keep  experienced  officers  so 
busy  that  they  will  lack  time  and  oppor- 
tunity to  study  the  tactics  and  strategy 
which  alone  can  keep  our  military  equip- 
ment up-to-date  and  the  personnel  ever  on 
its  toes. 

And  need  I  mention  the  very  real  danger 
that  conscription  will  foster  the  growth  of 
powerful  groups  and  establishments,  with 
huge  investments  and  active  interests  in 
equipment  and  supply,  that  would  operate 
to  retard  the  innovation,  inventiveness  and 
initiative  demanded  in  modern  war?  In 
this  connection  we  cannot  afford  to  ignore 
the  experience  of  France  under  conscrip- 
tion, where  an  entrenched  bureaucracy  op- 
posed both  new  ideas  and  new  military 
equipment.  What  leads  us  to  believe  that 
we  shall  withstand  better  than  she  the  cor- 
rosive influences  of  a  military  bureaucracy? 
Or  development  within  and  outside  the 
government  of  special  interest  groups  who 
organize  to  resist  change  and  to  perpetuate 
old  methods  and  defunct  equipment?  Or 
the  exercise  of  influence  that  wins  promo- 
tion without  respect  to  ability  or  fails  to 
weed  out  incompetence? 

It  is  by  no  means  self-evident  that  we 
should  have  been  better  prepared  to  fight 
this  war  had  we  introduced  military  train- 
ing immediately  following  the  first  World 
War.  Who  knows  how  badly  this  would 
have  weighed  us  down  with  antiquated 
equipment  and  still  more  antiquated  officer 
personnel?  It  was,  rather,  the  depression 
with  its  debilitating  effects  upon  American 
industry  and  technically  equipped  man- 
power, which  caused  our  preparedness  pro- 
(Continued  on  page  336) 


316 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


minimi 


Photos  by   Croswell    Bowen 
View  from  George  Washington  Bridge  of  the  lower  end  of  the  great  recreational  preserve  along  the  Hudson  River 

The  Palisades— 3d  Call 


First  came  the  clash  with  the  quarrymen;  then  with  the  speculative  builders; 
and  now  with  what  might  be  called  the  highwaymen  of  the  motor  age. 


BoRN    AND   BROUGHT    UP   AS   I    WAS    IN   ENGLE- 

wood,  New  Jersey — a  mile  down  into  the 
Hackensack  valley  from  the  summit  of  the 
Palisades — I  have  for  thirty  years  walked 
with  my  friends  and  family  over  every 
part  of  these  magnificent  cliffs.  This  water- 
front of  rock,  with  its  ninety  degree  preci- 
pice, stretches  for  almost  thirteen  miles 
along  the  Hudson  River,  from  just  south 
of  the  George  Washington  Bridge  tf  just 
north  of  the  New  Jersey-New  York  State 
line.  It  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and 
exciting  tracts  readily  available  to  the  urban 
public  in  America — or  in  the  entire  world. 

A  stone's  throw  from  the  millions  of 
city  dwellers  that  make  up  Greater  New 
York,  the  Palisades  are  nonetheless  still 
comparatively  neglected,  and  for  a  third 
time  confront  new  hazards  to  their  sheer 
natural  beauty. 

I  have  never  tired  of  roaming  throughout 
the  district — from  the  heights  of  Fort  Lee, 
where  Cornwallis  drove  Washington  into 
retreat,  northward  to  the  famous  Indian's 
Head  cliff  at  the  far  end  of  the  Palisades. 
These  walks  have  invariably  revealed  some 
fresh  aspect  of  woodland  charm,  of  rocky 
structure  and  river  grace.  Happily,  to  date 
suburban  real  estate  development  in  New 
Jersey  has  affected  the  area  but  little  and 
the  entire  range  of  cliffs  is  almost  as  wild 
and  unspoiled  as  it  was  during  my  boyhood. 

All   the   more    their   future   is   a   charge 


CORLISS  LAMONT 

on  those  of  us  who  know  the  refreshment 
they  can  bring  and  who  prize  their  en- 
chantment, to  report  there  is  imminent 
danger  that  intruding  pressures  of  our 
motor  age  may  do  permanent  and  needless 
injury  to  the  incomparable  Palisades. 

— The  cause  of  uncounted  hikers  and 
lovers  of  the  outdoors  is  here  espoused 
by  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  an  alumnus 
of  Harvard  ('24),  and  post  graduate 
student  at  Oxford  and  Columbia.  He  has 
taught  at  three  universities,  Columbia, 
Cornell,  and  Harvard.  Since  1943,  he 
has  been  chairman  of  the  National 
Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship 
and  is  at  work  on  a  new  volume,  entitled 
"The  Peoples  of  the  Soviet  Union,"  to  be 
published  by  Harcourt,  Brace. 

Here  he  writes  of  the  outdoors  he 
knew  as  a  boy — and  its  conservation. 

In  1928,  Survey  Graphic  brought  out 
an  article  by  Loula  Lasker,  associate 
editor:  "Those  Private  Palisades."  With 
construction  of  the  George  Washington 
Bridge,  the  fate  of  the  cliffs  was  then 
a  second  time  at  stake.  This  led  to  active 
espousal  by  a  committee  under  the  chair- 
manship of  the  late  Walter  F.  Kidde, 
New  Jersey  engineer,  and  played  a  part 
in  the  salvage  of  a  great  natural  resource 
by  John  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr. 


But  first  let  me  sketch  this  great  recre- 
ational preserve.  A  mile  across  the  river 
from  upper  Manhattan,  this  is  one  of  the 
five  main  divisions  of  the  Palisades  Inter- 
state Park.  The  other  four  divisions  are  in 
New  York  State  and  run  as  far  north  as 
Storm  King  Mountain.  Most  of  the  Pali- 
sades section  itself  falls  in  New  Jersey,  but 
lies  close  to  the  state  border.  And  the 
scenic  splendor  of  this  outstanding  geologic 
feature  of  America's  eastern  seaboard  is 
practically  part  of  New  York  City's  exten- 
sive park  system.  Moreover,  with  the  in- 
finite diversity  of  the  Palisades  terrain,  no 
other  metropolis,  here  or  abroad,  can  match 
such  varied  outdoor  pleasures  amid  such 
thrilling  surroundings,  or  so  close  to  home. 

Yet  at  no  time  has  popular  use  of  the 
Palisades  Park  measured  up  to  its  possi- 
bilities— regardless  of  the  advantage  that  it 
is  usable  at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  Right 
now,  and  for  the  next  two  months,  during 
the  long,  fine  days  of  summer,  the  Palisades 
will  in  many  ways  be  at  their  best  for  walks 
and  picnics  and  general  enjoyment. 

Too  many  native  New  Yorkers  have  had 
their  chief  and  only  impression  of  them  by 
looking  across  the  Hudson  from  upper 
Riverside  Drive  and  from  points  north  as 
far  as  Dobbs  Ferry.  The  panoramic  view 
from  across  the  river  has  been  shared  by 
countless  visitors  from  the  West,  who  from 
the  windows  of  New  York  Central  trains 


JULY     1945 


317 


have  caught  glimpses  of  the  grandeur  of 
this  wall  of  rock.  But  only  one  who  has 
actually  tramped  the  Palisades,  who  has 
hiked  along  some  section  at  top  or  bottom 
or  clambered  up  the  steep  ravines  and 
trails,  can  fully  appreciate  the  surprise  and 
wonder  of  this  unrivaled  segment  of  our 
natural  world. 

The  Crest — and  Its  Lookouts 

Along  the  top,  between  the  edge  of  the 
cliffs  and  Route  9W  (the  motor  road  that 
parallels  the  river  to  the  west),  there  is  a 
luxuriant  forest  strip.  This  varies  in  width 
from  a  tenth  to  a  fourth  of  a  mile  and  is 
interspersed  with  springy,  pine-carpeted 
trails  hemmed  by  flowers  and  undergrowth. 
Following  a  narrow  path  near  the  brink  of 
the  cliff,  you  come  every  hundred  yards  or 
so  upon  lovely  natural  lookouts,  often  half- 
hidden  in  the  foliage.  These  yield  long, 
leisurely  views  up  and  down  and  across 
the  river,  sometimes  taking  in  the  Bridge 
and  the  uptown  skyline  of  New  York  and 
on  clear  days  reaching  to  the  Oiher  side  of 
Long  Island  Sound. 

Here,  too,  there  are  breath-taking  mo- 
ments as  you  peer  over  the  edge — down 
four  or  five  hundred  feet  to  the  water  level 
— or  admire,  to  left  and  right,  the  sheer 
drop  of  the  precipice  and  the  lofty  stone 
columns  that  rise  in  many  a  strange  and 
picturesque  shape  from  the  base  of  the 
wall.  Great  oaks  and  pines  rival  these  col- 
umns in  height,  while  lesser  trees  grow  at 
every  conceivable  angle  from  every  possible 
crevice.  Even  the  dead  trees,  losers  in  a 


Keys  to  the  Palisades 

New  Yorkers  who  want  to  begin  their 
adventures  farther  north  than  the  George 
Washington  Bridge  may  take  Bus  86,  leav- 
ing every  20  minutes  from  the  New  York 
side;  and  go  along  Route  9W  as  far  as 
Englewood  Cliffs  at  Palisade  Avenue,  a 
mere  12-minute  ride.  From  here  it  is  a 
short  walk  to  the  edge  of  the  cliff  or  down 
to  the  river  near  the  Dyckman  Street  Ferry. 
If  you  don't  wish  to  carry  your  lunch  or 
supper  with  you,  you  can  come  back  to 
Palisade  Avenue  at  9W  and  obtain  an  ex- 
cellent meal  at  either  of  two  Italian  res- 
taurants on  the  corner. 

The  best  bus  of  the  pack,  however,  is 
the  Rockland  Coach  Company's  fast-travel- 
ing Nyack  Express,  which  leaves  the  New 
York  Bridge  Plaza  at  25  minutes  past  every 
hour  and  runs  back  to  the  city,  also  on  an 
hourly  schedule.  This  bus  will  let  you  off 
or  on  almost  anywhere  along  9W  and  is 
the  favorite  mode  of  conveyance  for  pres- 
ent-day Palisades  hikers.  The  fare  to  the 
northern  limits  of  the  Palisades  section  of 
the  park  is  46  cents,  and  the  time  about  25 
minutes.  On  week-ends  and  holidays  it  is 
advisable,  because  of  possible  crowding,  to 
board  your  bus  at  20  past  the  hour  at  the 
regular  terminal  at  167th  Street  off  Broad- 
way. 

The  Yonkers-AIpine  Ferry  runs  every  30 
minutes  from  either  side  of  the  Hudson. 
You  can  reach  the  ferry  in  about  35  min- 
utes by  means  of  any  local  train  to  Yonkers 
(33  cents  from  Grand  Central  and  23  cents 
from  125th  Street)  and  then  take  a  five- 
minute  walk  from  the  station. 


.plucky  fight  to  survive,  contribute  to  the 
living  beauty  of  the  place.  Grey,  weather- 
beaten,  often  grotesque,  they  crop  out  from 
rocky  ramparts  like  gargoyles  from  a 
cathedral. 

Every  lookout  commands  a  different  vista. 
Some  jut  like  the  prow  of  a  ship,  others 
afford  a  wide  shelf  with  soft  grassy  turf  and 
satiny  moss  reaching  almost  to  the  brim. 
All  are  places  which  tempt  you  to  linger 
for  hours,  alone  or  in  company,  watching 
the  boats  go  by  on  the  Hudson,  the  long 
trains  rumble  up  and  down  the  opposite 
shore,  the  restless  shift  of  light  and  shade 
on  the  river  below  and  on  the  distant  hills. 

No  more  appropriate  spot  could  be  found 
for  a  modern  Omar  Khayyam  to  take  his 
ease  .  than  these  quiet  watch-towers  along 
the  crest  of  the  Palisades.  Lying  on  your 
back  you  look  up  at  pale  blue  sky  and  white 
masses  of  clouds  of  every  imaginable  shape. 
Behind  you,  the  breeze  stirs  an  incompar- 
able rustle  of  leaves  and  swaying  branches. 
Birds  call  and  crickets  add  a  lazy  note.  A 
smell  of  primrose  hangs  upon  the  air;  and 
the  air  itself — clear  and  pure  on  these 
heights — is  good  to  breathe,  and  gives  a 
sense  of  freedom  and  well-being. 

Down  on  the  river,  small  sailboats  tack 
against  the  wind.  Canoes  hug  the  Palisades 
shore.  Busy  motor  boats  leave  them  both 
behind,  along  with  the  long,  slow  barges, 
filled  with  gravel  or  stone,  which  are 
pushed  or  pulled  by  puffing  tugs.  In 
wartime,  sea-going  army  transports  and 
troopships  have  weighed  anchor  from  the 
George  Washington  Bridge  down  to  Ho- 
boken;  but  in  normal  times  the  ranking 
craft  are  river  steamers  of  the  New  York- 
Albany  lines,  usually  crowded  with  sight- 
seeing passengers.  These  set  going  a  foam- 
ing wake  from  the  center  of  the  stream  to 
the  bank  beneath  you.  At  length,  mini- 
ature waves  break  on  the  shore  and  their 
faint,  familiar  sound  carries  to  your  lookout 
on  the  cliff. 

At  the  Base  of  the  Cliffs 

The  bottom  of  the  Palisades  is  just  as 
fascinating  as  the  top.  So  are  the  slopes. 
For  example,  at  one  point  or  another  you 
will  surely  want  to  investigate  the  huge 
rock-piles  along  the  waterfront.  These  im- 
mense masses  of  boulders,  heaped  one  upon 
the  other  in  profuse  and  wayward  splendor, 
are  simply  broken-off  sections  of  the  cliffs 
— pried  loose  by  erosion,  sliding  some  day 
or  night  with  a  mighty  roar  and  sweeping 
down  trees,  underbrush  and  everything  else 
in  their  path.  Some  such  landslides  occurred 
clearly  in  the  distant  past;  others  are  of 
recent  origin.  One  took  place  opposite 
North  Yonkers  after  a  storm  in  1938.  This 
was  just  prior  to  the  Munich  Conference 
and  left  a  configuration  of  rock  resembling, 
of  all  things,  the  face  of  Adolf  Hitler! 

Unfortunately,  the  Dyckman  Street  Ferry, 
one  of  the  best  approaches  to  the  Inter- 
state Park  from  Manhattan,  has  been  closed 
for  the  duration.  But  there  are  other  fairly 
cheap  and  convenient  ways  of  getting  to 
the  Palisades.  In  fact,  all  a  New  Yorker 
has  to  do  is  to  take  any  bus  going  across 
the  George  Washington  Bridge  and  get  off 
on  the  other  side.  The  best  walking  here- 
abouts is  to  be  found  at  the  bottom  of  the 


cliff.  A  quarter  of  a  mile  to  the  north,  a 
stone  staircase  leads  down  to  die  broad  dirt- 
and-stone  'padi  alongside  die  Hudson  which 
stretches  die  enure  length  of  die  Palisades. 
In  its  course  diis  path  leads  past  play- 
grounds and  pavilions,  picnic  grounds  and 
bathing  beaches.  (The  water  is  radier  dirty 
and  a  decade  from  now  a  civic  movement 
will  be  due  to  clean  up  the  Hudson  on 
behalf  of  swimmers.) 

No  fires  are  permitted  on  the  top  of  the 
Palisades;  although  sandwiches  and  beer 
are  in  order  in  an  atmosphere  of  untram- 
meled  loveliness.  Along  the  waterfront  it- 
self, small  stone  fireplaces  have  been  con- 
structed in  many  spots,  with  iron  grills  on 
which  the  amateur  can  try  his  skill. 

The  Northern  Terrain 

There  are  other  entrances  to  the  treasures 
of  die  Palisades  [see  box]  for  diose  who 
have  already  explored  the  nearer  reaches 
from  George  Washington  Bridge;  or  those 
who  would  experience  the  pleasantest  ap- 
proach of  all  via  the  Yonkers-Alpine  Ferry. 
Crossing  the  river  at  this  point,  you  see  the 
Palisades  in  all  their  glory  as  the  ferry 
traverses  the  mile  of  mildly  flowing  water 
and,  on  Sundays,  a  run-down  Italian  or- 
chestra (an  accordion  and  two  violins)  plays 
sweet-sounding  music  reminiscent  of  pre- 
war days.  In  1776,  during  the  early  months 
of  the  American  Revolution,  Cornwallis 
came  across  the  Hudson  here,  spent  a  night 
on  die  New  Jersey  side  in  an  old  stone 
house  now  marked  with  a  commemorative 
tablet,  and  then  climbed  the  Palisades  to 
march  south  against  Washington, 

For  a  distance  of  five  miles  north  of  the 
Alpine  Ferry  slip  there  lies  perhaps  the 
most  superb  stretch  of  the  entire  Palisades. 
Along  die  top  of  this  section  are  many  of 
the  finest  lookouts  and  views,  as  well  as 
die  cliffs'  high  point  of  530  feet  (three  miles 
above  Alpine)  where  the  main  boulevard 
sweeps  out  to  the  edge.  Meanwhile,  if  you 
walk  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  north  and 
then  turn  back  you  can  see  the  profile  of 
a  hook-nosed  Indian  jutting  out  from  the 
mountain  wall. 

Still  farther  north  you  arrive  at  a  small 
monument  marking  the  boundary  between 
New  Jersey  and  New  York  and  find  near-by 
a  path  down  to  the  river.  This  connects 
with  the  regular  Hudson  trail  which  goes 
north  for  half  a  mile  to  Sneden's  Landing* 
where  in  1780  Major  Andre  was  brought  in 
a  boat  on  his  way  to  be  tried  at  Tappan 
(New  York). 

The  trail  along  die  Hudson  south  of  the 
state  line  leads  through  the  recent  land- 
slide (with  Hitler's  face  above  it)  and  past 
odier  rock-piles  of  even  greater  size  and  in- 
terest. One  of  these  extends  for  a  full  half 
mile  along  die  base  of  the  Palisades;  and 
through  it  winds  the  exciting  section  of  the 
trail  known  as  the  Giant  Stair  which  looks 
up  to  the  precipice  itself,  rising  sheer  to  its 
greatest  height.  Here  you  get  an  overwhelm- 
ing impression  of  rugged  might,  especially 
in  winter  when  there  is  no  foliage  to  soften 
the  austere  effect  of  the  cliff. 
At  other  seasons,  in  striking  contrast  to 

*  From  Sneden's  Landing  you  can  walk  west  to 
Route  9W  and  once  an  hour  pick  up  the  Nyack 
Express  en  route  to  -New  York. 


318 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


the  Giant  Stair,  you  see  the  soft  and  lovely 
greensward  to  the  south  called  Forest  View. 
Hereabouts  are  pavilions,  stone  fireplaces, 
a  boat  dock,  and  ample  room  to  play  base- 
ball or  other  games.  And  here  again  a  good 
trail  leads  up  to  the  top  of  the  Palisades  to 
9W  and  the  Nyack  Express.  Or  you  can 
walk  back  along  the  wide  river  path  to  the 
Alpine  landing  and  take  the  ferry  across  to 
Yonkers,  enjoying  the  cool  of  the  Hudson 
at  sunset. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  perfectly  feasible 
to  stay  in  the  Palisades  Park  well  into  the 
evening;  and  cook  your  supper  somewhere 
along  the  river's  edge.  From  either  the  top 
or  bottom  of  the  cliff  you  can  watch  the 
river  soften  and  deepen  in  color  •  as  the 
sun  goes  down  and  twilight  takes  its  place. 
The  sky  gradually  turns  a  blue  velvet.  All 
along  the  New  York  shore  and  on  the  slope 
behind,  the  lights  come  out,  one  by  one  at 
first  and  then,  as  real  darkness  falls,  in 
spreading  clusters. 

If  you  are  near  the  George  Washington 
Bridge  itself  at  night,  you  will  see  one  of 
the  finest  sights  along  the  Hudson,  with 
this  great  steel  structure  silhouetted  against 
the  river  and  its  central  span  outlined  by 
electric  bulbs. 

Wild  Life  in  the  Auto  Age 

I  have  mentioned  getting  to  the  Palisades 
only  by  bus  and  ferry.  But  of  course  the 
easiest  way  of  all,  though  a  means  that  for 
the  most  part  must  wait  until  the  close  of 
the  war,  is  by  automobile.  From  uptown 
New  York,  say  near  Columbia  University, 
across  the  Bridge  and  on  to  the  northern 
end  of  the  Palisades  along  9W,  is  about  six- 
teen miles  and  ought  not  to  require  much 
more  than  two  gallons  of  gasoline  for  a 
round  trip.  It  is  slightly  cheaper  to  go  by 
way  of  the  125th  Street  Ferry  or  the 
Yonkers-Alpine  Ferry.  A  pleasant  variation 
for  the  motorist  is  to  take  the  drive  that 
runs  along  the  river  from  Fort  Lee  to  Al- 
pine. This  can  also  be  entered  at  Engle- 
wood  Cliffs  from  the  road  leading  down  to 
the  Dyckman  Street  Ferry. 

Is  there  wild  life  in  the  Palisades  region? 
Yes,  plenty,  though  mostly  of  the  smaller 
species.  Once,  however,  a  few  years  ago,  I 
saw  young  deer  in  the  woods  near  the  state 
line.  During  the  winter  of  1945  two  of 
them,  marooned  on  ice  cakes,  floated  down 
the  river  in  this  vicinity.  Squirrels  and  rab- 
bits and  birds  naturally  abound  in  the  park. 
Butterflies,  too,  yellow  and  blue  and  red, 
like  to  follow  the  contour  of  the  cliff.  And 
one  of  my  favorite  pastimes  is  to  sit  near 
the  edge  of  the  cliff  and  watch  a  hawk  or 
seagull  coast  along,  seldom  flapping  a  wing, 
and  wheeling,  banking,  smoothly  gliding  on 
the  currents  and  eddies  of  a  vagrant  wind. 

Occasionally  in  hot  weather  you  may 
come  across  a  snake,  almost  invariably  of  a 
harmless  species  like  the  black  snake  which 
may  climb  a  tree  if  it  hears  you  approach- 
ing. Only  a  few  poisonous  copperheads, 
richly  colored  like  autumn  leaves,  still  in- 
habit this  vicinity.  In  all  my  walks  in  the 
Palisades  during  the  past  fifteen  years,  I 
have  met  them  but  once.  This  was  when  I 
went  on  a  special  copperhead  hunt  some 
ten  years  ago,  prying  with  a  walking  stick 
behind  every  likely  rock  and  exploring 


The  dark  charm  of  cliffs  and  evergreens  when  the  river  is  white  with  ice 


every  sunny  glen.  I  finally  found  one  in- 
nocent specimen  sunning  himself  peacefully 
and  in  plain  sight  near  the  river;  and  have 
always  been  a  little  conscience-stricken  that 
I  killed  him  as  a  trophy. 

In  actual  fact,  slips  are  far  more  danger- 
ous than  snakes  along  the  Palisades.  But  if 
you  exercise  ordinary  care  and  look  where 
you  are  going,  the  park  is  a  pretty  safe 
place. 

Future  of  the  Palisades 

The  most  considerable  Palisades  develop- 
ment afoot  at  present  is  the  Interstate  Park 
Commission's  own  plan  to  construct  after 
the  war  a  new  concrete  super-highway,  run- 
ning along  almost  the  entire  thirteen  miles 
of  the  Palisades.  This  would  call  for  two 
three-lane  roadways,  separated  by  12  to  200 
feet  (as  well  as  a  bicycle  path  and  hiking 
trail),  and  connect  up  with  a  general  high- 
way project  that  will  continue  through  New 
York's  Rockland  County  as  far  as  the  Bear 
Mountain-Harriman  State  Park.  The  New 
Jersey  Palisades  section  would  cost  approx- 
imately $4,500,000,  which  has  yet  to  be 
appropriated,  while  the  northern  extension 
in  New  York  will  cost  approximately  $13,- 
500,000,  already  appropriated. 

For  lovers  of  the  Palisades  these  plans 
have  a  serious  drawback.  The  two  three- 
lane  roadways  would  run,  for  the  greater 
part  of  the  thirteen  miles,  right  through  the 
narrow  forest  strip  between  9W  and  the 
cliffs.  They  would  cut  down  a  wide  swath 
of  woodland,  slaughtering  right  and  left 
the  natural  growth  of  trees,  shrubbery  and 
flowers.  This  would  sacrifice  much  of  the 
wildness  of  the  area;  and  bring  the  sights 
and  sounds — not  to  mention  the  fumes — of 
speeding  automobile  traffic  close  to  the 
edge  of  the  precipice.  One  of  the  greatest 
pleasures  of  walking  on  the  top  of  the 
Palisades  now  is  that  you  have  a  sense  of 
remoteness  from  the  fury  and  clatter  of 
mechanized  existence. 

While  the  Interstate  Park  Commission 
has  undoubtedly  considered  the  matter  care- 
fully, it  seems  to  me  that  a  much  sounder 
scheme  would  be  to  widen  the  existing  9W 
route  from  three  to  six  lanes  and  to  provide 
turn-outs,  with  ample  parking  facilities, 
reaching  close  to  the  edge  of  the  cliff  at 
strategic  places.  A  broad  hiking  trail  and 
bicycle  path  could  run  close  to  the  edee 
without  damage  to  the  woodland  area, 


which  could  be  developed  throughout  into 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  parklands  in  the 
eastern  United  States.  This  alternative 
would  be  fair  not  only  to  automobilists,  but 
also  to  walkers,  bicyclists  and  nature-lovers 
in  general.  It  might  even  tempt  some  of 
our  demon  drivers  to  improve  their  health 
by  hiking!  Incidentally,  it  might  save  the 
public  considerable  funds. 

Everyone  must  agree  that  it  is  altogether 
desirable  to  make  the  Palisades  more  ac- 
cessible to  urban  residents.  But  it  is  clearly 
to  the  interest  of  the  general  public  that  this 
region  should  be  kept  so  far  as  possible 
in  its  original  state,  its  native  wilderness 
beauty  unimpaired. 

These  were  the  aims  of  George  W.  Per- 
kins and  other  public-spirited  citizens  back 
in  1900  when  they  made  their  successful 
fight  to  preserve  the  face  of  the  Palisades 
from  being  blasted  to  pieces  by  quarrymen 
bent  on  exploiting  the  highly  profitable 
traprock.  These  were  the  aims  advanced 
thirty-three  years  later  when  John  D.  Rock- 
efeller, Jr.,  rescued  the  Palisades  from  real 
esfete  operators  scheming  to  erect  giant 
apartment  houses  on  the  crest  of  the  cliffs. 
He  bought  for  some  $5,000,000  almost  the 
entire  strip  of  land  atop  the  Palisades  and 
presented  it  to  the  Interstate  Park,  which 
now  owns  practically  all  the  necessary  prop- 
erty to  preserve  this  great  playground  for 
future  generations  of  New  Yorkers,  New 
Jerseyites,  and  Americans  in  general.  Once 
again,  and  this  time  in  the  house  of  its 
friends,  the  issue  is  whether  we  can  keep  the 
Palisades  essentially  as  nature,  patiently  at 
work  throughout  aeons  of  time,  built  and 
embellished  them. 

Since  the  final  plans  for  the  New  Jersey 
sector  of  the  Parkway  have  not  yet  been 
approved  and  the  money  for  it  not  yet 
appropriated,  there  is  still  time  to  save  the 
situation.  The  challenge  runs  especially  to 
civic  bodies  formerly  active  in  helping  to 
preserve  the  Palisades,  such  as  the  New 
Jersey  State  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs 
and  the  Citizens  Union  of  New  York.  The 
Palisades  Interstate  Park  Commission  can 
be  addressed  at  Bear  Mountain,  N.  Y.  The 
governors  of  New  Jersey  and  New  York 
are  both  involved  in  the  plans  for  the  new 
Parkway.  And  of  course  the  members  of 
the  New  Jersey  State  legislature,  also,  bear 
a  special  responsibility  for  the  crucial  New 
Jersey  sector. 


JULY     1945 


319 


A  landslide  after  a  storm  just  prior  to  the  Munich  Conference  left  a  freakish  likeness  of  Adolf  Hitler  on  the  rick' 


'0 


Along  the  Palisades 

It  is  clearly  in  the  interest  of  the  general  public  that  this 
region  should  be  kept  so  far  as  possible  in  its  original 
state,  its  native  beauty  unimpaired. 


There  are  countless  such  crevices,  with  trees  struggling  for 
a   toe-hold   among  the  dark   rocks,   and  a  place   in   the   sun 


The  profile  of  an  Indian  juts  from  the  rock  at  the 
cliffs'   highest  stretch;   below  is  green  Forest  View 


iT 


The  magnificent  span  of  the  Bridge  frames  the  snow-powdered  Palisades  and  the  ice-filled  river  on  a  quiet  winter  day 


From  a  Palisades  lookout,  a  view  of  New  York  City  and  of  the  Hudson  with  tug  and  barge 


Go  Political,  Young  Man! 

"One  new  recruit  for  democratic  political  action  is  worth  a  dozen 
flamboyant  Fourth  of  July  orations  on  the  virtues  of  democracy!" 

LOUIS  FISCHER 


POLITICS  is  THE  NEW  AMERICAN  FRONTIER. 
It  is  the  twentieth  century  equivalent  of 
our  Far  West.  "Go  West,  young  man," 
was  sage  advice  in  that  early  phase  of  the 
nation's  history.  Now  a  new  signpost 
reads,  "Go  political,  young  man  (and  young 
woman)."  The  sign  points  towards  an  ex- 
citing, expanding  and  neglected  area  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  Wild  grass  and 
thick  second  growth  cover  it.  Wild  crea- 
tures and  creeping  things  range  over  its 
wide  plains.  They  await  pathfinders  and 
bulldozers  of  a  new  epoch. 

American  politics  has  too  long  been  the 
habitat  of  the  baby-kissing,  ward-heeling, 
two-by-four,  petty,  sometimes-corrupt,  rare- 
ly-political politician.  Barker  and  drum- 
mer-boy of  democracy,  he  gets  out  the  vote 
which  elects  his  candidate.  The  precinct 
is  his  world.  That  made  sense,  perhaps, 
when  politics  meant:  Will  Jim's  gang  or 
Bill's  gang  win  the  fat  contract  to  collect 
the  ashes  and  clean  the  streets  of  our  New 
World  cities? 

But  politics  has  grown  up.  It  has  be- 
come a  matter  of  every  American's  break- 
fast, lunch,  and  dinner — of  his  job,  his  se- 
curity, his  life  and  that  of  his  children. 
Politics  now  means:  Will  there  be  a  third 
world  war?  Will  democracy  survive?  Will 
we  be  overtaken  by  another  and  worse 
depression  ...  by  inflation  ...  by  im- 
perialism ? 

I  move  up  and  down  the  country  a  great 
deal  as  a  lecturer  and  so  talk  with  many 
people.  The  Americans  I  encounter  re- 
alize the  new  importance  of  the  federal 
government.  They  want  to  play  their  part 
in  shaping  policy.  They  want  to  do  their 
duty.  But  how?  In  private  conversation 
and  at  public  meetings  the  most  frequent 
question  put  to  me  is:  "How  can  an  aver- 
age citizen  do  something  about  it?" 

The  peace  is  being  made.  New  economic 
and  social  practices  are  coming  into  use. 
The  country  is  changing.  Citizens  ask: 
"Is  there  a  place  for  me,  plain  Mr.  or  Mrs. 
America,  in  this  process?  Or  are  we  to 
'be  passive  spectators  who,  now  and  then, 
go  through  the  motions  of  casting  a  ballot 
for  a  candidate  chosen  by  a  party  machine?" 

People  Who  Want  to  Belong 

This  divorce  between  politics  and  people 
is  worrying  Americans.  They  feel  they 
don't  belong,  don't  count.  Democracy  is  in 
peril  when  that  happens.  Something  very 
similar  occurred  in  several  European  coun- 
tries, notably  Germany,  in  the  1930's.  Af- 
fairs of  state  had  been  dominated  by  old 
men  whose  hold  on  politics  was  much 
stronger  than  their  capacity  to  come  to 
grips  with  national  problems.  The  younger 
generation  plumped  for  extremist,  anti- 
democratic demagogues. 

I   say   to  groups   of  university   students 

»22 


— By  a  Philadelphian  who  since  1921 
has  carried  a  chip  of  our  Liberty  Bell  in 
his  kit  as  European  correspondent  and 
commentator.  In  the  20's,  he  traced  the 
rise  of  the  USSR,  and  portrayed  its 
social,  racial  and  economic  innovations 
across  two  continents.  In  the  30's,  he 
interpreted  the  promise  inherent  in  its 
new  constitution,  challenged  the  purges 
as  a  throwback  to  its  hopes,  broke  with 
the  Soviet-Nazi  pact. 

He  has  known  Moscow,  Warsaw,  Ber- 
lin, Paris,  London,  firsthand;  has  been  a 
critic  of  British  and  French  imperialism; 
an  adherent  of  the  Spanish  Republicans 
in  meeting  the  early  brunt  of  Nazi  and 
Fascist  aggression. 

But  here  he  gives  the  quintessence  of 
his  impressions  of  what  is  afoot  in  our 
own  domestic  life,  gathered  as  a  lecturer 
from  coast  to  coast  in  the  40's,  and  as 
an  active  participant  in  the  new  Liberal 
Party  in  New  York. 

Notable  among  Mr.  Fischer's  recent 
books  are  "Men  And  Politics,"  1941, 
and  "Empire,"  1944.  He  is  at  work  on  a 
third  volume  in  the  series,  "Men  and 
Politics— 1940-46." 


whom  I  meet  in  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, "Go  political."  They  reply,  "We 
would,  but  do  the  parties  want  us?"  The 
road  is  blocked. 

A  section  of  labor  has  already  catapulted 
itself  into  politics  through  the  Congress 
of  Industrial  Organization's  PAC.  In  some 
parts  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  a  few  commu- 
nists on  reconnaissance  found  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  so  fast  asleep  and  so  completely 
moribund  that  they  simply  walked  in  and 
captured  the  whole  works.  In  a  number 
of  states,  third-party  movements  have 
sprung  up;  they  attract  honest  liberals  who 
loathe  equally  the  right-wing  reactionary 
and  the  left-wing  totalitarian.  But  for  the 
great  mass  of  Americans  the  question  of 
their  future  political  effectiveness  remains 
unanswered. 

This  situation  has  ceased  to  be  academic. 
For  examples:  When  Sumner  Welles  was 
dismissed  from  the  State  Department,  many 
who  valued  him  highly  for  his  diplomatic 
experience,  asked,  "What  can  we  do  to 
bring  him  back?"  Congress  discusses  the 
tariff.  Tariffs  help  to  intensify  interna- 
tional rivalry.  The  question  you  hear  is: 
"Shall  we  send  telegrams  to  our  senators 
and  representatives?"  The  answer  is: 
"Yes,  but  next  time  elect  senators  and  rep- 
resentatives who  won't  need  your  tele- 
grams." The  veto  privilege  given  each  of 
the  Big  Five  may  enable  them  to  get  away 
with  aggression.  "Is  there  anything  we 
can  do  about  it?"  people  asked  when  the 
issue  came  to  boil  at  San  Francisco.  Or,  is 


the  individual  citizen  too  insignificant  to 
pull  any  weight?  Must  he  watch  helpless- 
ly while  governments  in  their  infinite  folly 
repeat  the  mistakes  of  1919-1939? 

Governments  and  People 

A  study  of  world  affairs  shows  how  often 
governments  act  against  the  interests  of 
the  countries  they  govern.  Neville  Cham- 
berlain, appeasing  prime  minister  of  Great 
Britain,  was  a  bad  Englishman.  His  poli- 
cies got  his  country  into  war.  By  the  same 
token,  Daladier  was  a  bad  Frenchman.  His 
policies  laid  France  open  to  conquest.  His- 
tory will  certainly  condemn  Hitler  as  anti- 
German  and  Mussolini  as  anti-Italian.  They 
ruined  their  countries. 

Then,  the  old  saw  that  "nations  get  the 
governments  they  deserve"  has  been  under- 
mined by  modern  political  techniques.  Did 
the  British  people  deserve  pusillanimous 
Chamberlain  one  day  and  militant  Church- 
ill the  next?  Do  the  Spanish  people  de- 
serve Franco  after  fighting  him  for  three 
years  and  finally  succumbing  only  because 
he  had  overwhelming  military  aid  from 
Hitler  and  Mussolini? 

Especially  in  dictatorships,  classes  create 
regimes  and  are  then  overpowered  by  them. 
That  is  the  story  of  Nazi  Germany  and 
the  story  of  Soviet  Russia.  The  middle  class 
and  the  industrialists  set  up  Hitler's  regime 
expecting  him  to  be  their  puppet.  He  was 
soon  strong  enough  to  boss  them.  Simi- 
larly, Russia's  working  class  launched  the 
Bolshevik  revolution.  Later,  the  dictator- 
ship stripped  the  workers  of  political  power. 
In  a  dictatorship,  the  government  wields 
such  irresistible  might  that  no  one  outside 
it  has  any  influence.  A  democracy  must  be 
different. 

The  essence  of  democracy  is  the  ability  of 
the  people  to  remove  one  government  and 
substitute  another.  But  is  that  enough? 
How  can  the  people  impress  their  views 
on  a  government  after  it  has  been  installed? 
Campaign  pledges  are  not  binding.  Failure 
to  be  reelected  is  a  petty  punishment  com- 
pared with  the  crime  of  disregarding  the 
wishes  and  interests  of  the  people  during  a 
term  of  office.  Intervals  between  elections 
are  so  long  that  governments  can  do  a  lot 
of  mischief  before  they  are  checkreined  at 
another  election. 

This  is  the  central  problem  of  American 
democracy.  It  is  giving  daily  concern  to 
millions  of  citizens. 

The  average  American,  I  find,  likes  to 
criticize  his  government.  It  gives  him  a 
sense  of  freedom  and  power.  The  cult  of 
governmental  infallibility  has  few  followers 
in  this  country.  Wendell  Willkie,  between 
his  defeat  in  1940  and  his  untimely  death, 
had  the  ear  of  the  nation  more  than  any 
other  private  citizen  and  much  more  than 
most  officials.  Why?  Because  he  was 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


critical,  constructively  critical — and  coopera- 
tive. 

The  American  rebel  or  liberal  or  populist 
once  aimed  his  sharpest  shafts  at  Wall 
Street  and  the  bankers.  He  still  has  arrows 
in  his  quiver  for  them,  but  somewhere  in 
the  1930's  the  capital  of  the  United  States 
moved  from  New  York  to  Washing- 
ton. The  legislator  who  enacts  laws  and 
the  executive  who  carries  out  the  laws,  both 
make  policy  and  are  together  responsible  for 
the  shape  of  things  in  America.  Today, 
therefore,  the  critic,  the  reformer,  and  the 
skeptic  have  their  eyes  on  the  federal  ad- 
ministration; the  desire  of  the  individual  to 
influence  it  is  mounting  steadily.  The 
citizen  knows  that,  more  than  ever  before, 
the  government  has  a  hand  in  his  life.  He 
wants  to  have  a  hand  in  the  life  of  the 
government. 

Meanwhile,  the  government  has  gone 
into  business.  Some  citizens  fight  this  and 
hope  to  change  it;  some  welcome  it;  others 
adjust  to  it.  All  are  aware  of  it — whetting 
their  own  appetites  to  control  their  fate  by 
becoming  active  in  government.  Once  upon 
a  time,  "newsboy  to  company  president" 
was  the  rule  of  thumb  of  free  enterprise. 
Nowadays  the  company  'president  may  take 
orders  from  another  former  newsboy  who 
has  climbed  up  a  second  ladder  to  a  govern- 
ment job. 

As  a  by-product  of  the  war,  Uncle  Sam 
has  in  truth  become  the  biggest  business- 
man in  the  United  States.  The  federal  gov- 
ernment owns  96  percent  of  productive 
capacity  in  the  magnesium  industry,  90  per- 
cent in  the  shipbuilding  industry,  90  per- 
cent in  synthetic  rubber  manufacture,  90 
percent  in  the  aircraft  industry,  70  percent 
in  the  aluminum  industry,  50  percent  in 
machine  tools  manufacture,  and  10  percent 
in  the  steel  industry. 

It's  easy  to  say,  turn  the  new  plants  over 
to  private  hands.  But  why  did  it  happen? 
In  the  first  World  War,  the  industrialist 
who  wanted  to  expand  and  make  more 
munitions  got  a  loan  from  a  bank.  In  this 
second  World  War,  the  government  has 
made  the  loan  or,  often,  built  the  new  plant. 
In  the  first  World  War,  our  Allies  went  to 
J.  P.  Morgan  and  Co.,  the  National  City 
Bank,  and  other  commercial  banks  for 
loans.  In  this  war  they  went  to  the  U.  S. 
government  for  lend-lease.  The  job  grew 
too  big  for  any  private  body.  So  the  govern- 
ment stepped  in  to  do  part  of  the  job  and 
coordinate  the  rest. 

Full  Employment  and  Politics 

After  the  war,  an  equally  big  task  will 
confront  the  American  people.  The  ten 
million  men  who  come  back  from  the  war 
and  the  other  millions  of  men  and  women 
who  come  out  of  the  munitions  plants  will 
balk  at  being  demobilized  into  unemploy- 
ment. The  right  to  work  has  come  to  be 
recognized  as  inalienable — as  natural  and 
as  necessary  as  free  speech.  America  wanted 
its  youth  when  it  was  time  to  fight  and 
die.  "Don't  they  want  us,"  they  will  ask, 
"when  it  is  time  to  work  and  live?"  Any 
system  that  uses  its  men  and  women  for 
war  and  throws  them  to  the  breadlines  in 
peace  will  stand  condemned. 

Until  V-E  day,  America  had  full  employ- 

JULY     1945 


ment  because  there  were  customers  for 
everything  we  made.  The  ultimate  consum- 
ers were  symbolized  by  Hitler  and  Hiro- 
hito.  They  took  everything  we  gave  them. 
But  with  Nazi  Germany  knocked  out,  the- 
USA  is  again  faced  with  the  responsibility 
of  supplying  jobs  and  economic  security  for 
all. 


Wjgjjt 


WENDELL  L.  WILLKIE 

who,  "between  his  defeat  in  1940  and  his 
untimely  death,  had  the  ear  of  the  nation  more 
than  any  other  private  citizen."  This  is  one 
of  the  48  small  bronze  statues  of  notable 
figures  of  wartime  America,  made  by  the  late 
Max  Kalish  and  presented  to  the  Smithsonian 
Institution  by  the  Kiplinger  Washington 
Agency,  which  selected  the  subjects. 


Despite  our  high  standards  of  living  and 
earning,  all  the  Americans  who  could  fill 
and  use  jobs  have  never  had  them  in  peace- 
time. Private  enterprise  has  not  solved  the 
great  modern  problem  of  utilizing  the  full 
productive  capacity  of  every  person  who  can 
work  and  wishes  to.  This  is  not  my  opin- 
ion; this  is  the  record. 

Even  before  the  war,  therefore,  govern- 
ments in  many  lands  were  called  upon  to 
intervene  and  grapple  with  tasks  which 
baffled  individual  capitalists.  Witness  Win- 
ston Churchill,  conservative,  and  General 
de  Gaulle,  also  conservative,  promising  that 
their  governments  will  participate  actively 
in  economic  affairs.  This  is  a  phenomenon 
which  transcends  boundaries,  parties,  and 
leaders.  It  is  a  universal  trend  that  ante- 
dates Hitler.  Indeed,  Hitler  was  part  of  the 
trend. 

Wherever,  as  in  the  dictatorships,  govern- 
ment intervenes  and  does  everything  in 
economic  affairs,  the  chances  are  you  get 


jobs  for  all.  There  is  no  freedom,  however. 
In  no  dictatorship  does  the  citizen  enjoy 
genuine  personal  liberty.  But  he  gets  work. 

Wherever,  on  the  other  hand,  as  in  old- 
style  capitalist  democracy,  the  government 
has  kept  hands  off  economic  affairs,  the  citi- 
zen has  had  freedom;  yet  that  freedom  has 
too  often  included  the  freedom  to  be  un- 
employed, uneducated,  and  unhappy. 

Consequently,  the  challenge  to  America 
and  the  rest  of  the  world  in  the  decade  after 
the  war  will  be  to  achieve  a  synthesis  of 
economic  security  plus  freedom.  Man  craves 
both  on  this  earth.  One  leaves  him  discon- 
tented. 

The  role  of  government  in  economic  af- 
fairs will  have  to  be  so  limited  and  con- 
trolled that  we  get  economic  security  with- 
out losing  our  liberties.  An  America  that 
attains  this  goal  will  have  solved  its  fore- 
most domestic  problems  and  at  the  same 
time  be  in  a  position  to  make  major  con- 
tributions to  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the 
world.  But  if  we  fail,  and  if  in  turn  the 
peoples  of  the  earth  must  make  a  choice 
between  jobs  and  freedom,  the  chances  are 
that  hundreds  of  millions  of  men  and 
women  on  this  planet,  who  have  been  tor- 
tured by  decades  of  oppression  and  poverty, 
will  choose  the  jobs  and  forego  the  freedom. 

Now,  work  without  liberty  is  the  totali- 
tarian way  of  life;  it  is  also  totalitarian  so- 
cialism. Unless  America  and  the  other 
democracies  open  a  road  to  economic  secur- 
ity along  with  personal  liberty,  the  world 
may  follow  Russia.  A  tendency  in  that  di- 
rection is  already  discernible  in  Europe  and 
Asia  and  here  at  home  as  well. 

The  Joust  of  the  Giants 

Victory  in  this  war  will  not  decide  the 
issue  between  totalitarinism  and  democracy. 
The  competition  will  continue.  To  my  way 
of  thinking,  democracy  with  its  faults  is 
better  than  any  dictatorship.  Yet  democracy 
must  provide  economic  security  for  all  or 
itself  succumb. 

This  then  is  the  century  of  the  joust  be- 
tween two  giants:  between  dictatorship  and 
democracy.  To  win,  democracy  must  de- 
ploy every  one  of  its  resources.  They  are 
three:  labor,  capital,  and  government. 

The  United  States  government  relies  on  a. 
system  of  checks  and  balances  provided  by 
the  Constitution.  The  executive  is  checked 
by  the  legislature  and  both  are  checked  by 
the  judiciary.  This  arrangement  has  worked 
fairly  well  throughout  the  years  to  preserve 
the  American  way  of  life. 

Today,  the  nation  requires  an  additional 
system  of  checks  and  balances  in  the  eco- 
nomic field.  In  fact,  such  a  system  is  ac- 
tually emerging.  Under  it,  labor,  capital, 
and  government  will  check  and  balance  one 
another.  On  occasions,  government  and 
labor  will  combine  to  stop  excessive  and 
monopolistic  encroachments  by  capital; 
capital  and  labor  will  unite  to  halt  any 
move  towards  an  all-powerful  state;  and  at 
other  times,  government  and  capital  will 
pool  their  power  to  check  excessive  acts  by 
labor. 

Early  in  the  spring,  a  meeting,  fathered 
by  Henry  J.  Kaiser,  the  great  industrialist, 
brought  together  Eric  A.  Johnston,  presi- 
dent of  the  U.  S.  Chamber  of  Commerce, 

323 


Philip  Murray  of  the  CIO,  and  William 
Green  of  the  AFL,  in  an  attempt  to  create 
a  united  front  of  management  and  workers. 
Similar  endeavors  will  multiply  in  the  com- 
ing years.  Labor,  capital,  and  government 
will  be  found  groping  for  checks  and  bal- 
ances iii  America's  economic  and  social  af- 
fairs. Thus  the  government,  in  addition  to 
being  in  business,  will  be  standing  at  the 
fulcrum  of  the  seesaw  between  labor  and 
capital.  Trade  unions  and  employers  for- 
merly fought  a  straight,  two-way-  fight. 
Henceforth,  however,  both  of  them  will 
strive  to  influence  the  government,  for  the 
decision  about  a  strike  or  any  other  capital- 
labor  dispute  may  be  made  in  a  government 
office.  The  class  war  has  a  new  battle- 
ground. 

Private  citizens  with  means  and  ambition 
will  continue  after  the  war  to  determine 
when  and  where  new  industries,  farms, 
towns,  and  stores  shall  rise.  Yet  to 
an  increasing  extent,  government-sponsored 
TVA's,  government-built  roads,  govern- 
ment programs  for  soil  and  forest  and 
water  conservation,  government  laws  and 
government  officials  will  mold  America. 

In  such  circumstances,  it  becomes  more 
important  than  ever  to  have  a  government 
which  serves  the  interests  of  the  nation  and 
reflects  the  will  of  all  the  people. 

We  used  to  speak  of  politics  as  a  "game." 
It's  now  serious  business,  the  business  of 
life. 

Democracy,  a  Necessity 

Americans  have  considered  democracy  a 
right,  a  privilege,  a  convenience  and  a  pleas- 
ure. It  remains  all  of  these.  But  it  has  also 
become  an  indispensable  necessity. 

Wherever  the  government  does  more 
than  in  the  past,  it  becomes  stronger.  Where 
it  does  everything,  as  in  a  dictatorship,  it 
tends  to  become  omnipotent — so  much  so 
that  the  individual  counts  for  nothing. 

Democracy  must  be  on  guard  against 
both  the  all-powerful  state  and  the  too 
feeble  state.  In  avoiding  the  Scylla  of  a  to- 
talitarianism that  does  everything  and  domi- 
nates everybody,  democracy  must  not  crash 
into  the  Charybdis  of  laissez  faire  that  does 
too  little,  satisfies  too  few,  and  consequently 
provokes  the  many  into  favoring  dictator- 
ship. The  democratic  ship  of  state  needs 
more  hands.  It  needs  able  and  firm  hands, 
and  brains  skilled  in  navigating  through 
reefs,  shoals,  and  narrows. 

For  the  whole  world  is  entering  a  politi- 
cal era.  Politics  will  invite  the  talent  of  all 
nations.  Politics  will  bring  adventure, 
danger,  power  and  the  opportunity  to  serve. 

Here  in  the  USA  only  a  comparative 
handful,  however,  can  man  positions  inside 
the  apparatus  of  government.  The  vast  bulk 
of  Americans  have  another  role  to  play. 
They  can  be  active  in  political  organization. 

Our  two  big  political  parties  are  the 
scorekeepers  of  America.  At  regular  inter- 
vals, they  come  out  with  scorecards  which 
they  hold  while  passers-by  mark  them.  And 
then  things  usually  subside  for  at  least  a 
year,  usually  for  two  years,  sometimes  for 
four  years.  Voters  follow  their  fathers  or  a 
popular  leader.  Party  platforms  and  party 
principles  count  for  less  than  either  of  these 
in  making  up  the  public's  mind.  Party  edu- 


cation is  negligible  between  polling  days, 
when  the  parties  try  to  find  jobs  for  the 
faithful.  A  chief  purpose  of  partisan  victory 
is  to  get  those  jobs. 

Such  parties  have  lived  their  day. 

To  elect  is  one  function  of  politics.  But 
is  it  impossible  to  direct  those  whom  you 
elect?  Americans  are  now  groping  for  an 
answer  to  this  key  question.  Under  our 
representative  form  of  government,  a  great 
deal  must  be  left  to  chosen  representatives 
of  the  people — provided  they  are  really  rep- 
resentative. And  provided  they  are  really 
nominated  and  elected  by  the  people.  This 
is  the  crux  of  American  democracy. 

Participation  vs  Frustration 

The  sense  of  frustration  that  I  have  dis- 
covered among  members  of  all  groups  and 
professions  in  this  country  is  born  of  the 
conviction  that  in  the  nomination  and  elec- 
tion of  legislative  and  executive  officers  the 
voting  public  carries  less  weight  than  the 
engineers  of  the  party  machines.  It  is  born, 
too,  of  the  suspicion  that,  once  elected,  the 
representative  gives  his  ear  and  vote  to  nar- 
row "interests"  more  often  than  to  national 
interests. 

Various  devices  seek  to  cope  with  this 
situation.  Lobbies  are  one  of  them.  Floods 
of  inspired  telegrams  are  another.  Letters 
to  the  editor  are  a  close  third.  In  one  way 
or  another,  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  America,  the  population  yearns 
to  be  vocal,  to  end  the  frustration.  It  also 
thirsts  for  knowledge  and  for  more  constant 
political  communication  among  citizens. 
Hence  the  spread  of  community  forums, 
town  halls,  discussion  groups,  and  debating 
societies  which  are  finding  less  difficulty  in 
getting  both  audiences  and  finances.  In  sev- 
eral cities  in  which  I  have  spoken,  officers 
of  such  groups  responded  enthusiastically  to 
the  suggestion  that  congressmen  and  sen- 
ators be  invited  to  address  their  meetings 
and  render  account  of  their  services. 

Thus  the  impulse  is  towards  participa- 
tion. Committees  to  do  this  and  that  crop 
up  everywhere,  organizations  to  fight  for 
this  and  against  that.  Their  multiplicity  and 
lack  of  coordination  often  defeats  them. 
They  are  themselves  critical  of  their  ineffec- 
tiveness— which  is  a  first  step  towards  ef- 
fectiveness. They  are,  in  truth,  lobbies  on 
the  outside  trying  to  influence  politicians  on 
the  inside.  They  wonder,  therefore,  wheth- 
er it  isn't  time  to  go  on  in — to  go  political. 

Two  immediate  problems  present  them- 
selves: first,  to  make  American  representa- 
tive government  more  democratic,  more 
intimately  connected  with  the  people's 
thoughts,  wishes,  and  interests;  and  second, 
to  make  American  democracy  more  repre- 
sentative, more  a  function  of  the  social  spec- 
trum rather  than  the  business  of  profes- 
sional politicians. 

Particularly  in  the  Middle  West  and  on 
the  Pacific  Coast,  reformers,  idealists,  civic 
leaders,  social  workers,  and  internationalists 
are  increasingly  conscious  of  the  necessity  of 
being  inside. 

"We  tug  at  the  coat-tails  of  the  poli- 
tician," a  newspaper  editor  said  to  me. 
"Would  not  groups  who  urge  city,  state, 
and  federal  governments  to  adopt  various 
measures,  advance  their  causes  further  if 


they  could  nominate  and  elect  persons  who 
are  enthusiastic  supporters  of  those  causes?" 

"Why  not  nominate  and  elect  members 
of  those  very  groups?"  I  asked. 

"Would  they  accept  the  nominations?"  he 
replied  ruefully.  "Could  we  get  them  in?" 
he  added  as  an  afterthought. 

The  bulk  of  thinking  Americans  still  con- 
sider politics  too  crowded  with  cigar-chew- 
ing self-seekers  and  manipulators.  But  poli- 
tics also  includes  decent,  clean-cut  people 
and  they  need  reinforcement.  Those  who 
recoil  from  the  shady  side  of  American  poli- 
tics help  that  side  by  being  inactive  them- 
selves. 

A  prominent  woman  in  Pittsburgh  saic 
to  me:  "My  husband  would  subscribe  tc 
many  of  your  ideas  on  international  affair 
and  America's  future.  But  he  is  a  success 
ful  lawyer,  earns  $75,000  a  year.  How  cat 
he  think  of  running  for  Congress?" 

That  is  only  one  paradox  on  the  road  to 
the  new  American  "go-political"  frontier. 
Many  more  obstructions  exist.  The  solution 
of  every  important  life  problem  has  faced 
such  snags  and  difficulties. 

At  the  Roots  of  Democracy 

In  traveling  throughout  the  United  States, 
I  have  been  astounded  to  find  earnest,  sin- 
cere democrats  giving  their  approval  to 
flagrant  anti-democratic  acts  of  totalitarian- 
ism. Double  standards  corrode  morality. 
Some  who  are  ready  to  die  to  check  one  dic- 
tatorship's aggression  condone  another  dic- 
tatorship's aggression.  Little  nations  are 
snuffed  out  amid  the  applause  of  men  and 
women  who  think  themselves  international- 
ists and  democrats.  Plebiscites  in  the  pres- 
ence of  conquering  armies  are  accepted  as 
true  expressions  of  the  will  of  the  people. 
Puppet  governments  set  up  by  a  foreign 
autocrat  are  taken  to  democratic  hearts. 
When  Mussolini  made  the  trains  run  on 
time  and  removed  the  beggars  from  the 
streets,  certain  Americans  threw  their  hats 
in  the  air  and  forgot  fascist  atrocities.  Sup- 
port of  some  features  of  a  foreign  dictator- 
ship may  lead  to  acceptance  of  more  fea- 
tures of  dictatorship  and  thence  to  a  gradual 
rejection  of  democracy  at  home. 

American  democracy  is  a  sturdy  oak.  Yet 
thin  wedges  of  totalitarianism  are  cutting 
into  its  trunk.  One  wedge  is  this  uncritical 
attitude  towards  totalitarianism  abroad. 
Another  ft  totalitarian-like  intolerance  of 
criticism  at  home.  Critics  of  certain  pro- 
posals at  Dumbarton  Oaks  and  San  Fran- 
cisco, for  example,  were  subjected  to  a  bar- 
rage of  new  American  cuss  words  like 
"perfectionist,"  "pessimist,"  and  so  on.  Still 
other  wedges  take  the  form  of  divisive 
racial  differences.  But  the  sharpest  wedge 
of  all  is  the  individual's  feeling  th;.t  he 
does  not  count  for  anything. 

It  is  a  mark  of  health  that  many  persons 
who  have  shared  this  feeling  are  trying  to 
correct  it  by  taking  part  in  the  processes  of 
democracy.  America  may  be  on  the  eve  of 
going  political.  One  new  recruit  fo'r  demo- 
cratic political  action  is  worth  a  dozen  flam- 
boyant Fourth-of-July  orations  on  the  vir- 
tues of  democracy. 

Politics  is  calling  all  men  and  women 
with  vision,  imagination,  energy,  enthusi- 
asm, idealism,  and  a  faith  in  democracy. 


324 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Photos  from  the   War   Relocation   Authority 
The  Yasamuras  set  a  place  for  the  boy  next  door,  Seiichi's  new  friend.  Mr.  Yasamura  now  is  manager  of  a  store  in  Brooklyn 

We're  Americans  Again 

With  gallant  objectivity  two  Japanese  Americans  give  a  very  human  account  of  how 

the  people  are  faring  who  left  relocation  centers  to  live  in  the  East  and  Midwest. 

The  part  played  by  the  churches  and  the  schools. 


THERE  ARE  THOUSANDS  OF  AMERICANS  WHO 
are  returning  to  America  without  having 
left  the  country.  They  are  the  Japanese 
Americans,  and  their  foreign-born  parents 
who  are  aliens  because  by  law  they  cannot 
become  citizens.  By  Presidential  proclama- 
tion and  military  orders,  we  were  evacuated 
from  our  homes  on  the  West  Coast  early  in 
1942  and  placed  in  "relocation  centers."  It 
was  in  one  of  these  centers  that  we  heard 
a  child  say,  "Mama,  I  want  to  go  back  to 
America."  Now  we  are  going  back  to  the 
American  way  of  life,  and  to  an  America 
strange  to  us — an  America  at  war. 

At  the  request  of  the  Board  of  National 
Missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  the 
writers  were  given  leave  of  absence  from 
the  Heart  Mountain  Relocation  Center  in 
Wyoming,  where  we  had  been  doing 
Christian  work  for  the  past  two  and  a  half 
years.  The  reason  for  our  leave  was  to  en- 
able us  to  visit  areas  in  the  Middle  West 
and  the  East  where  people  from  the  reloca- 
tion centers  are  resettling. 

When  we  left  the  Center  in  November 
1944,  the  process  of  withdrawal  was  fairly 
steady  but  somewhat  slow.  The  chief  indi- 
cation of  a  decreasing  population  was  the 
fact  that  the  mess-halls  were  not  so  crowded 
as  they  had  been.  On  the  other  hand,  many 


SOPHIE  and  DONALD  TORIUMI 

— Sophie  Tetsuko  Toriumi,  daughter  of 
a  Congregational  minister,  was  born  in 
Riverside,  Calif.  On  receiving  her  B.A. 
degree  from  Occidental  College,  Los 
Angeles,  in  1938,  she  served  as  group 
work  and  girl  reserve  secretary  of  the 
Japanese  Branch  YWCA  in  that  city 
until  January  1942.  In  Heart  Mountain 
Relocation  Center  she  was  choir  director 
and  children's  leader. 
— Donald  Kaoru  Toriumi,  son  of  a  Pres- 
byterian elder,  was  born  in  Sacramento. 
After  graduating  from  the  University  of 
California  in  1936,  he  studied  for  several 
years  at  the  San  Francisco  Theological 
Seminary  at  San  Anselmo.  He  was  direc- 
tor of  the  work  with  Japanese  young 
people  in  the  Presbytery  of  Los  Angeles 
and  had  become  pastor  of  the'  Japanese 
Union  Church  there.  In  Heart  Moun- 
tain Center  the  Reverend  Toriumi  has 
been  in  charge  of  the  youth  work  of  the 
Community  Christian  Church,  and  is 
now  chairman  of  the  church  board. 

The  Toriumis,  who  were  married  just 
prior  to  evacuation,  are  now  three — 
there  is  a  little  girl,  fourteen  months  old. 
They  are  still  at  Heart  Mountain,  but 
hope  to  relocate  soon  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Presbyterian  Church. 


were  taking  their  meals  back  to  their  family- 
units  because  they  could  eat  more  quietly 
there  and  the  family  could  be  together  at 
least  for  a  few  minutes  each  day. 

The  majority  of  young  adults  had  gone, 
and  many  of  the  positions  in  the  administra- 
tion offices,  open  to  the  evacuees,  were  filled 
by  inexperienced  teen-age  youth  or  by 
elderly  people.  Many  parents  were  saying 
that  they  were  too  old  to  be  relocated  and 
questioned  the  wisdom  of  going  to  strange 
places  to  start  their  lives'  over.  Many  said 
that  they  did  not  have  capital  to  start  again, 
for  what  they  had  owned  had  been  wiped 
out  by  the  evacuation.  Some  said,  "Let  us 
go  back  to  the  West  Coast.  That  is  our 
home.  Our  friends  and  customers  and  em- 
ployers are  there.  Our  business  is  there." 

Many  looked  with  suspicion  and  distrust 
at  reports  sent  back  by  relocatees  from  mid- 
western  and  eastern  communities.  They 
pointed  to  the  few  adverse  reports,  saying, 
"See,  that's  what  happened  on  the  outside. 
You're  taking  chances  when  you  go  out." 
Confusion  and  indecision  had  driven  the 
majority  of  the  people  to  state,  "We  do 
not  know  what  to  do  or  where  to  go. 
Therefore,  we  are  going  to  stay  in  the 
Center  for  the  duration." 

Meanwhile,     there     was     a     continuous 


JULY     1945 


325 


stream  of  the  braver  souls  to  the  "outside." 
It  was  to  meet  these  resettled  Americans, 
that  we  left  Heart  Mountain. 

We  Find  Friends 

As  the  Burlington  bus  carried  us  away, 
it  was  a  thrill  to  breathe  the  "free  air"  of 
America  again.  With  no  regrets  the  barbed- 
wire  fences  and  the  self-imposed  and  com- 
munity-imposed mental  barbed-wire  fences 
were  left  behind.  What  a  change  from  the 
dusty  monotony  of  the  Center  to  the  fa- 
miliar American  landscape — houses  of  dif- 
ferent sizes  and  colors,  trees,  greenery,  wind- 
ing roads,  shop  windows.  "We're  back  in 
America!  We're  Americans  again!"  These 
thoughts  filled  our  minds. 

Transferring  from  the  bus  to  a  train,  we 
became  aware  of  the  presence  of  Caucasians 
(the  term  used  by  the  relocatees  to  differ- 
entiate white  people  from  other  racial 
groups).  We  had  become  accustomed  to 
seeing  Japanese  faces  all  the  time.  "I  won- 
der what  they  are  thinking  about.  I  won- 
der if  they  know  whether  we  are  Japanese 
Americans  or  Chinese,"  we  thought  self- 
consciously. But  when  our  fellow-passen- 
gers realized  that  conversations  with  us 
could  be  held  in  English,  all  kinds  of  sub- 
jects were  brought  up  for  discussion,  from 
the  weather  to  war  news.  Most  servicemen 
were  very  friendly. 

Like  many  of  our  fellow  Japanese  Amer- 
icans, we  found  the  USA  a  kindly  disposed 
place.  A  great  deal  of  the  favorable  public 
reaction,  we  are  sure,  is  due  to  the  news- 
paper and  magazine  accounts  of  the  fine 
performance  of  the  Japanese  American  com- 
bat teams  in  Germany,  France,  and  Italy, 
and  to  the  presence  of  Japanese  Americans 
in  the  uniform  of  the  United  States  Army 
on  the  streets  over  here.  It  is  reported 
that  there  are  close  to  18,000  of  these  in  our 
army — a  great  many,  proportionately  speak- 


ing, among  the  racial  mmuiny  groups  of 
the  United  States. 

Perhaps  some  relocatees  have  been  over- 
sensitive about  possible  discriminatory  acts 
by  people  "on  the  outside."  Many  of  them 
have  been  pleasantly  surprised  to  find 
Americans  fair-minded  and  friendly.  Thus 
one  alien-relocatee  walked  up  and  down 
the  main  street  of  a  large  city  with  the 
attitude,  "Might  as  well  meet  the  discrimi- 
nation and  get  used  to  it,"  and  no  one  even 
looked  at  him. 

Not  long  ago,  the  daughter  of  a  family 
relocated  in  a  suburban  town  was  very 
fearful  of  what  might  happen  to  her  at 
school.  On  the  Sunday  before  her  first 
day,  to  her  amazement  and  relief,  the  prin- 
cipal of  the  junior  high  school  and  his 
wife  called  on  the  family  and  told  the  girl 
that  he  would  be  looking  forward  to  having 
her  as  a  student.  It  made  it  easier  for 
her  to  go.  That  principal  was  more  than  ' 
a  principal;  he  was  a -friend. 

A  bashful  boy  was  relocated  with  his 
family  in  a  large  city.  His  parents  were 
worried  as  to  how  he  would  get  on  with  his 
new  classmates.  When  that  dreaded  "first 
day"  came,  he  went  to  school  in  fear  and 
trembling.  Some  of  the  boys  approached, 
offered  to  show  him  around,  and  helped 
him  find  his  classrooms. 

An  elderly  alien  relocatee  was  traveling 
alone  to  visit  friends.  She  could  barely 
make  herself  understood  in  English,  but 
she  was  too  energetic  to  be  frightened.  A 
fellow-passenger,  a  doctor,  managed  to 
carry  on  a  pleasant  conversation,  invited 
her  to  lunch  with  him  in  the  diner  and  saw 
her  safely  to  her  destination. 

In  the  Philadelphia  area  we  met  a  Metho- 
dist minister  and  his  wife  who  had  opened 
their  home  to  relocates  and  helped  them 
become  adjusted  to  their  new  environment. 
Many  of  the  young  people  now  call  them 


Mildred  Sasaki  is  using  her  special  training  at  a  Cincinnati  day  nursery  and  school 


326 


"Mom"  and  "Pop,"  and  whenever  some- 
thing happens,  good  or  bad,  they  hasten 
to  share  it  with  these  foster-parents. 

In  Cleveland  there  is  another  Caucasian 
family  which  has  welcomed  one  hundred 
relocatees,  giving  them  a  temporary  home 
until  they  find  jobs  and  places  of  their  own. 
They  have  done  this  solely  because  of  their 
desire  to  be  of  practical  help. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  many  friend- 
ly gestures  we  heard  about  on  our  trip.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  were  some  unfortu- 
nate instances  where,  through  the  ignor- 
ance or  prejudice  of  Caucasian  neighbors, 
relocatees  had  unpleasant  experiences.  But 
they  were  the  exceptions — not  the  rule. 

Success  Stories 

What  are  the  reactions  of  these  Japanese 
Americans  to  their  new  environment?  How 
do  they  like  it  in  the  Midwest  and  East? 
Are  they  thinking  about  going  back  to  the 
West  Coast?  Will  there  be  "little  Tokyos" 
springing  up  here  and  there? 

Of  the  many  hundreds  we  met  on  our 
travels,  a  great  majority  expressed  a  prefer- 
ence for  remaining  in  their  new  environ- 
ment, at  least  for  the  next  few  years.    They 
feel  that  they  are  as  settled  as  they  can  be  in 
these  unsettled  times.    Many  said  that  they 
do  not  wish  to  return  to  the  West  Coast, 
that  they  have  greater  opportunity  to  use 
their  abilities  and  their  training   in  other 
sections  of  the  country.     They   remember 
how,    on    the   West   Coast,    many    college 
graduates   and   professionally   trained   men 
and  women  were  forced  into  such  unskilled 
work  as  fruit-stand  helpers,  farmhands,  and 
the  like.     Those  engaged  in  a  professional 
field  usually  had  only  Japanese  clients  or 
patients.    Now  these  same  people  are  part 
of  the  communities  in  which  they  have  set- 
tled, at   work   not   on   the   basis  of   racial 
background  but  of  their  own  ability,  train- 
ing, and  experience. 

Thus  a  young  woman  is  employed  in  the 
national  headquarters  of  one  of  the  Protes- 
tant denominations  in  New  York  as  an 
office  secretary.  She  is  much  interested  in 
her  work,  and  feels  that  she  is  an  accepted 
part  of  the  organization.  Although  she 
comes  from  sunny  southern  California,  she 
loves  New  York  and  plans  to  remain. 

In  Washington,  D.  C.,  a  young  man  is 
doing   confidential  work    for   the    govern- 
ment.   While  he  realizes  his  is  only  a  ten 
porary  war  job,  he  is  enthusiastic  about  h 
experiences  since  he  relocated,  and  mea 
to  stake  his  future  in  the  East. 

In  a  midwestern  city,  the  manager 
the  only  company  which  offers  window  di 
play  and  department  store  decoration  ser 
ice  is  a  relocatee  from  northern  Californi; 

There  is  a  young  man  in  New  York  City 
who  used  to  be  a  boys'  worker  in  a  Japanese 
Branch  YMCA.  He  is  now  very  happily 
engaged  in  doing  similar  work  in  a  "Y" 
branch  where  he  deals  with  young  boys 
of  many  racial  strains.  During  our  trip  we 
found  four  other  Japanese  Americans  with 
full  time  YMCA  jobs. 

A  former  Japanese  Branch  YWCA  sec- 
retary is  now  serving  as  the  girl  reserve 
secretary  in  another  city.  She  works  with 
over  1,600  girls  and  is  fully  accepted  by 
them  and  other  staff  members. 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Many  physicians,  surgeons,  and  graduate 
nurses  of  Japanese  ancestry  are  serving  in 
the  hospitals  across  the  country,  as  are 
nurses  aides,  and  members  of  the  Cadet 
Nurse  Corps.  Most  of  them  are  well  re- 
ceived by  the  patients,  and  many  have  been 
commended  for  their  courtesy  and  consid- 
eration. 

A  young  man  applied  for  a  position  in  a 
financial  firm  in  an  eastern  city.  Although 
there  was  no  opening  there,  he  was  given 
an  introduction  to  a  New  York  City  firm, 
where  he  was  hired  almost  immediately  as 
an  analyst.  He  was  the  first  Japanese 
American  to  secure  a  Wall  Street  job. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  "success 
stories"  in  our  notebooks.  There  are  hun- 
dreds— even  thousands — of  relocatees  work- 
ing in  war  industries.  Even  alien  relocatees 
are  working  in  some  of  them,  doing  their 
part  for  our  country.  In  colleges  and  offices, 
many  Japanese  aliens  are  teaching  or  using 
their  difficult  native  language  in  the  work 
of  Army  and  Navy  Intelligence  and  other 
confidential  government  agencies. 

The  Search  for  Companionship 

Yet  our  people  are  not  finding  it  easy  to 
go  into  a  strange  community  and  settle 
there.  When  so  many  Americans  are  beset 
with  housing  problems,  it  is  especially  dif- 
ficult for  a  group  with  a  different  racial 
background  to  find  homes.  In  some  large 
cities  only  the  undesirable  types  of  housing 
are  available.  Thus  in  Chicago,  where  the 
heaviest  relocation  has  taken  place,  some 
are  "getting  along"  in  substandard,  even 
unsanitary  dwellings. 

Although  many  of  the  more  progressive 
Japanese  Americans  and  interested  Cauca- 
sians urge  the  relocatees  to  try  to  become 
an  integrated  part  of  the  community,  we 
found  some  tendencies  toward  the  forma- 
tion of  relocatee-communities  in  several 
cities,  including  Chicago,  Cleveland,  and 
New  York.  The  settlement  of  relocatees 
in  fairly  concentrated  areas  is  not  primarily 
due  to  their  own'  choice.  One  rather  unex- 
pected reason  was  that  as  tenants  they  keep 
their  apartments  so  well  that  landlords 
welcome  more  of  their  kind.  Here  and 
there  we  found  whole  apartment  buildings 
completely  occupied  by  Japanese  American 
families,  who  had  come  one  by  one. 

In  several  cities  where  they  are  few  in 
number,  the  relocatees  told  us  they  felt 
lonely  and  wanted  social  contact  with 
others  who  had  resettled.  Thus,  a  young 
woman  in  a  New  England  town  said  that 
there  were  so  few  Japanese  Americans  in 
the  area  that  those  who  could  preferred 
to  go  to  New  York  for  social  activities. 

The  alien  relocatees  were  especially 
troubled  by  the  lack  of  customary  contacts. 
A  couple  with  splendid  jobs  in  a  small 
Michigan  town  are  practically  the  only  re- 
locatees in  the  community.  Although  the 
wife  is  reasonably  happy,  the  husband  is 
very  lonely  and  longs  for  the  companion- 
ship of  people  who  speak  Japanese. 

In  many  places  where  there  are  a  num- 
ber of  relocatees,  community  committees 
have  been  formed,  composed  of  Japanese 
Americans,  aliens,  and  in  most  instances 
Caucasians,  to  arrange  and  sponsor  dances, 
lectures,  forums  and  informal  gatherings. 


Hiromu  Komori  and  Hitoshi  Fukui,  with  a  fellow  employe,  in  a  Cleveland 


Everywhere  there  is  in  the  minds  of  relo- 
catees the  growing  realization  that  Japanese 
Americans  should  become  part  of  the  gen- 
eral life  of  America.  Having  been  so  defi- 
nitely isolated  along  racial  lines  on  the  West 
Coast  and  then  in  relocation  centers,  a  great 
number  of  them  find  it  difficult  to  make 
new  friends  among  Americans  of  other 
backgrounds. 

The  Churches  Play  a  Large  Part 

Wherever  we  went,  the  church  people 
seemed  particularly  alert  to  the  needs  of 
these  new  neighbors.  In  too  many  of  the 
general  accounts  of  relocation,  the  part 
played,  by  the  churches  of  various  denom- 
inations, as  well  as  by  such  general  bodies 
as  the  Home  Missions  Council  of  North 
America,  is  minimized  or  even  omitted. 
In  almost  every  community  we  visited,  we 
found  either  the  local  church  federation  or 
the  denominational  offices  establishing  close 
ties  with  the  relocatees. 

In  a  number  of  cities,  various  denomina- 
tions have  selected  ministers  of  Japanese 
American  and  also  of  alien  background, 
so  that  the  general  needs  of  both  the  Eng- 
lish-speaking and  the  Japanese-speaking 
relocatees  may  be  met  more  effectively. 
Their  primary  responsibilities  are  to  help 
the  relocatees  adjust  themselves  in  the  new 
communities  and  to  present  the  work  of 
relocation  to  interested  organizations  and 
groups. 

In  some  cities  where  the  alien  relocatee 
population  is  fairly  large,  Japanese-language 
services  are  conducted  in  established  Cau- 
casian churches.  Relocatees  are  employed 
in  many  of  the  national  denominational 
headquarters  as  well  as  in  several  local 
churches.  Almost  every  major  denomina- 
tional and  interdenominational  magazine 
has  carried  articles  giving  an  accurate  pic- 
ture of  the  relocation  program,  and  some 
Sunday  School  papers  have  published 


stories  written  to  help  the  children  of 
Christian  America  become  acquainted  with 
Japanese  Americans  and  their  parents. 

Most  of  the  3,000  college  students  affected 
by  the  evacuation  order  were  assisted  in 
continuing  their  education  primarily 
through  the  Japanese  American  Student  Re- 
location Council,  composed  of  representa- 
tives of  the  various  denominations  and  ad- 
ministered through  the  cooperation  of  the 
American  Friends  Service  Committee.  A 
great  many  of  these  students  were  attend- 
ing denominational  colleges,  where  they 
were  helped  to  continue  their  studies. 

Several  of  the  denominations  are  operat- 
ing hostels  for  the  relocatees,  in  order  to 
provide  temporary  housing  for  the,m  until 
they  are  able  to  find  jobs  and  more 
permanent  accommodations.  It  is  interest- 
ing to  note  that  in  denominations  like  the 
Lutherans  and  the  Quakers,  which  formerly 
had  very  few  Japanese  American  members, 
there  is  a  notable  increase  from  among 
the  relocatees. 

Student  Friendships 

The  student  relocation  program  has  had 
some  interesting  by-products.  Hundreds 
of  the  Japanese  American  students,  formerly 
concentrated  in  West  Coast  institutions, 
were  scattered  by  evacuation  among  the  col- 
leges and  universities  of  the  Midwest  and 
East,  and  even  in  some  of  the  southern  col- 
leges. This  has  given  them  an  opportunity 
to  become  better  acquainted  with  this  coun- 
try and  to  make  friends  with  young  people 
of  many  backgrounds.  Many  of  the  evacu- 
ated students  have  made  the  honor  rolls 
and  scholarship  societies.  But  more  im- 
portant, they  have  been  able  to  join  in  extra- 
curricular activities,  a'nd  even  to  become 
class  and  student  body  officers.  Many  of 
them  had  never  participated  before  in 
campus  affairs.  In  the  new  environment 
(Continued  on  page  334) 


JULY     1945 


327 


The  Legs  of  the  Hospital  Bed 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


SIXTEEN  MILLION  AMERICANS  WERE  sup- 
ported last  year  on  6,800,000  legs.  The  per- 
sons were  sick  people  in  hospitals;  the  legs 
belonged  to  the  1,700,000  hospital  beds  in 
the  United  States. 

Suppose  we  held  a  clock  on  people  as 
they  enter  hospitals  and  let  the  alarm  ring 
every  time  a  patient  is  admitted.  The  bell 
would  sound  every  two  seconds  on  the 
average  every  day  and  every  night  of  the 
year.  Suppose  we  watched  with  our  alarm 
clock  on  every  hospital  rooftop  as  the  storks 
fly  down  with  their  warm  little  burdens. 
Three  out  of  every  five  of  Uncle  Sam's 
babies  are  born  in  hospitals.  The  stork 
alarm  would  go  off  every  165/2  seconds. 

Hospitals  are  big  business.  The  land, 
buildings,  and  equipment  of  our  6,600  hos- 
pitals represent  an  investment  of  more  than 
five  billion  dollars.  The  work  of  the  hos- 
pitals takes  a  million  people — from  doctors 
to  doormen. 

These  people  are  engaged  in  health  serv- 
ice. The  hospital  is  in  the  business  of  serv- 
ice. It  serves  people  in  three  stages: 

Horizontal  patients — sick  people  in  the 
hospital  beds. 

Vertical  patients — sick  people  who  are 
able  to  walk  to  and  from  the  doctors'  offi- 
ces, the  "clinics,"  and  the  laboratories  in 
the  hospitals. 

Well  people — who  pay  the  bills  and  who 
are  helped  to  keep  well  by  the  knowledge 
gained  through  hospitals. 

The  Hospital  Picture 

Hospitals  thus  have  the  hard  task  of  sat- 
isfying everybody.  How  well  have  they 
done  it?  What  do  hospital  trustees  and  ad- 
ministrators want?  What  are  they  worry- 
ing about?  What  are  the  public's  gripes, 
what  are  its  demands  concerning  hospitals? 

There  are  many  points  of  view.  For 
example: 

"A  hospital's  a  place  where  the  doctors 
and  nurses  give  you  everything  that  medi- 
cine's got,  and  kindness  besides."  That's  a 
satisfied  patient's  definition. 

"I  never  had  truck  with  a  hospital.  When 
anybody  from  our  cove  gets  taken  off  to 
the  hospital,  they  generally  come  back  in 
the  dead  wagon."  Here  talks  the  father  of 
a  North  Carolina  mountain  family  who 
lives  twelve  miles  from  a  doctor  and  forty 
from  the  nearest  hospital. 

"The  hospital  is  the  doctor's  workshop 
and  training  ground,"  says  a  physician. 

"Whether  or  not  the  surgeons  take  any- 
thing out  of  you  in  the  operating  room, 
the  hospital  will  try  to  take  a  big  check  out 
of  you  at  the  cashier's  desk."  The  white- 
collar  man  speaks. 

An  administrator  of  a  voluntary  hospital 
prays:  "Help  us  balance  our  budget,  keep 
our  doctors  happy,  and  hold  our  hospital 
safe  from  government  domination." 

A  United  -States  senator  urges:  "Let  us 
have  a  national  health  program  which  will 


HEALTH— TODAY  &  TOMORROW 

— A  series  by  the  chairman,  Committee 
on  Research  in  Medical  Economics; 
associate  editor,  Survey  Graphic. 


make  hospitals  physically  accessible  and 
hospitalization  financially  available  to  every- 
one everywhere." 

Beneath  these  diverse  views  lie  the  issues 
which  hospitals  and  the  public  face  today. 
A  brief  review  of  facts  will  focus  these 
issues. 

During  the  past  seventy-five  years,  the 
population  of  this  country  has  increased 
less  than  four  times,  but  the  number  of 
hospital  beds  has  multiplied  thirty-four 
times.  Ninety-five  percent  of  the  five 
billion  hospital  capital  has  been  contributed 
on  a  non-profit  basis  by  governments  or 
private  agencies  or  individuals.  Here  is  big 
business  without  stockholders  or  dividends. 
Local,  state  or  federal  governments  own  and 
operate  a  third  of  the  6,600  hospitals,  and 
have  1,350,000  out  of  the  1,700,000  beds. 
The  government  figure  is  swelled  by  400,- 
000  federal  beds  added  since  1940.  State 
and  local  governments  have  largely  pre- 
empted hospital  care  for  mental  diseases 
and  for  tuberculosis. 

The  non-governmental  hospitals  receive 
a  larger  proportion  of  the  acute,  short-term 
illnesses.  For  this  reason  ten  million  .of  the 
sixteen  million  hospital  admissions  last  year 
were  to  non-governmental  hospitals.  These 
voluntary  hospitals  outnumber  the  govern- 
mental hospitals  two  to  one.  They  5re  the 
typical  American  general  hospital.  Their 
boards  of  trustees,  their  auxiliary  and 
financing  committees,  draw  community 
leaders  in  all  large  and  most  small  cities. 
A  third  of  them  are  under  church  auspices. 

Doctors  in  areas  without  community  hos- 
pitals and  city  doctors  who  can't  get  on 
community  hospital  staffs,  have  set  up  over 
1,000  hospitals.  These  proprietary  hospitals, 
however,  are  mostly  tiny  ones.  They  in- 
clude less  than  four  percent  of  all  hospital 
beds  and  they  are  declining  as  community 
organization  grows:  but  in  some  rural  sec- 
tions they  still  dominate. 

Tallying  Gains  and  Headaches 

I  have  been  in  a  few  small  hospitals  that 
are  ill-equipped,  dirty,  and  unsavory  in 
management,  but  most  American  hospitals 
are  places  of  which  their  doctors  and  their 
communities  can  rightly  be  proud.  In  the 
past  generation  the  hospitals  of  America 
have  made  great  progress  towards  solving 
such  major  problems  as  these: 

1.  A  basic  type  of  hospital  organization 
— tested  and  standardized  as  a  non-profit 
body  under  a  lay  board  of  trustees,  govern- 
mental or  voluntary. 


2.  Professional  freedom  for  the  physicians 
appointed  to  the  hospital  staff  by  the  trus- 
tees. 

3.  Standards  of  organization  and  of  per- 
formance, maintained  mostly  by  voluntary 
professional  bodies — the  American  College 
of  Surgeons,  the  American  Medical  Associa- 
tion,  the    American    Hospital    Association. 
The  enforcement  of  these  standards  is  un- 
even, especially  as  regards  fee-splitting,  and 
hardly  touches  the  numerous  little  hospitals 
with  less  than  twenty-five  beds.    Yet  con- 
ditions today  represent  an  outstanding  ad- 
vance over  those  of  a  generation  ago. 

4.  Education  for  physicians,  nurses,  medi- 
cal social  workers,  and  many  technical  voca- 
tions, integrated  with  hospital,  clinic,  and 
laboratory. 

5.  Professionalizing    hospital    administra- 
tion.   The  American   Hospital  Association 
has  become  a  powerful,  self-conscious  body. 

6.  Relations  between  voluntary  hospitals 
and  governments.  Tax  payments  from  local, 
state,   and   federal   funds    for   the   care   of 
needy    persons    now   exceed    philanthropic 
gifts  to  hospital  maintenance.   Through  co- 
operation   with   public   welfare    authorities 
and    otherwise,    the    hospitals    have    trans- 
formed many  of  these  arrangements  from 
politically  determined  lump-sum  grants  to 
businesslike  payment  for  service  on  a  per 
diem  cost  basis. 

7.  Painless  payment  of  hospital  bills.  The 
Blue   Cross    hospital   insurance   plans    were 
initiated    largely    by    hospitals.     They    are 
sponsored  but  not  controlled  by  the  Ameri- 
can Hospital  Association.    In   twelve  years 
they  have  gained  over  17,000,000  members. 

Problems  Ahead 

Unsolved  problems  stand  on  the  hospital 
floor,  among  them: 

1.  Many  hospitals  are  the  private  work- 
shops of  the  surgeons  who  "feed  in"  a  ma- 
jority of  the  hospital's  paying  patients.  Com- 
petition among  staff  doctors  and  between 
different   hospitals  often   lowers   standards. 

2.  Many  physicians  are  without  any  hos- 
pital   staff    connection — especially    general 
practitioners  in  large  cities.   The  interest  of 
the  individual  hospital  is  to  maintain  high 
quality  in  its  staff.  The  interest  of  the  com- 
munity is  to  see  that  every  doctor  has  op- 
portunity to  keep  professionally  up-to-date. 

3.  The    advantages    and    economies    of 
group  medical  practice  exist  in  many  organ- 
ized hospitals  staffs  for  non-paying  patients, 
but  in  only  a  few  for  paying  patients. 

4.  No  private  or  public  agency  collects 
facts  annually  on  a  nationwide  scale  about 
hospital     financial     operations  —  especially 
current  income  and  expenses — data  essential 
to  community  and  national  planning. 

5.  Negro  patients,  doctors,  and  nurses  get 
slim  pickings  from  the  hospital  table.  Negro 
medical    needs    are    great.     Negro    paying 
power   is  low. 

6.  Many  hospitals  should  have  more  trus- 


328 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


tees  who  will   represent  community   needs 
rather  than  institutional  interests. 

7.  Most  hospitals  are  still  repair  shops, 
related  neither  to  preventive  services  on  the 
one  side  nor  to  convalescent  and  social 
services  on  the  other. 

Where  and  How  Questions 

Three  big  problems  sit  on  the  hospital 
door  step: 

Maldistribution  of  facilities.  The  estab- 
lishment of  hospitals  in  American  com- 
munities has  long  followed  the  precept,  "To 
him  that  hath  shall  be  given."  Now  in  1945, 
the  American  Hospital  Association  has 
sponsored  the  Hill-Burton  Bill  (S.  191)  for 
statewide  surveys  of  hospital  needs  and  for 
federal  aid  in  hospital  construction.  The 
American  Medical  Association,  the  big  farm 
agencies,  and  organized  labor  all  support 
the  bill  in  principle.  If  the  measure  is  en- 
acted, after  some  needed  amendments,  a 
new  chapter  in  rural  medical  service  will 
begin. 

Coordination  of  hospitals.  Dr.  Thomas 
Parran,  Senator  Claude  Pepper  and  many 
hospital  leaders  declare  that  hospitals  should 
be  interrelated  in  local  and  regional  schemes, 
so  that  the  small  ones — and  thus  the  people 
of  small  communities — can  obtain  special- 
ized and  quality  services  beyond  their  local 
hospital's  resources. 

This  plan  has  been  the  subject  of  a  hand- 
ful of  local  experiments  and  of  many 
mouthfuls  of  speechmaking. 

Making  hospital  care  financially  available 
to  everyone.  The  leaders  of  the  Blue  Cross 
hospital  insurance  plans  project  their  pres- 
ent rate  of  growth  in  membership  over 
happy  futures,  until  the  whole  population  is 
covered.  If  last  year's  unprecedented  in- 
crease of  three  and  a  half  million  members 
were  continued  for  fifteen  years,  half  of  our 
people  would  be  covered.  In  accepting  a 
decade  or  two  of  delay,  the  Blue  Cross 
leaders  are  generous  with  other  people's 
time. 

Will  this  rate  of  growth  continue?  So 
far,  experience  shows  a  marked  decline  in 
the  rate  of  increase  of  most  plans  after  the 
first  five  or  six  years.  How  much  would 
this  tendency  be  changed  by  more  vigorous 
campaigns  for  membership?  By  offering 
fuller  benefits  at  the  same  or  possibly  lower 
rates?  Certainly  the  Blue  Cross  plans  would 
be  boosted  if  many  private  employers  would 
do  what  a  few  do  now — pay  half  or  more 
of  the  charges  for  their  employes;  and  if  our 
governments  could  and  would  do  this  for 
their  employes,  too. 

To  enthusiasm  now  add  a  dose  of  realism. 
There  were  1,822,000  business  firms  report- 
ing in  1940  to  the  Social  Security  System, 
with  some  twenty-seven  and  a  half  million 
employes.  Less  than  2,400  of  these  firms 
employed  1,000  or  more  persons.  About 
one  and  a  half  million  employed  less  than 
ten  persons.  Besides  these  businesses  there 
are  over  one  million  other  employing  units, 
mostly  very  small,  and  beyond  these  some 
ten  million  farmers  and  self-employed  in- 
dividuals. The  administratively  easiest  and 
financially  safest  enrollment  in  voluntary 
insurance  plans  comes  from  large  employed 
groups.  As  the  plans  move  to  small  units 


the  going  gets  tougher.  The  same  is  true 
as  they  try  to  tap  that  half  of  our  population 
with  family  incomes  under  |2,000. 

Government  Participation 

Another  adventure  in  realism  leads  us  to 
the  $64  question:  government— boon  or 
bogey?  Of  the  four  legs  of  the  hospital 
bed,  "Professional  Service"  represents  the 
hospital's  primary  function.  "Education 
and  Research"  are  essential  if  professional 
service  is  to  be  high-grade  and  progressive. 

As  to  "Community  Support,"  the  typical 
American  hospital  is  in  a  fortunate  position. 
Five  sixths  or  more  of  the  maintenance  ex- 
penses of  most  voluntary  general  hospitals 
are  met  by  payments  from  patients.  These 
hospitals  depend  little,  many  of  them  not  at 
all,  upon  philanthropic  gifts  toward  current 
expenses.  They  seek  gifts  mainly  for  capi- 
tal— new  buildings,  renovations,  and  dur- 
able equipment. 

Community  support  is,  however,  sought 
and  given  in  other  ways  than  money.  Gifts 
of  personal  service  are  numerous.  By  or- 
ganizing personal  service,  many  hospitals 
tap  churches,  employers,  men's  clubs,  wo- 
men's clubs,  fraternal  organizations,  and 
other  major  groups  in  their  localities.  Yet 
even  though  most  voluntary  hospitals  are 
relatively  independent  of  gifts  for  current 
maintenance,  they  cannot  stand  securely  if 
they  violate  the  obligation  of  community 
service.  On  this  principle  their  status  rests. 

"Government  Participation"  in  hospital 
service  is  more  than  financial.  Of  primary 
importance  is  the  tax  exemption  which  is 
accorded  non--profit  hospitals  in  almost  all 
states.  Second  is  the  direct  supply  of  general 
hospital  service  by  institutions  maintained 
by  cities,  counties,  states,  and  federal  agen- 
cies. These  government  hospitals  not  only 
furnish  services,  they  also  may  serve  as 
yardsticks  of  cost.  Third,  are  the  increasing 
payments  by  local,  state,  and  national  gov- 
ernments to  voluntary  hospitals  for  services 
rendered  needy  persons.  These  payments 
have  rarely  been  accompanied  by  interfer- 
ence with  the  administration  of  the  insti- 
tutions. 

Indeed  the  American  Hospital  Associa- 
tion asks  for  more — more  tax  payments  for 


more   people;    and    for   payments   covering 
full  cost. 

Government  participation  in  hospital 
service  is  thus  a  boon,  but  one  does  not 
have  to  advance  far  in  realism  to  appre- 
ciate that  obligations  go  along  with  benefits. 

The  Hospitals'  Strength 

A  third  adventure  in  realism  would  bring 
those  concerned  with  hospitals  to  appraise 
the  strength  of  their  position.  The  roots  of 
the  voluntary  hospitals  strike  so  wide  and 
deep  in  most  American  .communities  that 
increasing  participation  by  local,  state  or 
national  governments  is  no  reason  for  fear. 
The  real  dangers  of  government-from-a-dis- 
tance  must  be  prevented.  The  perversions 
of  partisan  politics  must  be  combated.  But 
these  dangers  must  be  fought  realistically, 
and  with  enough  humor  to  appreciate  that 
non-governmental  as  well  as  governmental 
agencies  are  operated  by  self-centered  hu- 
man beings. 

The  recent  expansion  of  voluntary  health 
insurance  plans  has  double  motivation.  The 
carrot  of  public  service  lures.  The  whip 
of  the  government  bogey  drives.  Large 
growth  of  voluntary  plans  will  require  a 
unity  and  a  militant  spirit  which  arise  only 
from  strong,  positive  motivation.  The  ex- 
perience of  the  plans  promoted  by  state 
medical  societies  shows  that  the  whip  often 
brings  rearing  and  shying  and  little  progress 
along  the  road.  These  plans  offer  very 
limited  services  and  have  obtained  hardly 
7  percent  of  the  Blue  Cross  membership. 

If  the  hospitals  would  appreciate  the  true 
strength  of  their  position  with  the  public 
and  with  the  medical  profession,  their  trus- 
tees would  control  the  costly  internecine 
warfare  with  X-ray  and  other  specialists 
who  want  to  charge  patients  all  the  traffic 
will  bear,  and  many  hospitals  and  some 
Blue  Cross  plans  could  proceed,  without 
seeing  bogeys  under  the  bed,  to  offer  com- 
plete prepaid  medical  care  through  group 
practice  by  the  hospital  and  clinic  staffs. 
As  hospital  people  discard  their  fears,  gov- 
ernment health  insurance  will  cease  to  cause 
chills  and  fever.  Both  hospital  and  govejn- 
ment  leaders  would  do  well  to  watch  them- 
selves more  and  the  other  fellow  less. 


Governmental 
Participation 


Community 
Support 


Professional 
Service 


Education  and 
Research 


JULY     1945 


329 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


Governing  a  Troubled  Community 


WHEN  PEACE  RETURNS,  THE  AMERICAN  PEO- 
ple — at  least  the  thoughtful  ones — are  go- 
ing to  examine  once  more  the  validity  of 
humanitarian  principles.  We  have  waged 
war  "for  humanity's  sake"  since  1898  and 
have  been  ridiculed  by  other  nations  be- 
cause our  brave  talk  about  ideals  did  not 
tally  with  our  practical  politics.  In  the 
present  war  the  cry  is  democracy,  which 
somehow  seems  to  imply  legal  -instead  of 
sentimental  rights.  Already  we  are  greatly 
concerned  with  the  application  of  democracy 
— and  the  word  takes  on  new  meanings  as 
men  of  differing  opinions  use  it. 

Under  our  laws  every  citizen  has  specific 
rights.  Certainly  he  is  innocent  of  breaking 
laws  until  proved  guilty;  moreover,  he  is 
entitled  to  a  fair  trial.  It  might  serve  to 
remind  us  that  if  historians  of  a  vanished 
people  were  guided  solely  by  the  principles 
that  these  people  announced  in  their  high- 
est and  noblest  hours,  they  would  fail  to 
grasp  many  essentially  human  elements. 

In  the  United  States,  for  instance,  we  are 
committed  to  treat  on  equal  terms  all  citi- 
zens, no  matter  what  their  race  or  color; 
yet  everyone  is  aware  of  the  constant  ten- 
sions created  by  the  feeling  of  superiority. 
This  is  accentuated  in  time  of  war.  Dur- 
ing the  first  World  War  it  produced  many 
harsh  attitudes  toward  German-born  citi- 
zens who  had  arrived  in  the  great  immi- 
grations of  the  nineteenth  century.  In  this 
war  it  has  led  to  even  more  bitter  expres- 
sions of  hate  and  suspicion  against  those 
among  us  who  were  born  in  Japan,  and 
against  their  children  who  were  born  and 
educated  in  the  United  States. 

Poston  as  Laboratory 

The  position  of  Japanese  Americans  in 
wartime  America  has  had  the  attention  of 
several  earnest  students,  notably  Carey  Mc- 
Williams,  and  the  conclusions  reached  are 
that  many  honest  individuals  have  suffered 
because  a  few  sided  violently  with  Japan. 
The  hostility  of  the  California  communities 
in  which  so  many  of  them  lived  was 
marked,  and  for  their  own  protection  as 
well  as  ours  they  were  placed  in  supervised 
camps. 

This  dislocation  provided  opportunity  for 
a  study  of  social  influences  and  organiza- 
tion by  a  psychiatrist  and  social  anthro- 
pologist with  experience  in  Eskimo  and  In- 
dian affairs,  Alexander  H.  Leighton,  now  a 
lieutenant  commander  in  the  U.  S.  Naval 
Reserve.  "The  Governing  of  Men,"  pub- 
lished in  cooperation  with  the  American 
Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 
(Princeton  University  Press;  $3.75),  is  his 
attempt  to  formulate  certain  general  princi- 
ples from  observation  of  the  adjustment  of 
human  relations  at  the  Poston  relocation 
camp  near  Parker,  Ariz.  Here  about  18,000 

(All  boo1(S 


HARRY  HANSEN 

evacuees  were  placed  in  three  large  unit? 
of  flimsily  constructed  wooden  barracks. 

Since  Commander  Leighton  takes  his  title 
from  Danton's  regretful  remark:  "Oh,  it 
were  better  to  be  a  poor  fisherman  than  to 
meddle  with  the  governing  of  men,"  it  is 
obvious  that  he  is  dealing  with  difficulties 
at  the  camp.  To  draw  conclusions  of  a 
general  nature  from  the  ferment,  the  tur- 
moil of  human  needs,  desires  and  fears,  and 
conflict  with  authority,  calls  for  an  eye  for 
essentials;  Commander  Leighton  has  it  and 
.also  has  the  patience  to  wait  for  evidence 
before  stating  his  conclusions.  Thus  "The 
Governing  of  Men"  is  a  careful,  step-by- 
step  examination  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  dis- 
content at  Poston;  the  leadership  which 
brought  it  about  and  that  which  quelled  it. 

A  "People-Minded"  Leader 

In  dealing  with  groups  of  human  beings 
several  attitudes  are  always  prominent.  Men 
in  authority,  responsible  for  decisions,  pre- 
fer to  delay  drastic  action  if  peaceful  solu- 
tions can  be  reached.  They  know  that  vio- 
lence leads  to  further  violence.  Police  and 
the  military,  used  to  repressive  measures, 
invariably  represent  the  opposite  extreme 
when  called  in  to  help.  Subordinate  offi- 
cials, who  do  not  have  full  responsibility 
for  what  happens,  also  are  more  aggressive 
than  their  superiors. 

Talk  of  being  "soft"  and  "appeasing"  is 
always  thrown  at  leaders  at  such  moments. 
Perhaps  ultimate  success  determines  the 
validity  of  method.  At  Poston  the  assistant 
director,  who  was  "people-minded,"  as 
Commander  Leighton  puts  it,  won  a  victory 
by  patience  and  forbearance  with  the  dis- 
affected, who  were  led  by  troublemakers 
into  a  strike.  "Every  administrator  must  be 
prepared  when  the  time  comes  to  back  him- 
self against  the  world  and  if  necessary  take 
the  consequences  of  losing,"  Commander 
Leighton  maintains.  The  assistant  director 
is  identified  only  as  a  forty-year-old  son 
of  Yale,  member  of  a  wealthy  family;  his 
mother  is  a  well-known  New  York  liberal. 
Opposing  him  were  the  "stereotype-minded 
group  of  administrative  employes,"  whose 
patience  gave  out. 

Much  patience  was  needed.  The  evacu- 
ees here  were  a  heterogeneous  crowd.  Thev 
included  the  Issei  (34.9  percent)  or  origin- 
al immigrants  from  Japan,  some  of  whom 
had  hoped  to  return  there  and  had,  like 
the  Germans  during  the  first  World  War, 
a  degree  of  pride  in  the  rise  of  their  native 
land,  though  others  had  been  disillusioned; 
the  Nisei  (51.3  percent),  their  children, 
born  and  educated  in  the  United  States, 
with  no  desire  to  live  in  Japan;  the  Kibei 
(9.2  percent),  Nisei  who  had  gone  to  Japan 
as  children,  and  had  returned  with  conflict- 
ing ideas  and  become  troublemakers.  The 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will 


camp  also  contained  the  Sansei   (4.6  per- 
cent), young  children  of  Nisei  and  Kibei. 

Herded  together  in  camp,  where  every 
way  of  life  had  to  be  improvised,  these 
evacuees  were  the  victims  of  fear  and 
alarms.  Reports  from  the  Pacific  Coast 
did  not  reassure  them.  Talk  about  democ- 
racy by  the  directors  was  contradicted  by 
the  restrictions  imposed  on  citizens  who  had 
no  dealings  with  the  en::my.  They  felt 
themselves  "deserted  by  America."  The 
troublemakers  worked  up  discontent. 

Reactions  to  Stress 

As  fear  and  anxiety  were  reduced  there 
was  "an  increase  in  aggressive  expres- 
sions of  dissatisfaction."  Commander  Leigh- 
ton's  comment  on  the  rise  of  belief  in  Jap- 
anese victory  among  some  of  them  applies 
to  many  other  situations:  "It  was  the  usual 
retreat  from  reality  into  the  fantasies  of 
hope  that  is  often  seen  when  human  beings 
are  under  stress,  a  retreat  which  can  stir 
whole  groups  to  fanaticism  and  messianic 
movements."  This  accelerated  "the  ten- 
dency to  live  in  melodrama,"  when  "mis- 
interpretation had  a  hair  trigger."  We  see 
here  the  workings  of  prolonged  frustration 
on  the  human  imagination.  Such  a  situa- 
tion should  teach  us  much  about  mass 
movements  that  result  in  violence.  Poston 
did  not  reach  the  stage  of  violence  because 
it  was  ably  administered. 

In  the  second  part  of  the  book,  Com- 
mander Leighton  discusses  his  conclusions. 
This  is  excellent  reading  for  all  of  us.  It  de- 
scribes the  reactions  of  individuals  to  stress 
and  the  position  to  be  taken  by  those  re- 
sponsible for  the  public  welfare.  Aggression 
must  be  guided,  says  he.  "It  is  the  horse 
with  spirit  that  is  balking,"  hence  it  must 
be  carefully  led.  Administrators  are  as 
much  under  stress  as  those  who  oppose 
them;  it  is  an  error  to  suppose  that  the  re- 
sponsible heads  are  always  cool. 

Of  importance,  too,  is  Commander  Leigh- 
ton's  emphasis  on  the  peculiar  social  or- 
ganization of  people  and  the  need  for  work- 
ing inside  such  organizations  to  get  coopera- 
tion. Much  of  this  has  been  applied  by 
American  leaders  in  zones  of  occupation. 
It  is  no  longer  a  sentimental  attitude  to- 
ward underdogs  that  dictates  our  attitudes 
and  methods;  it  is  practical  and  scientific, 
the  result  of  a  half  century  of  searching  for 
social  principles. 

The  men  who  apply  these  principles  of 
humanitarian  action  are  trained  specialists, 
but  in  proportion  to  the  population  they  are 
few.  Outside  a  huge  crowd  is  yelling: 
"String  up  the  spies!"  "Wipe  out  the  enemy 
to  the  last  man!"  Books  such  as  this,  pa- 
tiently rehearsing  an  effort  to  be  just  to 
war's  victims,  may  enlarge  the  circle  of 
understanding. 
be  postpaid) 


330 


JAPANESE     MILITARISM,     ITS     CAUSE 
AND  CURE,  by  John  M.  Maki.  Knopf.  £3. 

FOR  ANY  PERSON  WISHING  TO  LHARN  QUICKLY 

yet  fundamentally  the  nature  of  our  remain- 
ing enemy,  Mr.  Maki's  book  is  almost  per- 
fect. Although  the  title  suggests  a  concen- 
tration on  strictly  military  matters,  such 
is  not  the  case.  At  the  very  start  the  author 
sets  forth  the  thesis  that  militarism  is  not 
a  new  or  ephemeral  phenomenon  in  Japan, 
but  an  integral  product  of  an  entire  social 
system  and  a  long  history. 

Though  the  winning  of  the  war  is  being 
carried  out  boldly,  brilliantly,  and  swiftly 
by  our  side,  this  is  only  a  beginning.  "True 
statesmanship,"  says  the  author,  "must 
build  on  the  accomplishments  of  the  fight- 
ing man.  It  must  go  beyond  the  battlefield 
and  attack  Japanese  ideas  and  institutions." 
It  must  destroy  the  roots  of  Japanese  mili- 
tarism after  our  fighting  forces  have  lopped 
off  the  branches.  It  must  purge  the  Japan- 
ese people  by  letting  them  suffer  in  their 
own  land  the  destruction  and  chaos  that 
they  have  inflicted  on  others.  Then  it  must 
see  that  they  rebuild  their  social  order  along 
lines  radically  different  from  those  of  the 
past. 

With  this  thesis  in  mind  the  author  gives 
a  lucidly  written,  carefully  conceived  ac- 
count of  Japanese  social  evolution.  In  chap- 
ters on  the  Political  Oligarchy,  the  Eco- 
nomic Oligarchy,  the  Emperor  Idea,  Anti- 
Foreignism,  and  the  Authoritarian  State, 
he  shows  that  Japan  has  had  a  remarkable 
continuity  of  rule  by  a  select  few,  but- 
tressed always  by  economic  and  religious 
controls. 

Such  changes  as  have  occurred  have  been 
engineered  from  the  top.  The  transforma- 
tion from  feudalism  to  modernism,  for  ex- 
ample, was  the  result  not  of  a  spontaneous 
popular  revolution  but  of  a  shrewdly  con- 
trolled change  by  authoritarian  leaders  asso- 
ciated with  the  Imperial  faction.  It  was  for 
this  reason  not  a  complete  transformation. 
The  philosophy  of  feudal  authoritarianism 
was  kept  and  made  the  basis  of  a  fascist 
state  disguised  by  a  facade  of  parliamentar- 
ism. 

A  series  of  remarkably  successful  wars 
gave  the  people  the  feeling  that  navy  and 
army  domination  of  the  government  was  a 
good  thing.  In  a  final  chapter  on  Japan's 
future,  the  author  emphasizes  the  necessity 
of  a  drastic  policy  to  shake  the  Japanese 
out  of  their  insular  illusions  and  their  oli- 
garchic society. 

The  book  is  profound  and  yet  crystal 
clear,  an  invaluable  contribution  to  Amer- 
ican understanding  and  the  formation  of 
public  policy  with  reference  to  the  enemy. 
A  fillip  is  added  by  the  fact  that  the  author 
is  an  American  citizen  of  Japanese  ances- 
try. His  scholarship,  objectivity,  and  first 
hand  acquaintance  with  the  Japanese,  his 
ability  to  write,  his  excellent  judgment,  are 
a  credit  to  him. 
Princeton  University  KINGSLEY  DAVIS 

LET  US  CONSIDER  ONE  ANOTHER,  by 
Josephine      Lawrence.      Appleton  -  Century. 

#2.75. 

To    HER    GROWING    LIST    OF    VIVIDLY    HUMAN 

novels,  Josephine  Lawrence  now  adds  the 
moving  story  of  a  "mixed  marriage"  on 


which  crowd  in  the  petty  prejudice,  the 
blind  bigotry,  the  cruel  stupidity  of  middle- 
class  society,  family  and  friends.  Cecilia  and 
"Tag" — so  called  from  his  mother's  family 
name  of  Taget — are  deeply,  irresistibly  in 
love.  Both  are  children  of  mixed  marriages, 
she  of  Catholic-Protestant  parents,  he  of 
Jewish-Gentile.  Both  have  abundant  experi- 
ence in  family  tensions  and  truces. 

"Tag"  is  charming,  handsome,  and  intel- 
ligent and  "no  one  would  suspect  him  of 
being  a  Jew."  But  his  name  is  Hymen 
Silverstein  and  with  its  first  mention  comes 
a  stiffening  of  Cecilia's  every  social  contact, 
however  casual.  "I  know  how  it  is,"  says 
Tag.  "When  you  say  you  are  Mrs.  Silver- 


stein  .  .  .  then  the  vicious,  the  stupid  and 
the  cruel  begin  to  bay  you  like  hounds.  .  .  . 
Prejudice  is  a  seeping  dark  stain  I  think, 
more  difficult  to  fight  than  hatred — which  is 
powerful  and  violent  and  somehow  more 
honest,  too." 

Miss  Lawrence  portrays  the  baying 
through  all  its  endless  round — the  hotels 
and  apartment  houses,  "restricted"  because 
"once  you  let  one  in  you  can't  keep  the  rest 
out";  the  nurse  whose  last  patient  was  "a 
Jewish  lady,  but  nice";  the  rapacious  south- 
ern landlady  "careful  about  whom  she  takes 
in;  the  man  on  the  train  who  "always  told 
my  wife  that  some  Jews  are  white  folks." 
And  always  there  is  the  family,  down  to  the 


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331 


last  cousin,  torn  by  its  own  hales  and 
jealousies,  frustrated  by  grim  personal  rela- 
tionships, but  joined  as  one  in  baying  at  the 
heels  of  Cecilia's  marriage. 

Most  of  the  baying  sprang  from  stupidity, 
from  the  thoughtless  acceptance  of  stencils 
— Irish  are  noisy  and  dirty,  Italians  beat 
their  wives,  Negroes  are  lazy  and  light- 
fingered,  Jews  are  aggressive  and  "Oh,  you 
know.  .  .  ." 

Tag  saw  it  clear:  "But  those  traits  are 
human,  not  racial.  You  may  find  them  in  a 
Gentile  or  a  Jew.  ...  It  is  so  simple  and  we 
make  it  so  complicated.  Each  of  us  will  be 
judged  by  God  as  an  individual  soul.  Why 
do  we  insist  on  passing  judgments  on  the 
mass?"  Cecilia,  secure  in  her  personal  hap- 
piness with  Tag,  but  groping  for  light  on 
the  crude  unreason  that  surrounded  her, 
puzzled  out  a  backhanded  answer,  "What 
I  don't  understand  is  why  any  church  in 
the  United  States  thinks  it  necessary  to  go 
outside  this  country  to  teach  the  Christian 
gospel.  None  of  us  has  yet  learned  it  here 
at  home." 

Miss  Lawrence's  skill  as  a  writer  lies  not 
in  suggesting  the  overtones  and  undertones 
of  human  relationships  but  in  depicting  the 
details  of  the  often  unlovely  business  of 
people  living  together  in  the  ties  of  blood 
and  marriage.  She  is  no  respecter  of  skele- 
tons in  closets,  be  they  of  individuals,  of 
families,  or  of  society.  In  "Let  Us  Consider 
One  Another" — a  title  drawn  from  St. 
Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews — she  brings 
them  all  out  and  if  you  or  I  recognize  a 
familiar  rattle,  that  is  exactly  what  she  set 
out  to  accomplish.  Incidentally,  she  has 
written  a  story  that  commands  interest 
and  emotion  from  beginning  to  end. 
Osterville,  Mass.  GERTRUDE  SPRINGER 

CAN  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT 
DO  THE  JOB,  by  Thomas  K.  Finletter, 
Reynal  Si  Hitchcock.  $2. 

Whattodo  BOOKS  ON  GOVERNMENT  ARE 
almost  as  numerous  and  as  popular  as  who- 
dunits in  current  fiction.  This  new  volume 
has  even  the  suspense  of  the  latter,  and  the 
argument  is  built  up  so  that  the  whattodo 
is  not  revealed  until  the  important  con- 
clusions. 

The  first  section  on  "Ends  and  Means" 
is  the  best  popular  presentation  which  this 
hardened  political  scientist  has  read  of  the 
interrelationships  within  American  govern- 
ment in  the  world  today  and  the  years  to 
follow  the  war.  Mr.  Finletter  raises  the 
fundamental  question:  can  governmental 
machinery  designed  to  achieve  political 
negatives  and  the  laissez  faire  state  develop 
the  steady  flow  of  power  which  the  new 
policies  of  the  American  people  demand? 
He  shows  clearly  that  the  present  system 
of  American  government  in  peace  results 
in  strong  and  weak  alternating  periods.  In 
this  swing  he  sees  a  basic  conflict  between 
the  historic  purposes  of  the  Constitution 
aimed  at  a  weak  government  and  the  need 
today  for  strong  government. 

The  book  goes  to  the  heart  of  our  diffi- 
culties when  it  points  out  the  conflict  be- 
tween the  Executive  and  Congress  as  the 
most  significant  fact  in  American  govern- 
ment today.  The  most  urgent  need  is  for 


a  powerful  Executive  and  at  the  same  time 
a  strong  legislative  body,  to  do  away  with 
the  battles  between  the  two — battles  which 
ultimately  will  jeopardize  the  very  existence 
of  Congress  and  defeat  all  executive  plans 
for  domestic  prosperity  and  international 
peace. 

In  the  past,  whattodo  literature  has  in- 
cluded proposals  ranging  from  the  right 
of  the  President  to  dissolve  the  House  and 
Senate  to  a  complete  parliamentary  system 
and  the  consequent  abandonment  of  the 
popular  election  of  the  President.  Mr.  Fin- 
letter  joins  the  long  procession  of  those 
who  advocate  the  appearance  of  Cabinet 
members  on  the  floor  of  the  House  and 
Senate  for  questions.  But  he  realizes  that 
this  alorte  would  offer  too  little,  too  late. 
He  therefore  suggests,  first,  a  joint  bi-parti- 
san  Cabinet  between  the  Executive  and 
Congress,  with  jurisdiction  over  domestic 
as  well  as  foreign  matters.  The  present 
rigid  terms  of  office  for  the  President  and 
members  of  Congress  would  be  a  barrier 
to  the  effective  operation  of  any  joint  Cabi- 
net. He  '  suggests  amending  the  Consti- 
tution to  give  the  President  the  right  to 
dissolve  Congress  and  the  Presidency  and 
to  call  a  general  election  when  a  deadlock 
arises  between  Congress  and  the  joint  Cabi- 
net. He  advocates  terms  of  Senators,  Repre- 
sentatives, and  Chief  Executive  of  the  same 
length,  say  six  years  from  the  date  of  each 
election. 

This  is  an  important  little  book.  Whether 
or  not  one  agrees  entirely  with  the  some- 
what drastic  solutions  the  author  proposes, 
one  cannot  fail  to  agree  that  a  continued 
acceptance  of  the  principle  of  conflict  be- 
tween two  branches  of  government  imperils 
the  authority  of  Congress  and  even  the  ex- 
istence of  self-rule  in  the  United  States.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Finletter's  discussion 
will  stimulate  action  as  to  what  to  do  about 
it.  The  plan  already  working  effectively 
bf  which  combined  groups  of  the  State 
Department  and  the  congressional  Foreign 
Relations  and  Foreign  Affairs  Committees 
work  together  is  an  encouraging  straw  to 
show  which  way  the  wind  is  blowing. 

JANE  PERRY  CLARK  CAREY 
Barnard  College 


THE    NEGRO    IN    AMERICAN    LIFE,    by 
John  Becker.  Messner.  $1. 

ONE    OF    THE    MOST    NECESSARY    STEPS    IN    THE 

campaign  against  racial  and  other  forms 
of  social  intolerance  is  to  shatter  the  stereo- 
types which  serve  as  the  customary  molds 
of  prejudice.  This  attack  has  become  one 
of  the  most  novel  and  effective  devices  in 
the  growing  educational  crusade  for  more 
democratic  living  and  thinking.  An  im- 
portant and  pioneering  instance  was  the 
photographic  placard  exhibit  worked  o"t 
under  the  supervision  of  John  Becker  for 
the  Council  Against  Intolerance  in  Amer- 
ica, and  exhibited  for  the  first  time  at 
Henry  Street  Settlement  in  New  York  last 
year. 

.The  unusual  success  of  this  pictorial  and 
graphic  panorama  of  the  more  constructive 
relationship  of  the  Negro  to  our  American 
society  has  been  duplicated  in  a  number  of 


1 


centers.  Now  this  booklet  brings  the  ex- 
hibit into  arm's  reach  of  any  reader.  It  is  t 
be  hoped  that  in  this  form  it  will  have  the 
larger  circulation  which  it  deserves  as  one 
of  the  most  helpful  bits  of  sound  demo- 
cratic propaganda  yet  worked  out  in  this 
gravely  important  area  of  interracial  anc 
intercultural  education.  ALAIN  LOCKE 

Professor  of  Philosophy 
Howard  University,  Washington,  D.  C. 

DEMOCRACY  IN  AMERICA,  by  Alexis  d 
Tocqueville,    the    Henry    Reevt    text    as    re- 
vised   by    Francis    Bowen,    now    Uxrther   cor- 
rected   and    edited    with    introduction,    ed 
torial    notes   and   bibliographies   by    Phillips 
Bradley.  Foreword  by  Harold  J.  Laski.  Two 
volumes;  Knopf.  $6. 

ALMOST  ANY  EDITION  OF  THIS  GREAT  CLASSIC 
would  have  been  justified  at  this  time.  Bu 
when  a  new  edition  possesses  the  superioi 
merits  of  the  present  work,  its  appearance 
is  greeted  with  enthusiasm.  Both  publishei 
and  editor  have  done  justice  to  the  import 
ance  of  their  material;  the  one  in  design 
and  typography,  the  other  in  introduction, 
notes,  translation  revisions,  and  bibliog- 
raphies. 

The  Reeve  translation  as  revised  b; 
Bowen  has  been  further  emended  in  more 
than  275  instances  in  an  effort  "to  eliminate 
.  .  .  the  most  obvious  difficulties  in  Tocque- 
ville's  meaning"  and  to  make  the  text 
"more  comprehensible  to  the  contemporary 
reader."  Two  appendices,  one  dealing  with 
major  variants  in  the  standard  translation, 
and  the  other  providing  comprehensive 
Tocqueville  bibliographies  are  valuable 
scholarly  contributions. 

Professor  Bradley's  introduction  includes 
a  biographical  summary,  a  concise  account 
of  Tocqueville's  purpose  and  method  in 
writing  this  major  work,  a  brief  compari- 
son of  his  and  Beaumont's  distinctive  treat- 
ments of  their  American  theme,  an  illumi- 
nating historical  outline  of  the  critical  re- 
ception of  the  book  in  France,  England,  and 
America  within  the  past  century,  and  a 
critical  analysis  of  the  author's  appraisal  of 
American  democratic  institutions  and  of 
democracy  in  general. 

The  most  valuable  section  is  that  in 
which  Professor  Bradley  extracts  the  es- 
sence of  Tocqueville's  thought  with  respect 
to  the  basic  and  crucial  areas  of  democratic 
theory  and  practice.  He  analyzes  Tocque- 
ville's views  on  such  issues  as  "the  tyranny 
of  the  majority,"  centralization  of  govern- 
ment and  administration,  the  relationship 
between  economic,  sociological  and  political 
conditions,  and  the  place  of  religion  and 
education  in  the  evolution  of  democratic 
concepts.  Proceeding  with  the  thesis  that 
"we  must,  as  Tocqueville  did,  look  deeper 
to  discover  the  contradiction  in  democratic 
politics,  the  sources  of  its  strength  and 
weaknesses,"  Professor  Bradley  evaluates 
the  author's  theories  in  terms  of  present  and 
future  as  well  as  of  past  applications.  This 
100-page  essay  is,  in  effect,  a  chart  pointing 
the  directions  which  must  be  followed  if 
our  highest  democratic  aspirations  are  ever 
to  reach  fulfillment. 

As  for  Tocqueville's  book  itself,  nothing 
more  need  be  said  than  that  it  has  been 
recognized  by  the  most  competent  critics  of 


332 


the  past  one  hundred  years  as  one  of  the 
most  significant  treatises  ever  written  on 
American  institutions  and  democratic 
theory.  It  has  gained  rather  than  lost  in 
timeliness.  Now  more  than  ever  before  it 
is  practically  indispensable  for  those  who 
would  acquire  a  sound  understanding  of 
the  evolution  of  our  own  democratic  institu- 
tions and  of  the  major  issues  involved  in 
the  ultimate  establishment  of  democratic  so- 
ciety on  a  national  as  well  as  on  a  uni- 
versal scale.  The  conflict  between  liberty  and 
equality  is  still  a  focal  point  in  the  struggle 
of  social  ideas  and  forces.  Moral  and 
spiritual  values,  as  Tocqueville  so  clearly 
saw,  are  still  the  foundations  of  the  demo- 
cratic ideal. 

"The  citizen  who  has  drunk  deep  of 
Tocqueville's  wisdom,"  says  Harold  Laski 
in  his  foreword  to  this  edition,  "will  be  well 
equipped  for  the  battle  in  which  this  gen- 
eration has,  of  its  necessities,  made  him  a 
soldier."  This  excellent  new  rendition 
should  serve  not  only  to  strengthen  and  in- 
spire those  already  engaged  in  the  struggle, 
but  to  enlist  new  recruits. 

HOWARD  W.  HINTZ 
Co-director  of  American  Studies, 
Assistant  Processor  of  English, 
Brooklyn   College. 


GOLDEN  GATE  CHARTER 

(Continued  from  page  313) 


the  opening  sentence  of  this  central  Article 
in  the  League  Covenant: 

"Any  war  or  threat  of  war,  whether  im- 
mediately affecting  any  of  the  Members  of 
the  League  or  not,  is  hereby  declared  a 
matter  of  concern  to  the  whole  League, 
and  the  League  shall  take  any  action  that 
may  be  deemed  wise  and  effectual  to  safe- 
guard the  peace  of  nations." 

While  it  is  well  to  spell  out  the  obliga- 
tions of  enforcement  as  was  done  in  Chap- 
ter VII  of  the  Charter,  history  will  not 
justify  the  claims  of  those  who  assert  that 
the  Covenant  lacked  adequate  provision  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  police  action. 
Article  11  was  an  emergency  clause,  but 
aggressions  call  for  emergency  action.  From 
the  purely  theoretical  point  of  view,  which 
is  not  that  of  practical  politics,  a  revision  of 
Article  16  of  the  Covenant  could  easily  have 
been  drafted  which  would  have  imple- 
mented Article  1 1  along  lines  fundamentally 
similar  to  those  of  the  Charter. 

Men  of  Vision 

The  really  new  parts  of  the  Charter  are 
those  dealing  with  international  economic 
and  social  cooperation,  with  the  creation  of 
an  Economic  and  Social  Council,  and  with 
international  oversight  of  non-self-governing 
peoples  and  an  international  trusteeship 
much  stronger  than  the  mandates  of  the 
League. 

These  economic,  social  and  political  pro- 
visions were  largely  lacking  in  the  Covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations.  Here  they  are 
not  mere  appendages  to  the  security  sys- 
tem. They  provide  alternatives  for  war  in 
the  development  of  justice  and  human  wel- 
fare. So  well  has  the  task  been  done  that 


already  the  Economic  and  Social  Council  is 
recognized  as  ranking  in  importance  along- 
side the  Security  Council. 

Analysis  of  these  far-reaching  institutions 
for  the  enrichment  of  peace  itself  must, 
however,  be  left  to  a  later  review. 

Even  a  summary  of  the  chapters  dealing 
with  security  makes  it  evident  that  the  San 
Francisco  Charter  is  more  than  "a  first 
step"  in  reshaping  international  relations. 
President  Truman  was  fully  aware  of  his 
own  understatement  when,  towards  the 
close  of  his  address,  he  pointed  out  that  it 
marked  the  continuity  of  the  history  of  ef- 
forts of  this  kind  and  paid  tribute  to  his 
predecessors.  It  is  fitting  therefore  that  we 


close  this  survey  by  quoting  his  words: 

"By  this  Charter,  you  have  given  reality 
to  the  ideal  of  that  great  statesman  of  a 
generation  ago — Woodrow  Wilson. 

"By  this  Charter,  you  have  moved  toward 
the  goal  for  which  the  gallant  leader  in  this 
second  world  struggle  worked  and  fought 
and  gave  his  life— Franklin  D.  Roosevelt. 

"By  this  Charter,  you  have  realized  the 
objectives  of  many  men  of  vision  in  your 
own  countries  who  have  devoted  their  lives 
to  the  cause  of  world  organization  for 
peace. 

"Upon  all  of  us,  in  all  our  countries,  is 
now  laid  the  duty  of  transforming  into  ac- 
tion these  words  which  you  have  written." 


To  People 
who  want  to  write 
but  can't  get  started 

Do  you  have  that  constant  urge  to  write  but  the  fear  that  a  beginner  hasn't  a 
chance?    Then  listen  to  what  the  editor  of  Liberty  said  on  this  subject: 

"There  is  more  room  for  newcomers  in  the  writing  field  today  than  ever  before. 
Some  of  the  greatest  of  writing  men  and  women  have  passed  from  the  scene  in 
recent  years.  Who  will  take  their  places?  Who  will  be  the  new  Robert  W. 
Chambers,  Edgar  Wallace,  Rudyard  Kipling?  Fame,  riches  and  the  happiness 
of  achievement  await  the  new  men  and  women  of  power." 


SELLS  FOUR 
AT  BEGINNING 


ARTICLES 
OF  COURSE 


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333 


WE'RE  AMERICANS  AGAIN 

(Continued  from  page  327) 


they  found  they  were  expected  by  their  fel- 
low students  to  take  part  as  a  matter  of 
course  in  the  school  and  college  social  life. 

For  example,  we  met  a  student  from 
southern  California  who  had  gone  to  a 
midwestern  college  to  finish  his  senior 
year.  Through  grammar  school,  junior  and 
senior  high  schools,  and  college,  he  had 
been  isolated  in  clubs  for  Japanese  Ameri- 
cans only.  In  the  Midwest,  associating  with 
very  few  of  his  own  background,  this  stu- 
dent had  to  learn  to  mingle  with  Cauca- 
sians. To  his  surprise,  he  liked  it. 

In  one  of  the  northern  cities  of  Min- 
nesota, one  relocatee  was  voted  the  most 
popular  student  and  another  the  best  athlete 
in  the  school.  (They  were  the  only  Jap- 
anese Americans  on  the  campus.)  A  young 
man  in  Ohio  was  elected  president  of  the 
student  body  for  a  term.  In  a  midwest  col- 
lege, a  young  Japanese  American  repre- 
sented not  only  his  college  but  also  the 
state  in  an  intercollegiate  debating  contest. 

Restless  Youngsters 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  signs  of  in- 
creasing delinquency  among  teen-age  Japan- 
ese Americans  and  those  in  their  early 
twenties.  These  are  young  people  who  have 
suffered  from  the  unnatural  life  in  the  relo- 
cation centers,  from  unforunate  influences 
on  the  outside,  and  the  sudden  freedom 
from  parental  control.  Some  of  those  with 
zoot  suit  tendencies  are  beginning  to  draw 
the  attention  of  the  police,  the  clergy,  and 
the  social  workers.  They  tend  to  congre- 
gate in  the  larger  cities  where  the  rate  of 
pay  is  high  and  where  there  are  many  re- 
locatees.  Their  life  is  molded  to  the  familiar 
neighborhood  gang  pattern. 

Some  of  these  restless  youngsters  frequent 
gambling  establishments  in  cheap  hotels. 
They  get  into  fights.  They  are  lazy  and 
sometimes  impudent  on  their  jobs,  resenting 
any  kind  of  criticism  or  suggestion.  In  some 
gangs  the  members  draw  lots  to  see  which 
ones  must  work  and  support  the  rest  for 
the  coming  week  or  weeks.  The  army, 
through  selective  service,  is  taking  some  of 
them  out  of  circulation.  A  few  are  recalled 
by  their  parents  to  unite  the  families  for  re- 
location. Some  of  them  are  outgrowing 
their  violent  adolescence.  Unfortunately, 
their  behavior,  which  is  obnoxious  to  decent 
people,  Japanese  as  well  as  Caucasian,  in- 
vites discrimination  not  only  against  them- 
selves, but  against  the  relocatees  in  general. 

Negroes  and  Japanese  Americans 

In  the  course  of  our  travels,  we  noticed 
that  in  several  communities  there  seemed  to 
be  tension  between  Negroes  and  Japanese 
Americans.  While  these  communities  usu- 
ally had  a  large  Negro  population,  they 
were  not  necessarily  in  southern  or  border 
states.  Many  Negroes  resent  the  coming  of 
relocatees.  They  see  this  smaller  group  of 
another  racial  minority  well  received  on  the 
whole.  The  relocatees  are  seldom  handi- 
capped by  restrictive  covenants.  They  do  not 
have  to  submit  to  the  many  kinds  of  dis- 


criminatory prejudices  and  practices  to 
which  Negroes  are  subjected.  Some  of  them 
aic  employed  in  desirable  positions  which 
Negroes  seldom  have  been  permitted  to  at- 
tain. 

In  the  main,  Negroes  resent  relocatees  as 
potential  economic  competitors.  There  is  a 
comparable  situation  on  the  West  Coast 
where  Negroes  have  moved  into  areas-  pre- 
viously occupied  by  the  Japanese.  When  re- 
locatees return  to  their  former  homes  and 
business  establishments,  there  may  be  fric- 
tion between  the  two  groups — and  for  much 
the  same  reasons,  only  with  the  Negroes  as 
"the  interlopers." 

Some  relocatees  and  servicemen  who  have 
lived  in  the  South  and  seen  the  actual  oper- 
ation of  Jim  Crowism  told  us  that  they 
were  disturbed  for  the  first  time  about  the 
whole  situation.  They  were  made  to  under- 
stand something  of  the  realities  of  Negro- 
white  relations  in  this  country.  In  southern 
communities,  where  they  themselves  were 
regarded  as  white,  many  of  the  relocatees 
realized  that  their  problem  was  relatively 
simple  as  compared  with  that  of  native 
Negroes. 

In  our  journey  from  Minnesota  to  Boston, 
from  Washington,  D.  C.,  to  Kansas  City, 
we  found  not  a  single  person  who  was 
sorry  he  had  left  the  centers  to  live  in 
normal  American  communities.  Most  of 
them  admitted  that  it  was  not  easy,  but 
they  insisted  it  was  worth  more  than  all  the 
carefree,  unreal  experience  which  life  in 
the  relocation  centers  offered  them. 

A  Glimpse  of  the  West  Coast 

Early  in  March,  we  went  back  to  Heart 
Mountain,  Wyo.  How  we  hated  to  return 
to  a  place  which  is  a  monument  to  some- 
thing so  strangely  un-American!  After  an 
absence  of  almost  four  months,  we  had 
forgotten  a  great  deal  about  it. 

As  we  left  the  highway  and  approached 
the  Center,  we  left  America  behind  us.  We 
passed  the  Military  Police  area  and  reached 
the  main  gate.  We  turned  in  our  leave 
papers  and  ration  books  at  the  office.  We 
were  no  longer  free  Americans;  we  were 
evacuees  once  more.  The  black  barracks 
were  unchanged,  but  we  had  not  realized 
before  how  dismal  they  looked  with  no 
trees  or  green  grass. 

But  things  were  no  longer  the  same.  The 
West  Coast  exclusion  orders  had  been  lifted, 
all  centers  were  to  be  closed  between  June 
of  this  year  aad  next  January.  The  public 
schools  were  to  close  at  the  end  of  the 
current  term.  There  would  be  no  summer 
school,  no  agricultural  work.  The  chicken 
farm,  the  pig  farm,  and  the  other  projects 
were  to  be  wound  up.  In  many  of  the  de- 
partments the  staff  was  being  cut.  A  num- 
ber of  barrack  units  were  empty.  Local 
stores  were  having  a  special  sale  to  get 
rid  of  surplus  goods. 

About  a  month  later  one  of  us  was  able 
to  visit  Los  Angeles,  which  makes  our  pic- 
ture a  little  more  complete.  So  far  as  could 
be  discovered,  there  had  not  been  much 
change  in  attitude  towards  our  people.  We 
seem  to  have  a  few  more  friends,  and  a 
few  more  enemies — with  the  bulk  of  the 
people  on  the  indifferent  side.  In  general, 
the  reception  of  returning  evacuees  was 


good  in  the  large  urban  areas  and  not  soi 
good  in  rural  districts. 

The  fruit  and  vegetable  produce  markets,! 
the  floral  wholesale  businesses,  were  jealous- 1 
ly  guarded,  to  prevent  the  reestablishment 
of  any  Japanese  competition.  The  insurance 
companies   at   that   time   were  not  selling 
business    policies    to    returning    evacuees. 
Gardening    jobs    were    almost    unlimited.) 
Small    business    seemed    to   have    a    better 
chance.  It  was  very  definitely  reaffirmed  that 
the  reason  for  the  evacuation  and  the  an- 
tipathy of  certain  groups  has  a  lot  more  to 
do  with  economic  interests  than  is  generally  ! 
understood.  Yet  economic  barriers  and  social 
and  religious  exclusion  can  very  easily  force 
the     returning     evacuees     to     form     "little 
Tokyos"  and  renew  the  solid  Japanese  busi- 
ness competition  of  the  pre-evacuation  era. 

These  undesirable  conditions  are  home 
grown;  they  are  nurtured  to  a  great  extent 
by  local  people  who  permit  or  force  them 
to  exist.  The  ugly  un-American  acts  against 
returning  evacuees  in  some  of  the  Pacific 
Coast  communities  are  proving  to  be  boom- 
erangs to  their  instigators  and  have  brought 
loss  of  prestige  to  their  communities.  In  the 
meantime,  the  people  who  are  determined 
to  return  to  the  Coast  are  going  on  with 
their  plans. 

As  Centers  Close 

Now  summer  has  come.  The  schools  have 
been  closed.  The  mess-halls  are  being  shut 
down  one  by  one  as  the  people  relocate, 
and  the  remaining  residents  in  these  blocks 
are  consolidating  with  other  mess-hall 
groups.  More  and  more  neighbors  and 
friends  are  leaving.  Attendance  at  various 
community  activities  and  church  services 
is  decreasing  noticeably.  Whenever  a  special 
relocation  train  leaves,  about  half  of  the 
Center  population  turns  out  to  see  friends 
off. 

As  we  see  it,  there  are  three  groups  in 
the  Center  population.  The  first  group  is 
composed  of  the  aged,  the  sick,  the  handi- 
capped and  the  large  families  with  small 
children.  In   some  quarters,  the  people  of 
this  group  are  referred  to  as  the  unrelc 
eatables.  They  are  being  cared  for  throup 
the  social  welfare  department  of  the  Wa 
Relocation   Authority,  and  their  cases 
handled  by  their  home  town  social  welfar 
agencies.  Included 'in  this  group  are  those 
whose  means  of  livelihood  has  been  swept 
away   in  the  evacuation  and  drain  of  re- 
location center  living. 

Many  hesitate  to  accept  assistance  be- 
cause they  do  not  wish  to  be  regarded  as 
charity  cases.  According  to  a  responsible 
worker  of  the  local  social  welfare  depart- 
ment, most  of  this  unfortunate  group  will 
be  relocated  within  a  few  months.  How- 
ever, the  hardships  and  mental  suffering 
involved  cannot  be  minimized. 

The  second  group  is  made  up  of  those 
who  want  to  stay  in  the  Center  until  it  is 
closed  and  who  hope  to  be  transferred  then 
to  a  center  of  some  kind.  They  feel  that 
since  the  government  brought  them  here  at 
the  cost  of  jobs  and  businesses  built  up 
through  years  of  hard  effort,  it  is  up  to  the 
government  to  look  after  them  and  help 
put  them  back  on  their  feet.  They  do  a 
great  deal  of  talking  about  the  adverse 


334 


situation  on  the  "outside."'  They  always 
emphasize  how  hopeless  relocation  is  be- 
cause of  the  housing  shortage  and  West 
Coast  trouble  makers.  They  do  a  lot  of 
talking  to  those  who  are  confused  or  hesi- 
tant about  relocation.  Yet  lately,  some  of 
these  "die-hards"  have  gone  to  the  Relo- 
cation Office,  made  their  plans,  and  sud- 
denly and  unobtrusively  left  the  Center. 
.  The  third  and  the  largest  group  bows  to 
what  is  considered  inevitable;  they  accept 
the  necessity  for  relocating  whether  they 
like  it  or  not.  Parents  with  school  age  chil- 
dren hope  to  resettle  before  the  start  of  the 
fall  semester. 

But  there  are  two  things  that  challenge 
the  sincerity  and  integrity  of  the  United 
States  government  if  all  centers  are  to  be 
closed  by  January  2,  1946.  One  is  that 
thousands  of  people  who  are  eagerly  anti- 
cipating relocation,  have  no  homes.  Unless 
effective  action  is  taken  to  make  sufficient 
housing  available,  we  believe  that  some  of 
the  centers  will  have  to  be  kept  open  be- 
yond the  closing  date. 

The  second  challenge  is  the  fact  that  law- 
less acts  committed  against  the  returning 
evacuees  on  the  West  Coast  have  not  been 
properly  dealt  with.  It  is  indeed  a  pathetic 
situation  when  the  government  (local,  state, 
and  federal)  cannot  provide  adequate  pro- 
tection to  the  families  and  property  of 
citizens  who,  in  spite  of  the  difficult  personal 
situation,  are  fighting  to  defend  the  coun- 
try. The  glaring  miscarriage  of  justice,  the 
insults  to  common  decency  are  no  longer 
local  problems,  to  be  mishandled  at  will. 

They  Only  Want  a  Chance 

It  is  interesting  to  see  that  small  homo- 
geneous groups  from  the  same  West  Coast 
areas  are  talking  more  definitely  about  re- 
turning to  their  former  homes.  Although 
many  of  them  do  not  own  any  property, 
they  feel  that  they  can  find  jobs  and  houses 
of  some  sort  if  they  go  back.  Several  hostels 
have  been  opened  on  the  West  Coast  to 
facilitate  the  return  of  the  relocatees  to  the 
communities  where  they  hope  to  resettle. 

People  will  be  seeing  more  of  the  re- 
locatees as  they  strive  to  readjust  themselves 
to  the  normal  way  of  life.  They  will  try  to 
contribute  to  the  country's  welfare  in  the 
spirit  of  their  brothers,  sons,  and  fathers 
on  the  battlefronts.  They  do  not  want  to  be 
coddled.  They  only  want  a  chance  to  prove 
their  worth  as  Americans. 

Many  customs,  habits  and  behavior  pat- 
terns of  the  older  generation  will  have  to  go 
with  them  as  they  relocate,  but  these  will 
vanish  gradually,  even  as  the  "foreignness" 
of  European  groups  is  disappearing.  We 
hope  that  the  average  American  will  help 
these  older  people  to  find  a  place  in  the 
life  of  America.  The  younger,  larger  and 
the  more  vigorous  group  of  citizens  will 
have  far  less  difficulty  in  picking  up  the 
strands  of  their  pre-evacuation  lives.  A  few 
of  them  may  be  so  affected  by  their  recent 
experiences  that  it  will  lake  them  a  little 
longer  to  make  the  transition.  They  will 
be  the  exceptions. 

The  vast  majority  are  readjusting  them- 
selves with  new  hope  in  their  hearts.  They 
are  "back  in  America"  once  more. 


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335 


POSTWAR  CONSCRIPTION? 

(Continued  from  page  316) 


gram    to    resemble   an    empty   sack   in    the 
critical  days  of  1940  and  1941. 

What  Is  Conscription  Worth? 

This  takes  us  head-on  into  the  question 
of  the  military  expediency  of  conscription. 

Many  distinguished  military  authorities 
regret  the  official  decision  of  the  army  and 
navy  to  take  advantage  of  the  war  in  order 
to  force  peacetime  conscription  upon  the 
American  people.  Liddell  Hart  in  his  book, 
"Why  Don't  We  Learn  from  History," 
maintains  that  conscription  does  not  fit  the 
conditions  of  modern  warfare — its  special- 
ized equipment,  mobile  operations,  and 
fluid  situations. 

General  Frederick  C.  Fuller,  writing  in 
the  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  states  that 
"conscription  is  the  military  expression  of 
an  agricultural  democracy  and  when  natives 
cease  to  depend  on  agriculture — it  rapidly 
becomes  a  burden.  .  .  .  Military  power  to- 
day," he  continues,  "depends  on  the  num- 
bers of  skilled  mechanics,  not  only  to  manu- 
facture war  machines  but  to  fight  them. 
The  advent  of  the  motor-driven  battle  ve- 
hicle has  re-introduced  armor  as  an  essential 
in  tactical  organization."  Therefore,  he 
argues,  the  trend  of  the  future  is  toward 
smaller  armies  "in  which  quality  will  re- 
place the  quantity  theory  of  the  present  can- 
non fodder  masses."  He  concludes  that: 

"The  theory  of  conscription  has  run  its 
course  and  is  today  out  of  date.  A  few 
years  hence  no  conscript  army  will  be  able 
to  face  an  organized  attack  by  armed  motor 
cars,  let  alone  by  tanks  and  kindred 
weapons.  The  fighting  armies  of  the  future 
will  be  voluntary,  highly  professional  and 
highly  paid;  consequently,  comparatively 
small.  This  is  the  whole  tendency  of  pres- 
ent-day military  evolution." 

John  Fischer's  thoughtful  article  in  the 
January  Harper's  on  "The  Future  Defense 
of  the  U.S.A."  does  not  deal  directly  with 
conscription;  however,  it  does  argue  that 
defense  requires  not  a  huge  military  estab- 
lishment but  a  relatively  small  army,  a  flow 
of  fighting  machinery  as  against  a  big 
reserve  of  equipment  and  munitions  and, 
above  all,  an  industrial  plant  operating  at 
high  efficiency  and' maintaining  a  generous 
pool  of  technically  equipped  personnel. 

Affirmative  Measures 

The  arguments  of  these  authorities,  who 
look  to  the  future  rather  than  to  the  past 
in  order  to  formulate  the  conditions  of 
sound  national  defense,  suggest  the  wisdom 
of  going  slow  on  this  issue  of  peacetime 
conscription.  For  some  years  to  come  we 
shall  have  available  a  reserve  of  millions 
of  men  tempered  in  the  fires  of  actual  war- 
fare. Surely  we  can  safely  employ  as  a 
substitute  for  mass  conscription  a  policy 
designed  to  keep  us  up-to-date  in  the  re- 
quirements of  modern  war: 

1.  We  can  subsidize  military  research  so 
that  in  the  event  of  war  we  shall  not  be 
fighting  with  the  ideas  or  the  machines  of 
a  previous  war. 


2.  We  can  provide  generous  scholarships 
in  mathematical  and   engineering  skills  so 
that  we  shall  have  available  always  a  re- 
serve of  technical  experts. 

3.  We     can     establish     officer     training 
schools  with  adequate  financial  and  profes- 
sional inducements  so  that  officer  personnel 
will  always  be  at  hand  to  train  a  citizens' 
army. 

4.  And   we   can   maintain   through   ade- 
quate financial  inducements  a  professional 
army  sufficiently  large  to  serve  our  peace- 
time purposes  and  our  obligations  under  the 
Charter  of  the  United  Nations,  and  to  act 
as  a  nucleus  in  case  of  war. 

Such  a  policy,  supplemented  by  generous 
federal  subsidies  designed  to  insure  the 
adequate  health  care  of  children,  a  fair 
measure  of  educational  opportunity  for  all 
young  people,  together  with  governmental 
responsibility  for  maintaining  our  indus- 
trial plant  at  a  level  sufficient  to '  provide 
both  trained  personnel  and  essential  equip- 
ment, would  seem  adequate  for  any  emer- 
gency we  are  likely  to  face  in  the  foresee- 
able future. 

Such  a  policy  would  avoid  alike  the 
waste  and  the  evils  of  conscription  and 
would  carry  the  assurance  of  intelligent  and 
adequate  preparation  for  war,  if,  alas,  war 
must  come. 

An  Expression  of  Defeat 

I  have  endeavored  to  show  that  conscrip- 
tion is  not  a  healthy  measure  to  employ 
with  our  youth;  that  it  is  open  to  question 
as  a  military  expedient."1 

In  addition,  to  press  now  for  peacetime 
conscription  seems  to  me  highly  inappro- 
priate from  a  moral  point  of  view. 

There  is  no  evidence  before  the  American 
people  to  justify  this  expression  of  cyni- 
cism and  moral  defeat.  President  Dodds  of 
Princeton  remarks  wisely:  "The  most 
cogent  reason  for  delaying  action  on  uni- 
versal compulsory  military  training  is 
[that]  the  question  cannot  be  decided  until 
the  terms  of  peace  are  known.  To  adopt 
universal  training  today  would  confirm  the 
dangerous  spirit  of  cynicism  toward  all 
proposals  to  expand  the  scope  of  collective 
security  and  the  reign  of  law." 

Conscription  is  foreign  to  our  traditions. 
Americans  have  always  opposed  it  except 
in  times  of  the  greatest  national  danger  and 
they  have  discarded  it  once  the  crisis  was 
past.  It  would  indeed  be  ironical  if  the 
American  people  should  decide  to  reverse 
this  historical  position  at  the  moment  when 
many  of  our  best  military  minds  envisage 
not  conscription  but  rather  a  highly  trained 
and  relatively  small  army,  skilled  in  special- 
ized and  mechanical  warfare,  as  the  most 
adequate  military  protection  against  ag- 
gressors. 

And  what  political  grounds  have  we  to- 
day for  reversing  our  tradition?  Only  the 
vaguest  insinuations  that  the  state  of  the 
world  following  this  war  will  require  it. 
This  is  a  dangerous  way  to  think  on  a  mat- 
ter of  such  profound  importance. 

Who  are  the  sponsors  for  this  revolution- 
ary measure?  Army  leaders  who,  in  session 
and  out,  in  peacetime  and  war,  have  sought 
these  many  years  to  convert  Congress  to 
their  point  of  view.  Let  us  remember  John 


Fischer's  acute  remark,  "It  is  the  duty  of 
the  military  planner  to  be  a  professional 
pessimist." 

Under  normal  circumstances  the  military 
mind  is  the  worst  possible  guide  for  the 
establishment  of  friendly  and  understand- 
ing relations  among  people.  We  do  not 
want  our  foreign  policy  determined  in  ad- 
vance by  decisions  a  military  group  would 
impose  on  us  now.  We  should  seriously 
question  the  competence  of  our  military 
leaders,  engrossed  as  they  are  and  should 
be  in  the  conduct  of  this  war,  to  portray 
for  us  the  nature  of  the  postwar  world. 

Moreover,  we  should  scrutinize  the  cre- 
dentials of  many  who  are  aiding  and  abet- 
ting the  army  in  this  compaign  for  com- 
pulsory military  service.  Some  of  these 
people  have  never  understood  or  sym- 
pathized with  democracy  and  they  are 
working  constantly  to  exclude  from  our 
schools  and  colleges  both  the  materials  and 
the  methods  which  give  reality  and  sub- 
stance to  democracy  as  a  way  of  life. 

What  are  we  to  conclude,  for  example, 
when  they  laud  the  health  benefits  of 
compulsory  military  training  and  oppose 
the  appropriations  in  local  community  and 
federal  government  alike  that  are  designed 
to  equalize  educational  and  health  facilities, 
or  to  insure  open  opportunities  for  youth? 

No  modern  army  can  operate  apart  from 
an  effective  industrial  plant  and  a  highly 
trained  and  resourceful  industrial  person- 
nel. John  Fischer  states,  in  the  article  from 
which  we  quoted,  that  "from  a  strictly 
military  standpoint,  we  cannot  afford  an- 
other depressicfn."  Consequently,  we  have 
cause  for  concern  when  we  observe  many 
of  the  advocates  of  military  training  oppos- 
ing measures  designed  to  insure  full  em- 
ployment and  welcoming  rather  a  conscrip- 
tion policy  that  will  keep  each  year  from 
800,000  to  1,000,000  eighteen-year-olds  out 
of  the  labor  market. 

With  Confidence 'and  Courage 

I  repeat,  there  is  nothing  in  the  evidence 
at  present  that  warrants  the  decision  now 
that  peacetime  conscription  is  necessary.  We 
have  not  lost  the  war  and  we  need  not  lose 
the  peace.  But  the  times  are  indeed  critical. 

The  United  States  occupies  a  position  of 
great  responsibility.  As  our  country  goes, 
so  the  United  Nations  may  go.  President 
Roosevelt  stated:  "We  can  gain  no  lasting 
peace  if  we  approach  it  with  suspicion  and 
mistrust — or  with  fear.  We  can  gain  it  only 
if  we  proceed  with  the  understanding  and 
the  confidence  and  the  courage  which  flow 
from  conviction." 

We  manifest  this  confidence  and  courage 
when  we  pledge  our  loyalty  to  the  Atlantic 
Charter  with  its  commitment  to  collaborate 
in  all  efforts  designed  to  bring  about  the 
abandonment  of  the  use  of  force  and, 
specifically,  to  "aid  and  encourage  all  prac- 
ticable measures  which  will  lighten  for 
peace-loving  peoples  the  crushing  burden  of 
armaments." 

The  road  thus  pointed  to  is  not  the  road 
of  compulsory  military  training.  Such  a 
program  is  not  good  for  our  youth.  Nor 
is  it  clearly  the  most  effective  measure  to 
insure  adequate  national  defense.  And  na- 
tional honor  cannot  afford  it. 


336 


WORKERS  WANTED 


WANTED:  Two  trained  and  experienced  case  wurk- 
ers  to  work  in  a  private  child  placing  agency. 
Good  salary.  Write  Children's  Bureau,  225  N. 
Jefferson  Street,  Dayton,  Ohio. 

NEW  MEXICO  DEPARTMENT  OF  PUBLIC 
WELFARE  needs  trained  social  workers  in  Pub- 
lic Assistance  and  Child  Welfare.  Entrance  sal- 
aries $145  to  $205.  Applications  accepted  con- 
tinuously. Write  Merit  System  Council,  Box 
939,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico. 

CASE  WORKERS  who  meet  requirements  of 
American  Association  of  Social  Workers;  CASE 
AIDES  who  have  B.A.  Degree;  full-time  day  or 
night  employment.  American  Red  Cross,  529 
Soutb  Wabash  Avenue,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 
Wabash  7850. 

WANTED:  EXPERIENCED  GROUP  WORK- 
ERS. Men  and  women.  B'nai  B'rith  Youth 
Organization  expanding  its  field  offices  through- 
out the  U.  S.  and  Canada.  Positions  open  for 
Directors  and  Assistant  Directors.  Social  group 
work  training  and  experience  required.  Salary 
commensurate  with  experience  and  job  responsi- 
bility. Apply  BBYO  Headquarters,  1746  M 
Street.  N.W.,  Washington  6,  1).  C. 

WANTED :  A  couple  for  resident  position — Boys 
Dormitory.  Must  be  able  to  supervise  school 
work,  recreational  activities,  direct  the  conduct 
of  the  boys.  There  are  housekeeping  duties  en- 
tailed. For  full  details  write  to  Superintendent, 
Friendship  House,  2000  Adams  Avenue,  Scran- 
ton  9,  Pa. 

PUBLIC  WELFARE  DEPARTMENT  one  hour 
from  New  York  City.  Small  agency  needs  Case 
Supervisor.  Integrated  case  loads ;  participation 
in  community  planning;  prefer  experience  in  chil- 
dren's work,  especially  adolescent  boys.  Salary 
and  working  conditions  good.  Write  Commis- 
sioner of  Welfare,  Greenwich,  Conn. 

CASE  WORKERS,  Men  or  Women,  wanted  for 
Home  Service  Department  expanding  Massachu- 
setts Red  Cross  Chapter.  Professionally  trained 
workers  preferred  but  college  graduates  with  social 
work  experience  accepted  for  training.  Adequate 
salary.  Apply  with  details  to  8180  Survey. 

WANTED:  A  case  worker  with  case  work  super- 
visory experience  to  supervise  one  worker,  and 
possibly  a  student,  and  to  be  responsible  for  own 
case  load  in  a  small  private  agency  in  the  suburbs 
of  New  York.  Agency  case  load,  approximately 
80.  8181  Survey. 

OPPORTUNITIES  AVAILABLE 

WANTED — (a)  Supervisor  of  social  service  depart- 
ment; duties  consist  of  supervising  medical  social 
service  of  crippled  children's  organization ;  mini- 
mum five  years'  experience  in  medical  social  serv- 
ice including  three  years  in  administrative  capac- 
ity ;  master's  degree  or  equivalency  required ; 
$300-$375.  (b)  Two  medical  social  workers;  de- 
partment of  social  service,  university  medical 
school  and  hospitals;  department  provides  service 
to  several  hospitals  including  out-patient  depart- 
ment;  Pacific  Coast,  (c)  Medical  social  worker 
or  public  health  nurse  interested  in  evaluation  and 
treatment  of  congenital  syphilis ;  work  involves 
case  load  of  150  children  treated  with  penicillin 
specifically  designed  for  evaluation  of  this  form 
of  therapy  ?  department  of  pediatrics ;  university 
medical  school.  (d)  Medical  social  worker  to 
direct  department  division  of  epidemiology  of  mu- 
nicipal health  department;  Middle  West.  (e) 
Chief  and  assistant  psychiatric  social  workers; 
mental  hygiene  clinic  operated  in  connection  with 
department  of  psychiatry  of  university  medical 
school;  salaries,  respectively.  $4,000  and  $3500. 
SG7-1  The  Medical  Bureau  (Burneice  Larson,  Di- 
rector), Palmolive  Building,  Chicago  11. 

POSITIONS   OPEN   IN   ALASKA 

ALASKA    DEPARTMENT    OF    PUBLIC 

WELFARE 

DISTRICT  WORKERS- 
SOCIAL   SERVICE   WORKERS 
Apply:     Alaska     Merit    System,    Box    201,    Juneau, 
Alaska,    via    airmail,    supplying    minimum    qualifica- 
tions. 

There  are  positions  open  at  the  present  time  for  two 
District  Workers  and  two  Social  Service  Workers. 

District  Worker :  salary  range-^$250  to  $280  per 
month;  appointments  at  the  minimum;  minimum  re- 
quirements— college,  4  years ;  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Public 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare;  experience — three  years  in 
the  past  six  years  of  social  work,  one  year  of  which 
must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare,  one  year  in  Public 
Assistance  and  one  year  in  a  supervisory  capacity. 

Social  Service  Worker;  salary  range — $225  to  $255 
per  month;  appointments  at  the  minimum;  minimum 
requirements — college,  4  years ;  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Public 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare ;  experience — two  years  in 
the  past  five  years  in  social  work,  6ne  year  of 
which  must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare  and  one 
year  in  Public  Assistance. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


PROFESSIONAL  GROUP  WORKER  for  Council 
of  Social  Agencies  as  secretary  for  group  work 
division.  Teaching  opportunities.  $3,000  to  $3,600. 
8177  Survey. 

CASE  WORKER,  Spokane  Branch,  Washington 
Children's  Home  Society.  Graduate  training  re- 
quired ;  experience  desirable.  Standards  stressed. 
Starting  salary  $2,040  to  $2,400,  depending  on 
experience  and  training.  Transportation  paid  to 
Spokane.  Agency  provides  car  for  work.  Address 
John  F.  Hall,  State  Director,  Box  90,  University 
Station,  Seattle  5,  Washington. 


CASEWORKER— Catholic  family  or  child  welfare 
caseworker,  salary  range  $1920  to  $2340.  Must 
have  graduate  training.  8178  Survey. 

CASE  WORKERS— 2— professionally  qualified,  who 
would  be  interested  in  working  in  a  Jewish  family 
agency  in  a  large  eastern  city.  Excellent  super- 
vision, salary,  and  working  conditions.  3183 
Survey. 

WE  OFFER  EMPLOYERS  AND  CANDIDATES 
in  all  fields  of  social  work  everywhere  an  en- 
tirely new,  unique  medium  for  finding  just  the 
right  person  or  position.  Because  screening  tech- 
niques have  been  streamlined,  commissions  and 
registration  fees  eliminated,  and  placement  fees 
reduced  to  a  flat  $25.00,  the  widest  selection 
current  conditions  permit  is  attracted.  Why  leave 
any  stones  unturned  ?  Perhaps  the  very  person 
you  would  most  like  to  get  in  touch  with  is  also 
reading  this  ad.  Write  for  details.  Central 
Registry  Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus 
9,  Ohio. 

SITUATION  WANTED 


INSTITUTION  OR  SpCIAL  AGENCY  EXECU- 
TIVE, man,  now  with  large  modern  children's 
agency.  Thorough  psychiatric  social  work  train- 
ing. Extensive  experience  and  interest  especially 
in  institutional  and  foster  care  planning,  adoption, 
guardianship,  custody,  recreation  and  vocational 
activities.  81 82  Survey. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 

RESORTS 
NORTH  CAROLINA 

WOODLAND  COTTAGES:  High  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Western  Carolina.  Quiet,  clean  and  com- 
fortable. Equipped  for  Housekeeping.  For  infor- 
mation address:  Miss  Martha  Armstrong,  Wood- 
land Cottages,  Spruce  Pine,  North  Carolina. 

VERMONT 

DORSET,  VERMONT:  View  across  golf  course, 
GREEN  MOUNTAINS,  tranquil  home,  unusual 
food,  good  beds,  six  guests.  Average  rate,  $40 
weekly.  Garden  House  for  two  guests.  Mrs. 
Sears. 

REAL  ESTATE 

FOR  SALE:  Sixty-five  miles  from  New  York  in 
Connecticut,  seven  room  house,  garage,  six  acres, 
electricity,  bathroom,  fireplace,  near  improved 
road,  secluded,  hillside  view.  8179  Survey. 

FOR  RENT 

IDLEWILD  AIRPORT  vicinity.  Furnished  10 
rooms,  baths,  refrigeration,  heat,  $75  monthly,  less 
value  owner's  vacation  suite.  Her  son  navy. 
Service  family  welcome.  Anderson,  223  Lexing- 
ton, Manhattan. 


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DOUGLAS  H.  MacNEIL  •  ETHEL  RAYNOR  McDONALD  •  JOHN  HAYNES  HOLMES  •  FLANDERS  DUNBAR,  M.D. 
STUART  CHASE  •  BEULAH  AMIDON  •  KATHRYN  CLOSE  •  RUFUS  TERRAL  •  BLAIR  BOLLES  •  CLARK  M. 
EICHELBERGER  •  ERNESTINE  PERRY  •  CHARLES  OLSON  •  ELEANOR  LAKE  •  KATHERINE  GLOVER 


GEORGE   SOLOVEYTCHIK    •    PHILIP   D.    REED    •    GERTRUDE    KUMMER  •    WALTER    KONG    •    HERBERT    AGAR 


flUGUST    IQ45 


SURVEV 


3O  CENTS  fl  COPY 


GRflPHI 


Television  in  I960  by  Waldemar  Kaempffert 

Fortunate  City  by  Roger  William  Riis  and  Webb  Waldron 

Our  Health  by  Michael  M.  Davis  •  Letters  &  Life  by  Harry  Hansen 


PACIFIC  TELEPHONE  BOOTH  . . .  U.  S.  MARINE,  BURROWED  IN  HIS  FOXHOLE,  TELEPHONES  FOR  ARTILLERY  SUPPORT  TO  WIPE  OUT  JAPANESE  MORTARS. 


In  just  one  landing  operation  against  the  Japs, 
our  Navy  used  more  than  seven  hundred  ships 
equipped  with  48,000  telephones.  With  their  switch- 
boards and  associated  equipment,  that's  enough  to 
serve  a  city  of  160,000  people.  These  shipboard 
telephones  were  equipped  with  5,000,000  feet 
of  wire. 

Add  to  these  figures  the  needs  of  other  naval  units 
and  the  millions  of  men  in  the  Army's  ground  and 
air  forces  and  you  get  some  idea  of  the  tremendous 
amount  of  communications  equipment  required  by 
war.  It  helps  to  answer  the  question  of  why  tele- 
phone equipment  is  scarce  on  the  home  front. 


Fro/n  -factory 

it's 


a  telephone  War 


BELL      TELEPHONE      SYSTEM 


Among  Ourselves 

THIS  is  A  "TOKEN"  ISSUE  OF  Survey  Graphic — 
token  of  the  resolve  of  editors  and  printers  to 
get  back  on  our  normal  publishing  schedule, 
disrupted  by  the  size  of  the  May  special  num- 
ber, "The  British  and  Ourselves,"  by  the 
problems  of  transatlantic  collaboration,  and  by 
last  minute  changes  in  that  number  following 
the  death  of  President  Roosevelt.  Readers  have 
been  patient  with  the  confusion  of  recent  pub- 
lication dates.  We  bespeak  an  extension  of  that 
patience  to  the  limitations  of  this  small  issue — 
in  the  very  definite  hope  that  we  shall  be  back 
on  the  beam  next  month. 

AFTER  THIS  ISSUE  WAS  ON  THE  PRESS  CAME  WORD 
of  the  sudden  death  of  Webb  Waldron,  co- 
author of  our  leading  article,  "Fortunate  City." 
This  story  of  how  a  neighborhood  house  is 
helping  change  the  face  of  a  community,  is 
told  with  the  insight  and  the  charm  which 
distinguished  Mr.  Waldron's  writing  over  a 
long  journalistic  career  and  made  his  articles 
so  enthusiastically  welcomed  by  the  editors  and 
readers  of  many  magazines. 

THE    FIRST    LONG    FORWARD    STEP    IN    IMPLF.MENT- 

ing  the  "Charter  of  the  Golden  Gate," 
analyzed  for  Survey  Graphic  readers  by  Prof. 
James  T.  Shotwell  in  our  July  issue,  was  its 
ratification  by  the  U.  S.  Senate.  This  came  on 
July  28,  after  less  than  a  week  of  debate.  On 
the  final  roll  call  there  were  only  two  negative 
votes,  both  from  the  Middle  West — Senators 
Shipstead  of  Minnesota  and  Langer  of  North 
Dakota. 

SINCE  THE  LABOR  LANDSLIDE  IN  BRITAIN,  MANY 
Survey  Graphic  readers  undoubtedly  have  been 
looking  back  to  our  May  special  issue,  "The 
British  and  Ourselves,"  for  clues  to  news  de- 
velopments, and  for  behind-the-headlines  in- 
terpretations. In  "When  the  Coalition  Ends," 
by  Joseph  Barnes,  they  found  vignettes  and 
photographs  of  many  of  the  personalities  whose 
names  are  "top  news"  today. 

Mr.  Barnes  wrote,  ".  .  .  there  have  been 
political  leaders  inside  and  outside  the  present 
government,  convinced  that  the  public  will  not 
continue  to  accept  gladly  endless  delays  of  re- 
form, getting  no  further  than  Royal  Com- 
missions and  White  Papers.  They  know  that 
Britain  has  been  churned  from  bottom  to  top 
in  the  last  five  years.  They  know  that  Bever- 
idge  has  become  almost  a  common  noun  in  the 
English  language.  It  stands  for  the  desire  of 
the  common  men  and  women  in  Britain  to 
achieve  the  same  miracles  in  ordering  their 
peacetime  lives  that  they  have  achieved  in 
fighting  through  a  bitter,  often  hopeless  war 
— to  a  triumphant  close.  It  stands  for  full  em- 
ployment and  for  social  security.  It  stands  for 
hope.  .  .  . 

"At  the  present  time,  there  is  little  ground 
for  crediting  either  a  reactionary  capitalist 


In  July  Survey  Midmonthly 

The   Veteran   Returns   to   Dayton,  Ohio 

by  Bradley  Buell  and  Reginald  Robinson 
Undergraduates    Look    at   Social    Work 

by  Herbert  H.  Stroup 

The  Blind  Have  Fun,  Too        by  Walter  Duckat 
Here   in   Washington  by  Rilla  Schroeder 


VOL.  XXXIV 


CONTENTS 


No.  8 


Survey  Graphic   for   August   1945 


Cover:  A  television  control  room.  Center,  the  director  and  his  assistant; 
far  left,  the  audio  technician;  right,  the  two  video  technicians  ("switcher" 
and  "shader").  The  picture  on  the  right-hand  screen  in  front  of  the 
director  is  on  the  air.  The  director  is  "setting  up"  the  picture  he  wants 
on  the  second  screen  for  a  "quick  switch."  Photograph  courtesy  of  the 
Columbia  Broadcasting  System. 


338 


Planner  House:  Photographs 

Fortunate  City  ROGER  WILLIAM  Rns  and  WEBB  WALDRON  339 

More  Things  Than  One  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  342 

Television  in  1960  WALDEMAR  KAEMPFFERT  344 

Letters  and  Life    347 

Back  into  the  Democratic  Stream  HARRY  HANSEN  347 

Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 


SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

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presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  B«OWN  LEACH;  tecretary,  ANN  RIID  BRENHEI. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH 
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TEAD. 

Editor:  PADL  KELLOGG. 

Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AMIDON,  ANN  RKED  BKENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL,  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN, 
KATHRYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HARRY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOBB  KEL- 
LOGG, LOULA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIGHT,  LEON  WHIPPLE.  Contributing  editors:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KURTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MAIY  Rosa, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

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manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY.  . 

Survey  Graphic  published  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Price  of  single  copies  of  this  issue,  30c  a 
copy.  By  subscription — Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c; 
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group  or  any  proletarian  party  with  enough 
strength  to  interrupt  the  slow  but  steady  evo- 
lution of  popular  British  thinking.  The  trend 
is  socialistic.  .  .  .  But  all  signs  point  towards 
the  finding  of  at  least  temporary  common 
ground  in  ideas,  among  men  with  wholly 
divergent  backgrounds  who  yet  share  the  con- 
viction that  promises  made  during  the  war  and 
by  the  war  will  have  to  be  fulfilled." 

And  writing  on  British  foreign  policy  in 
her  article  on  "Europe  and  the  Mediterranean," 
Vera  Micheles  Dean  acutely  observed,  ".  .  .  it 
is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  British  by  no 
means  think  alike  among  themselves  on  con- 
troversial issues.  For  the  sake  of  winning  the 
war,  all  parties  have  loyally  supported  the 
coalition  government  of  Winston  Churchill. 
But  Liberals  and  Laborites  disagree  with  the 
Prime  Minister  on  many  fundamental  points; 
nor  do  young  Tories  see  eye  to  eye  with  Old. 

"Yet  there  is  an  underlying  unity  among 
political  groups  in  Britain  concerning  the  main 
objectives  of  British  foreign  policy — a  unity 
springing  from  dangers  and  glories  shared  in 
common  over  the  centuries.  .  .  .  There  is  a 
large  measure  of  agreement  among  the  British 
about  aims,  but  considerable  divergence  about 
methods  of  achieving  them." 


THE    FIRST   ANNUAL   REPORT  OF   THE    BARUCH 

Committee  on  Physical  Medicine  reports  "truly 
remarkable  progress"  since  Bernard  M.  Baruch 
made  his  gift  of  $1,100,000  a  year  ago.  As 
reported  by  Dr.  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur  in  Survey 
Graphic  for  June,  1944,  the  grants  "for  the 
advancement  of  physical  medicine"  were  in 
the  form  of  substantial  sums  to  a  relatively 
small  number  of  key  medical  schools,  to 
establish  centers  for  research  and  teaching  in 
the  field.  The  first  year  of  the  committee's 
work  has  seen  the  launching  of  ten-year  pro- 
grams at  the  College  of  Physicians  and 
Surgeons,  Columbia  University,  the  Medical 
College  of  Virginia,  and  New  York  University 
College  of  Medicine. 

As     THIS     ISSUE    GOES     TO     PRESS,    THE     PLANET     IS 

reverberating  with  the  blast  of  the  first  atomic 
bomb,  which  has  shattered  established  concepts 
and  institutions  as  completely  as  it  leveled 
Hiroshima.  Coming  in  the  September  Survey 
Graphic:  "Some  Social  Implications  of  the 
Atomic  Bomb,"  by  S.  Colum  Gilfillan  of  the 
University  of  Chicago,  a  sociologist  whose 
special  study  is  the  effect  of  inventions  on 
human  life. 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  August.  1945.  Vol  XXXTV  No.  8  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES.  LNC.  Composed  and  printed 
by  union  labor  at  the  Hughes  Printing  Company,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa..  U.  S.  A,  Publication  Office.  34  No.  Crystal  Street.  East  Stroudsburg.  Pa.  Editorial 
and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street.  New  York  3.  N.  Y  Price  this  issue  30  cents:  $3  a  year:  Foreign  postage  50  cents  eitra.  Canadian  75  cents. 
Entered  as  second  class  matter  on  June  22  1940  at  the  post  office  at  Hast  Stroudsfourg.  Pa.,  under  the  Act  of  March  3.  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a 
special  rate  of  postage  prortded  for  ia  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  3.  1917.  authorized  Dec.  21.  1921. 


The  House  the  Neighborhood  Built 


PLANNER  HOUSE 


This  settlement  house  affords  the  people  of  Indianapolis,  white  and 
black,  fresh  and  vital  experience  in  community  cooperation,  in 
creative  work  and  recreation,  and  in  practical  use  of  the  techniques 
of  sound  race  relations.  It  is  a  heartening  story,  told  here  and  in 
the  following  pages  in  pictures  and  in  text. 


'Teen  Agers  in  Their  Canteen 


Testing  the  Sealer  in  the  Cannery 


S  U  RVEV 


PHIC 


Fortunate  City 


There  is  still  race  cleavage  in  Indianapolis;  but,  thanks  to  Planner  House,  something 
negative,  even  hostile,  is  giving  way  to  something  positive,  friendly,  and  significant. 

ROGER  WILLIAM  RIIS  and  WEBB  WALDRON 


"WHAT'S  THIS  CRAZY  ITEM  HERE — Soap  for 
Quakers,  50  cents?"  demanded  the  comp- 
troller of  a  big  downtown  department  store 
in  Indianapolis.  "Here,  right  under  the 
$38,000  for  truck  maintenance.  Since  when 
have  we  been  buying  soap  for  Quakers?" 

"Just  the  last  month,"  answered  the 
superintendent  eagerly.  "But  I  hope  we 
can  keep  it  up.  They've  been  using  the 
showers  out  at  our  warehouse — they  and 
the  Negroes  around  there  who  are  working 
on  that  Planner  House  project." 

Now,  Quakers  need  soap  perhaps  less 
than  the  rest  of  our  soiled  humanity,  but 
they  needed  this  soap.  Both  they  and  those 
neighbors  were  getting  good  and  dirty, 
cleaning  brick  on  the  site  of  an  old  tile 
factory.  The  item  for  soap  went  up  the  line 
of  executives  to  the  company  president, 
Theodore  B.  Griffith,  and  drawn  as  by  a 
magnet,  he  went  around  to  see.  So,  in 
those  days,  three  years  ago,  did  a  goodly 
portion  of  Indianapolis;  and  they  remained, 
some  to  bear  a  hand  and  others  like  Mr. 
Griffith  to  back  the  enterprise  with  whole- 
hearted support.  The  editor  of  Indiana's 
biggest  newspaper  chuckles  as  he  recalls 
that  strange  phenomenon: 

"Everybody  had  a  good  time  cleaning 
brick." 

So  they  did.  First,  they  helped  sort  out 
the  ruins  of  the  abandoned  tile  plant;  then 
helped  build  the  bricks  into  a  new,  attrac- 
tive, and  efficient  structure.  They  built  and 
painted  the  interior  equipment,  doors,  cup- 
boards, and  such.  Now,  by  the  same  method 
of  direct,  personal  team  play,  the  proposal 
is  to  rebuild  the  neighborhood  slums  by 
putting  an  idea  to  work  in  overalls,  and 
sleeves  rolled  up. 

This  idea  of  people  building  for  them- 
selves has,  of  course,  ancienPand  honorable 
lineage  in  the  community  barn-raisings  of 
our  pioneer  days.  What  it  can  flower  into 
today  is  an  eye  opener.  It  nourishes  a  strong, 
civic  spirit  of  mutual  interest  and  local 
action.  Recently,  when  one  of  the  great  war 
plants  of  the  town  was  threatened  with 


— By  two  "roving  editors"  of  the  Read- 
er's Digest  who  made  independent  ap- 
praisals of  innovations  Cleo  Blackburn 
brought  with  him  to  a  midwestern  city 
from  two  great  outposts  of  Negro  edu- 
cation— Fisk  University  in  Tennessee, 
Tuskegee  Institute  in  Alabama. 

Both  authors  had  earlier  been  major 
editors  of  Collier's  Weekly  and  applied 
here  its  seasoned  techniques  in  first-hand 
inquiry.  Last  October,  Survey  Graphic 
carried  Mr.  Riis'  illuminating  article  on 
the  annual  wage  movement.  He  was 
called  to  the  Pacific  Northwest  shortly 
after  turning  in  his  Indianapolis  findings. 

Mr.  Waldron  is  a  Michigander,  who 
was  the  first  magazine  correspondent  to 
enter  Germany  after  World  War  I  and 
cover  its  revolution.  His  books  go  back 
to  1922;  most  recent,  "Americans,"  1941. 

Arthur  E.  Morgan,  pioneer  at  Antioch 
College  and  the  TVA,  has  been  one  of 
Mr.  Blackburn's  counselors.  Our  own 
lead  came  from  another — Lillie  M.  Peck, 
secretary  of  the  National  Federation  of 
Settlements,  who  points  out  that  the 
northward  migration  of  Negroes  has  had 
its  parallel  among  whites  from  the  rural 
South.  To  her  mind,  therefore,  the 
Planner  House  demonstration  has  double 
relevance  in  a  wide  belt  of  industrial 
centers.  Especially  in  working  with  muni- 
cipal departments — health,  park,  water, 
recreation,  city  planning;  and  in  enlist- 
ing state  and  national  agencies. 

strikes  because  of  "upgrading"  Negroes,  it 
sought  help  not  from  Washington  but  at 
Planner  House,  which  has  found  the  secret 
of  Negroes  and  whites  working  together 
at  the  problems  of  the  community — not 
merely  by  talking  on  committees  and  in 
clubs.  Planner  House  was  an  obscure  settle- 
ment house  on  the  outskirts  of  a  midwest 
city.  But  that  city  is  the  geographical  center 
of  the  population  of  the  United  States. 
Naturally,  such  an  idea  springing  from  the 


heart  of  the  country  will  be  bound  to  cir- 
culate. 

Planner  House 

You'll  rarely  find  a  town  as  stirred  by 
an  enterprise  and  a  man  as  Indianapolis  is 
by  Planner  House  and  its  director,  Cleo 
Blackburn.  "A  bright  and  shining  achieve- 
ment," says  Booth  Tarkington.  "Best  thing 
this  town  ever  did,"  says  Dr.  Thomas 
Noble,  distinguished  surgeon.  "An  inspired 
program,"  says  Charles  Lynn,  industrialist. 
"I'd  almost  call  Cleo  our  leading  citizen," 
says  Norman  Isaacs,  chief  editorial  writer 
of  The  Indianapolis  News.  "Any  ticket  he 
writes,  this  city  backs!" 

It  is  incidental  that  Cleo  Blackburn  is  a 
Negro  and  Planner  House  a  Negro  neigh- 
borhood center.  The  fundamental  thing  is 
that  Planner  House  has  been  making  head- 
way on  a  terrific  local  problem — which  is 
rampant  also  in  every  industrial  city  in  the 
North.  This  is  the  problem  of  how  Amer- 
icans can  live  and  work  happily  together 
when  some  happen  to  be  white  and  some 
happen  to  be  black. 

Indianapolis,  a  center  of  the  northward 
migration  of  southern  Negroes,  is  the  per- 
fect proving  ground.  This  city,  whose  in- 
habitants are  overwhelmingly  native-born 
Americans,  now  has  the  greatest  percentage 
of  Negro  population  of  any  city  north  of 
the  Mason  and  Dixon  line — 65,000  Negroes 
to  some  335,000  whites.  Moreover,  some  of 
the  ugly  Ku  Klux  Klan  spirit,  once  rather 
active  in  the  state,  still  lurks  there,  just 
under  the  surface.  But  while  race  clashes 
have  smirched  many  northern  cities,  In- 
dianapolis— where  they  would  seem  almost 
inevitable — has  had  none.  The  answer  lies 
largely  in  the  calm,  wise  leadership  among 
both  whites  and  Negroes  which  finds  its 
expression  in  Planner  House. 

"If  a  development  like  Planner  House 
can  succeed  in  Indianapolis,"  declares  Row- 
land Allen,  personnel  manager  of  the  city's 
largest  department  store,  "it  will  succeed 
anywhere." 


339 


I 


The  wretched,  unwholesome  Negro  slum  area  of  Indianapolis  is  soon   to  be  rebuilt.  Under  Planner  House  leadership,  the  community  will 
pool   skills   and   time,   and   help   create   a   neighborhood   with   decent  homes,  modern  comforts  and  conveniences,  and  safe  playgrounds 


Founded  45  years  ago,  Planner  House 
was  still  a  small,  shabby  service  center  for 
Negroes  when  its  directors  brought  Cleo 
Blackburn  up  from  Tuskegee  Institute  to 
take  charge,  and  things  began  to  happen 
that  affected  the  whole  Indianapolis  scene. 
For  Planner  House  has  recruited  and 
trained  a  small  army  of  Negroes  to  work 
amicably  in  Indianapolis  factories  and 
homes.  By  an  amazing  piece  of  community 
teamwork,  it  has  built  a  new  settlement  on 
the  edge  of  what  former  U.  S.  Housing 
Administrator  Nathan  Straus  called  the 
worst  Negro  slum  in  America.  It  has  been 
instrumental  in  constructing  a  new  health 
center  nearby.  It  is  operating  perhaps  the 
largest  community  gardening  and  canning 
project  by  and  for  Negroes  in  the  United 
States.  But  above  all,  it  has  shown  whites 
and  Negroes  how  racial  troubles  lift  when 
two  races  work  together  for  their  common 
good,  absorbed  in  the  job.  The  settlement's 
very  able  staff,  by  the  way,  is  made  up  of 
twenty-five  Negroes  and  nine  white  asso- 
ciates from  the  American  Friends  Service 
Committee. 

Cleo  Blackburn 

That  is  why  Planner  House  has  been 
backed  by  the  Community  Fund,  the 
Indianapolis  Foundation,  the  city  govern- 
ment, the  state  government,  the  Children's 
Bureau  of  the  federal  government  and  thou- 
sands of  plain  citizens.  That  is  why  the  In- 
dianapolis Junior  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
four  years  ago,  picked  Cleo  Blackburn  as 
the  man  who  had  done  most  for  his  city 


in  that  year — the  first  time  a  Negro  has 
been  so  honored  there,  perhaps  the  first 
time  in  any  American  city. 

"I  am  not  interested  in  what  people  call 
the  Negro  problem,"  declares  the  34-year- 
old  director  of  Planner  House,  his  eyes  blaz- 
ing. "I  am  interested  instead  in  Negro  de- 
velopment. In  the  history  of  the  United 
States  the  Negro  has  faced  two  crises.  The 
first  came  when  3,500,000  freed  slaves  were 
dumped  into  a  competitive  world  for  which 
they  had  no  training.  [Indianapolis  had 
been  an  active  station  of  the  Underground 
Railroad  during  the  Civil  War  and  before.] 

"The  second  crisis  is  with  us  now,  when 
2,500,000  southern  rural  Negroes  are  here 
in  the  North  to  stay,  bringing  neither  the 
aptitudes  nor  the  attitudes  necessary  for 
city  and  industrial  life.  In  essential  read- 
justments it  is  further  for  the  Negro  who 
goes  from  the  fields  of  Alabama  to  the 
factories  of  Indianapolis  than  it  is  for  the 
Italian  who  goes  from  industrial  Milan  to 
industrial  Indianapolis." 

Cleo  Blackburn  had  been  a  research  as- 
sociate at  the  Tuskegee  Institute  in  a  study 
of  the  great  migrations  of  history  when  he 
was  called  to  Indianapolis  to  help  solve  the 
problems  of  just  such  a  migration.  Always 
reenforcing  his  dreams  with  facts  (he  works 
with  drawing  boards  around  his  desk),  he 
persuaded  the  Indianapolis  Foundation  to 
appropriate  84,000  for  a  survey  of  the  local 
Negro  situation.  This  revealed  that  the 
movement  of  Negro  population  in  the  town 
was  northwestward  toward  a  slum  already 
overcrowded.  Right  there,  on  the  edge  of 


that  slum,  Blackburn  said,  was  the  place 
for  the  desperately  needed  new  home  for 
Planner  House. 

Adjoining  that  Negro  slum  was  a  whole 
block  occupied  by  a  deserted  and  wrecked 
tile  factory.  Here  would  be  room  for  a 
neighborhood  house,  health  center,  work- 
shops, playgrounds.  Planner  House  and  its 
friends  persuaded  the  city  to  buy  this  block 
for  $35,000  and  rent  it  to  the  Settlement  for 
$1  a  year.  Now  for  a  building. 

"We'll  help  build  it  ourselves!"  Black- 
burn eagerly  announced. 

From  the  Ground  Up 

There  were  some  2,000,000  bricks  in  the 
wrecked  tile  factory."  They  would  do  for 
the  bulk  of  the  new  structure.  But  first  the 
old  mortar  had  to  be  carefully  knocked  off, 
good  bricks  separated  from  broken  ones 
and  piled  up.  For  this  tough  job,  all  hand 
labor,  Blackburn  enlisted  some  of  his  own 
people.  Some  white  neighbors  joined  them 
in  off  hours.  The  Quakers,  who  have  a 
way  of  turning  up  on  worthwhile  projects 
and  making  a  good  job  better,  had  early 
appeared  on  the  scene  with  a  work  camp 
of  the  Arnerican  Friends  Service  Committee. 

One  afternoon  a  policeman  stopped  to 
stare  at  a  white  woman  and  a  Negro 
woman  side  bv  side  cleaning  brick.  What 
was  going  on?  The  policeman  went  home 
and  told  his  wife  about  it.  Next  day  she 
was  there,  cleaning  brick.  So  the  news 
spread  across  the  city  and  far  beyond. 
Thirty-five  eager  young  Quakers  came  from 
all  over  the  map  to  help.  A  Kentucky  man- 


340 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


ufacturcr,  shocked  to  hear  what  his  daugh- 
ter was  doing,  rushed  north  to  snatch  her 
back  home — and  stayed  to  clean  brick  be- 
side her. 

Volunteers  couldn't  do  it  all,  of  course, 
but  they  helped  not  only  in  salvaging  the 
old  tile  factory  but  in  building  the  new 
community  house,  admirably  designed  by 
the  Negro  architect,  Hilyard  Robinson  of 
Washington,  and  costing  about  half  what 
had  been  anticipated.  This  volunteer  work 
by  whites  and  Negroes  stirred  the  whole 
city,  gave  Planner  House  a  community 
aspect  as  nothing  else  could  have  done. 
More  than  that,  it  disclosed  the  simple  fact 
that  when  a  man  sandpapers  a  board  his 
forearms  become  covered  with  fine  gray 
dust — and  that  dust  is  exactly  the  same 
color  on  black  arms  as  on  white  ones. 

Stepping  Stones 

Lured  from  the  South  by  war  jobs  flowed 
a  tide  of  rural  Negroes.  They  came  from 
a  timeless,  clockless  world  of  their  own. 
What  matter  when  you  got  to  work?  So 
they  had  to  learn  about  alarm  clocks  and 
time  clocks,  what  modern  toilets  are,  why 
doctors  examine  you,  what  a  foreman  is, 
why  you  have  to  wash  up  and  what  is  a 
pay  check.  All  this  Planner  House  under- 
took to  teach  them  in  classes  in  the  settle- 
ment house  and  in  factories  and  shops.  For 
Planner  House  lives  and  works  in  many 
places  in  the  city. 

An  Indianapolis  factory  wanted  girls  to 
sew  parachutes.  Planner  House  picked  and 
trained  fifty  Negro  girls — not  only  in  how 
to  sew  but  also  how  not  to  be  too  brash 
because  you  have  a  job  at  the  same  wages 
and  under  the' same  working  conditions  as 


white  girls.  These  girls  did  so  well  that  the 
company  hired  100  more  Negro  girls  with- 
out consulting  Planner  House.  Instantly 
there  was  trouble,  fights  with  the  white 
girls  and  the  foremen.  The  factory  had  to 
fire  almost  all  of  the  new  group,  and 
thereafter  conformed  with  Planner  House 
standards. 

At  a  large  garment  factory,  word  came 
suddenly  that  all  the  newly-hired  Negro 
employes  were  quitting.  Nobody  could 
make  out  the  trouble.  There  was  a  rush 
call  for  Cleo  Blackburn.  He  found  they 
hadn't  understood  the  deductions  for  social 
security  and  war  bonds.  Explanations  by 
the  management  had  only  tended  to  con- 
firm their  notion  that  they  were  being 
slicked.  When  he  had  put  it  before  them, 
they  understood. 

An  electrical  plant  called  him  to  talk  to 
the  foremen  on  how  to  deal  with  Negro 
workers.  Many  of  these  foremen  were 
southerners.  To  see  a  Negro  up  on  a  plat- 
form addressing  them  was  a  real  shock.  But 
Blackburn's  talk  was  so  skillful,  had  such 
a  warm  plea  for  patience  and  understanding 
of  the  peculiar  qualities  of  the  Negro,  that 
it  went  over  with  a  bang. 

Classes  at  Planner  House  train  potential 
housemaids  how  to  handle  electric  stoves, 
vacuum  cleaners,  electric  refrigerators,  and 
washing  machines.  And  manners  along 
with  tools.  When  a  girl  has  a  chance  to 
move  on  from  household  work  to  tearoom 
waitress  or  soda  fountain  clerk,  she  is 
taught  more  work  habits,  new  attitudes. 
More  and  more  employers  look  to  Planner 
House  for  help.  Last  year  the  House  placed 
6,385  Negroes  in  such  jobs,  had  2,425  re- 
quests unfilled.  And  it  carefully  checks  on 


Dr.  Walter  H.  Maddux  of  the  Children's  Bureau.  He  will  head  the  new  health 
center,  adjoining  Planner  House,  which  will  specialize  in  child  and  maternity  care 


CLEO  BLACKBURN 

Director  of  Planner  House 

the  performance  of  each  worker;  and  92 
times  out  of  every  100,  "satisfactory"  goes 
down  on  the  record. 

Negro  women  nurses,  dietitians,  and 
wives  of  Negro  professional  men  formed 
the  Planner  House  Guild,  which  cooperates 
in  carrying  on  a  day  nursery  for  young 
children  of  working  mothers  made  possible 
by  a  grant  from  the  Community  Fund. 
The  fees  are  from  10  cents  to  75  cents  a 
day,  depending  on  the  mother's  income. 
Also,  they  set  up  a  toy  library  from  which 
children  of  all  ages  can  draw  toys  for  a 
week.  Since  the  hard-used  toys  wear  out 
there  is  a  workshop  where  fathers  and 
mothers  come  evenings  to  repair  and  re- 
paint them.  Also,  under  the  direction  of  a 
Negro  expert,  they  are  introduced  to  such 
crafts  as  cabinet  making  and  carpentry. 

Planner  House  has  a  Make-Over  Shop, 
too,  where  women,  under  skilled  direction, 
turn  old,  unusable  bits  of  cloth  and  tag- 
ends  into  wearable  garments,  curtains,  rugs, 
towels;  napkins  and  doilies  out  of  old  sugar 
sacks;  handbags  out  of  discarded  felt  hats. 
Helping  people  to  help  themselves.  Last 
year  Planner  House  spent  $44,000  on 
training  people  to  wor\. 

At  the  same  time  Planner  House  started 
community  gardens  where  last  year  200 
Negro  families  raised  $25,000  worth  of 
vegetables.  This  year  it's  300  families.  The 
Indianapolis  Water  Company  lent  twenty 
acres;  the  president  of  a  large  printing 
company,  twenty  more.  A  family  gets  a  plot 
50  x  100  feet  for  $1  a  season.  But  if  they 
don't  take  good  care  of  it,  it  is  given  to 
someone  else.  If  a  man  is  sick,  fellow  mem- 
bers care  for  his  plot  and  deliver  vegetables 
to  his  house.  Planner  House  projects  always 
spread  out.  The  gardening  grew  into  a  can- 
nery where  last  year  they  put  up  19,000 
cans  of  food.  This  year  they  expect  to  do 
60,000.  An  Indianapolis  canning  factory, 
short  of  skilled  help,  called  on  Planner 
House,  which  sent  over  enough  of  its  own 
trained  canners  to  fill  the  gap. 

The  other  day  work  started  on  the 
Missouri  Street  Health  Center  adjoining 
Planner  House.  Everybody  rushed  out  to 
(Continued  on  page  350) 


AUGUST     1945 


341 


More  Things  Than  One 


THE    WINDS    BLOW    ON    A    HEALTH    COLUMNIST 

from  all  directions. 

"Why  do  you  always  tell  us  what  we 
should  do  for  other  people's  health?"  asks 
one  reader.  "What  about  ourselves?" 

"Why  do  you  preach  government  medi- 
cine when  our  schools  are  poor  and  half  our 
roads  are  full  of  holes?" 

This  puff  from  the  right  is  balanced  by 
gusts  such  as:  "Why  not  state  medicine, 
with  health  and  public  service  for  everyone, 
like  education,  and  doctors  like  university 
professors?  Are  you  afraid  to  advocate 
that?" 

"Why  don't  you  tell  what's  doing  in  the 
fights  against  tuberculosis  and  venereal 
disease?  Aren't  they  still  important?" 

"Mental  ill-health  is  our  biggest  trouble 
today.  How  will  health  insurance  solve 
that?" 

A  friend  in  the  most  toothsome  of  pro- 
fessions complains:  "In  six  months  you've 
hardly  mentioned  dentistry.  Where's  your 
perspective?" 

I  haven't  knowledge  or  space  enough  to 
answer  half  the  questions.  From  time  to 
time,  as  today  lengthens  into  tomorrow,  I 
shall  try  to  tackle  the  other  half. 

Doctors  for  Farm  Folk 

The  Journal  of  the  American  Medical 
Association  has  lately  been  publishing  in- 
formation intended  to  help  physicians  in 
locating  themselves  after  the  war.  Here, 
for  instance  [see  table  below],  is  part  of  a 
report  of  some  Illinois  counties,  furnished 
through  the  state  medical  society  (publish- 
ed May  19,  page  215). 

About  Pike  County  the  local  medical 
society  comments:  "Better  than  average 
facilities  for  practice  in  a  county  of  this 
size."  The  remarks  about  Sangamon 
County  are  less  favorable:  "All  doctors  now 
in  service  from  this  county  plan  to  return. 
The  present  prosperity  is  largely  due  to 
war  work.  After  the  war  this  will  be  a 
poor  location  for  new  doctors,  as  about 
fifteen  local  boys  who  have  not  practiced 
expect  to  locate  here." 

Doctors  seeking  a  postwar  location  are 
invited  to  write  the  state  society,  and  will 
"be  referred  to  the  local  medical  societies 
concerned  for  further  investigation.  Since 
vacancies  are  being  held  open  in  many  com- 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


HEALTH— TODAY  8i  TOMORROW 

— A  series  by  the  chairman,  Committee 
on  Research  in  Medical  Economics; 
associate  editor,  Survey  Graphic. 

munities  for  doctors  now  in  military  service, 
direct  correspondence  with  the  county  medi- 
cal societies  will  always  be  necessary  to  in- 
sure an  accurate  report  of  the  needs  of  in- 
dividual communities." 

The  reports  seem  intended  to  indicate 
community  needs.  On  the  face  of  the  fig- 
ures, Jasper  County  has  the  greatest  need, 
with  only  one  doctor  for  over  10,000  people. 
On  the  other  hand,  Jasper's  economic  index 
does  not  make  it  attractive.  It  shows  the 
lowest  number  of  telephones  in  proportion 
to  population.  The  demobilized  doctor  may 
be  interested  in  needs,  but  he  must  seek 
opportunities.  On  the  face  of  the  figures, 
the  counties  with  greatest  need  would 
generally  offer  fewest  practical  attractions. 

Local  medical  societies  cannot  create  op- 
portunities even  when  they  would  like  to 
have  more  doctors  start  practice  in  their 
areas.  It  is  farmers  and  businessmen  serv- 
ing rural  sections  who  must  develop  the 
opportunities  which  will  attract  doctors — 
as  for  example  by  establishing  or  improv- 
ing a  local  hospital,  by  assuring  income 
through  a  prepayment  plan,  or  by  a  tie-up 
with  an  industry,  a  health  department  or  a 
local  cooperative  association. 

After  I  wrote  about  these  points  a  few 
months  ago,  in  "Farmers  Must  Go  Fishing" 
for  doctors  (Survey  Graphic  for  April),  it 
was  good  to  learn  that  copies  had  been 
reprinted  and  circulated  widely  by  Farm 
Bureaus  and  Farmers'  Union  locals.  Medi- 
cal societies  can  do  much  to  inform  demo- 
bilized doctors  about  opportunities,  but  the 
people  who  support  the  services  must  get 
busy  in  order  to  create  them. 

What  Price  Tonsils? 

Just  as  I  was  writing  the  preceding,  there 
came  a  U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  report 
with  the  formidable  title,  "Disease  and  Re- 
moved Tonsils  in  Farm  Families."  It  con- 
tains tables  based  on  physical  examinations 
of  members  of  low  income  farm  groups, 


Economic  Features  of  Fourteen  Counties  in  Illinois 

County 

Principal 
Cities 

Population 

Physicians 
under  65 

Persons  per 
Physician 

Persons  per 
Telephone 

Cook 

3.968,320 

3,245 

1,223 

5.8 

Chicago 

3,396,808 

Oak   Park 

66,015 

Evanston 

65,386 

Jasper 

10,872 

1 

10,872 

13.7 

Pike 

20,927 

4 

5,232 

8.5 

Sangamon 

113,393 

63 

1,800 

7.5 

and  on  other  surveys.  "The  prevalence  o: 
diseased  tonsils,"  it  says,  "probably  does  not 
vary  greatly  in  urban  and  rural  areas." 
That  is,  the  examining  doctors  who  looked 
into  the  throats  recorded  about  the  same 
proportion  of  diseased  tonsils  in  both 
groups. 

But,  the  taking  out  of  diseased  tonsils  is 
another  matter.  Look  at  the  chart  on 
page  343. 

Tonsils  come  out  when  there  are  doctors, 
hospitals,  and  money  available.  Even  famil- 
ies' who  were  receiving  public  relief  in 
cities  had  more  tonsillectomies  than  the 
farm  families.  The  southern  rural  families 
are  at  the  bottom,  the  city  families  with 
$3,000  or  more  a  year  at  the  top. 

This  excursion  into  throats  thus  opens 
up  the  economics  of  medicine  also.  It  is 
not  an  argument  for  more  tonsillectomies. 
It  is  evidence  that  under  present  conditions 
the  medical  profession  is  often  unable  to 
carry  out  its  tradition  of  service  according 
to  needs. 


Senator  Wagner  and  the  AMA 

The  following  chronicle  is  for  the  instruc- 
tion and  entertainment  of  those  who  enjoy 
a  ringside  seat. 

May  24,  1945:  The  1945  Wagner-Mur- 
ray-Dingell  bill  was  introduced. 

The  health  provisions  of  the  bill  were 
summarized  in  the  June  issue  of  Survey 
Graphic  (page  180),  and  in  the  June  2 
issue  of  the  Journal  of  the  American  Medi- 
cal Association  (page  369). 

May  31:  Senator  Wagner  writes  the  edi- 
tor of  the  Journal  of  the  American  Medical 
Association,  and  all  state  medical  journals, 
asking  "earnest  study  of  the  provisions  of 
the  bill  relating  to  health.  There  is  abso- 
lutely no  intention  on  the  part  of  the  au 
thors  to  'socialize'  medicine,  nor  does  the 
bill  do  so.  We  are  opposed  to  socialized 
medicine  or  to  state  medicine.  The  health 
provisions  of  the  bill  are  intended  simply  to 
provide  a  method  of  paying  medical  costs 
in  advance  and  in  small  convenient  amounts 
...  we  invite  constructive  suggestions  from 
the  medical  profession." 

June  2,  Journal  of  the  American  Medical 
Association  (page  364):  Senator  Wagner 
to  the  contrary,  "compulsory  sickness  in- 
surance with  federal  control  is  both  so- 
cialized medicine  and  state  medicine."  The 
freedoms  for  doctors  and  patients  stated  in 
the  bill  are  illusory.  In  preparing  this  bill,. 
Senator  Wagner  says  he  consulted  with 
various  groups,  but  "he  has  not  consulted 
with  the  American  Medical  Association  or, 
as  far  as  is  known,  with  any  of  the  mem- 
bers of  its  representative  bodies  or  councils." 
The  Physicians'  Forum,  one  of  the  profes- 
sional bodies  with  which  he  says  he  con- 
sulted, "is  a  group  of  several  hundred  physi- 
cians, mostly  inclined  toward  communism 


342 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


and  practically  all  living  in  New  York 
City."* 

June  30:  Senator  Wagner's  response  to 
the  editorial  of  June  2  is  printed  in  the 
AM  A  Journal  (page  672),  with  counter- 
comments  interpolated  in  bold  face.  This 
colloquy  in  inadequately  briefed  thus: 

Senator  Wagner:  "I  did  consult  the 
American  Medical  Association,"  writing  Dr. 
Olin  West,  its  secretary  and  general  mana- 
ger, on  December  7,  1944,  "listing  a  series 
of  suggestions  for  the  revision  of  the  1943 
bill  and  inviting  the  association  to  com- 
ment on  these  proposals."  Dr.  West  an- 
swered to  the  effect  that  only  the  House  of 
Delegates  can  state  the  association's  views, 
and  enclosed  principles  adopted  by  the 
House  in  June  1944.  He  said  he  was  for- 
warding copies  of  the  correspondence  to 
various  officers  of  the  association.  No  fur- 
ther comments  were  received  from  Dr. 
West  or  the  others. 

Dr.  West:  Senator  Wagner's  "letter 
merely  asked  for  comments  on  certain  pro- 
posals, it  did  not  suggest  or  invite  a  con- 
ference. ...  In  the  discussions  of  the  Wag- 
ner-Murray-Dingell  bill  at  meetings  of  the 
House  of  Delegates  previously  held,  it  had 
been  clearly  evident  that  the  members  of 
that  body,  representing  fifty-four  constituent 
state  and  territorial  medical  associations, 
were  convinced  that  federalization  of  medi- 
cal service  in  the  United  States  or  the  sub- 
jection of  medicine  to  political  domination 
would  result  in  bringing  about  deterioration 
of  the  quality  of  medical  service  and  would 
lower  professional  standards  which  the 
American  Medical  Association  for  nearly 
one  hundred  years  has  attempted  to  estab- 
lish and  maintain  on  the  highest  possible 
plane." 

Senator  Wagner:  The  Journal's  editorial 
misapprehends  various  parts  of  the  bill. 
Your  charge  of  "communism"  against 
some  medical  proponents  of  the  bill  repeats 
your  editorial  of  December  3,  1932,  when 
you  condemned  the  majority  report  of  the 
Committee  on  the  Cost  of  Medical  Care — 
advocating  mainly  voluntary  insurance — 
as  "socialism  and  communism,  inciting  to 
revolution." 

AMA  Journal  (June  30,  page  667): 
"The  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill — 1945 
version — is  185  pages  long.  It  is  simply 
impossible,  with  the  space  available,  to 
make  the  detailed  line-by-line  analysis  of 
this  proposal  that  will  be  necessary  should 
it  ever  come  to  public  hearings." 

Senator  Wagner  (page  673):  "You  re- 
fer to  the  'obstinacy'  typical  of  the  manner" 
in  which  Senators  Wagner  and  Murray 
and  Representative  Dingell  "have  tried  'to 
impose  their  notions  regarding  the  care  of 
the  public  health  and  of  the  sick  on  the 
people  of  the  United  States.'  .  .  .  Many 
millions  of  people  are  members  of  those 
organizations  [which  have  endorsed  the 
bill],  and  many  tens  of  millions  of  people 

*A  sequel  to  this  Wagner-medical  interplay  is 
brought  to  the  public  too  late  to  he  served  except 
as  a  side  dish:  The  Physicians'  Forum  "has  nothing 
to  do  with  communism  ...  its  members  are  not  com- 
munists. They  are  physicians,  members  of  the  Amer- 
ican Medical  Association.*'  .  .  .  One  third  of  them  are 
"outside  the  city  and  state  of  New  York."  Thus  a 
letter  from  the  Forum,  published  in  the  journal  of 
the  N.  Y.  County  Medical  Society  after  Dr.  Fish- 
bein.  to  whom  it  was  ori«?imllv  spit  had  failed  to 
publish  it  in  the  Journal  of  the  AMA. 


REMOVED   TONSILS 


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-NORTH 
-  SOUTH 


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ACE  IN  YEARS 

Percentage  of  persons  at  specific  ages  who  had  tonsillectomy  performed  prior  to  examination 
or  to  the  date  of  survey  among  (1)  members  of  Farm  Security  Administration  borrower  families 
in  northern  and  southern  localities,  1940,  and  (2)  children  of  urban  families  by  size  of  annual 
family  income,  1936  (unpublished  data  of  the  Communicable  Disease  Survey.  Large  cities  in 
northeast,  north  central,  intermediate,  and  southern  sections). — Chart  from  Public  Health 
Reports.  June  22,  1945. 


are  represented  by  them  and  their  families. 
When  they  endorse  legislation,  is  it  still 
only  the  sponsors  of  the  bill  who  are  try- 
ing to  'impose  their  notions?' ' 

AMA  Journal  (page  668):  "It  is  the 
simple  contention  of  The  Journal  of  the 
American  Medical  Association  that  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill — 1945  version 
— -would  also  mean  the  end  of  freedom  for 
all  classes  of  Americans." 

Health  Is  You 

When  a  questioner  asks  whether  "health 
programs"  are  just  altruism,  my  answer 
is  an  emphatic  No. 

Health  is  You.  Your  powers  and  pain  are 
in  your  own  insides.  Biologically  you  are 
an  individual.  Your  health  depends  partly 
on  your  inheritance.  You  can  not  change 
that,  but  after  you  are  old  enough  to  de- 
cide how  you  really  feel  about  spinach, 
you  can  do  something  about  your  eating 
and  drinking,  your  work  hours  and  sleep 
hours,  your  play,  your  sex  relations,  your 
patronage  of  drugstores  and  doctors.  All 
these  and  other  things  are  part  of  your 
personal  health  program. 

You  can  acquire  knowledge  about 
health,  but  it  takes  wisdom  and  ingenuity 
to  apply  it,  especially  when  you  live  in  a 
city  and  want  to  keep  up  with  whatever 
Joneses  are  your  gods. 

As  you  mature,  you  become  aware  of 
your  powers  and  your  limitations.  As  you 
grow  old,  the  ratio  of  these  will  change. 
Using  to  the  best  your  mind,  muscles,  and 
emotions,  within  the  limitations  which  cir- 
cumstapces  and  experience  impore,  calls 


for  the  same  ingenuity  which  you  bend  to 
managing  your  spouse,  your  boss,  and  your 
bank  balance. 

Pediatricians  are  the  one  group  of  prac- 
ticing doctors  who  are  concerned  with  pro- 
moting health  as  well  as  caring  for  sick- 
ness. Doctors  generally  may  help  you  to 
improve  fractions  of  yourself,  and  they 
can  help  a  great  deal  to  mend  you  during 
disease  or  accident.  Finding  the  doctors 
that  fit  your  person  and  your  purse  is  your 
opportunity,  maybe  your  despair. 

Health  is  You,  but  water  and  winds  and 
your  fellowmen  control  it  as  well  as  you. 
Even  if  you  milk  your  own  cows,  your 
family's  milk  supply  will  not  be  safe  un- 
less the  health  department  tests  your  herd. 
The  quality  of  your  food,  your  drugs  and 
your  doctors,  your  safety  at  work  and  in 
traffic,  depend  not  only  on  you  but  on  the 
organization  which  you  and  your  fellow- 
citizens  set  up  for  your  mutual  benefit. 
The  miracles  of  modern  surgery  rest  not 
only  on  the  surgeon's  trained  mind  and 
muscles.  The  expensive  quarters,  equip- 
ment, and  the  skilled  human  teams  with 
which  he  operates  are  provided  by  the  so- 
cial organization  we  call  a  hospital.  The 
uneven  and  unpredictable  burdens  of  sick- 
ness costs  cannot  be  handled  by  you  alone. 
They  need  human  teamwork,  too. 

Thus,  health  programs  arise  because  the 
preventive  and  reconstructive  powers  of 
medical  science  can  be  fully  available  to 
You  only  through  group  action,  applied  on 
whatever  scale — a  self-interest  group,  a  com- 
munity, a  state,  a  nation — may  be  com- 
mensurate with  the  problem  in  hand. 


AUGUST     1945 


343 


Photos  courtesy  of  the  Columbia  Broadcasting  System 

Three  stages  in  a  television  studio,  set  up  for  an  evening's   telecast:  left,  a  news  period  has  just  ended,  the  animator  is 
still  in  position;  center,  a  golf  lesson  is  in  progress;  upper  left,  ready  for  the  next  program,  "The  Missus  Goes  A-Shopping" 

Television  in  I960 

After  one  world  war,  radio.  After  V-J  day,  television — "an  industry  now  bawling 
in  its  crib" — will  feel  its  way  into  millions  of  homes,  creating  jobs  as  it  grows. 


WALDEMAR  KAEMPFFERT 


GENERAL  DWIGHT  D.  EISENHOWER'S  TRI- 
umphant  return  to  his  native  land  in  June 
gave  television  another  opportunity  to 
demonstrate  its  potentialities.  In  the  homes 
of  a  few  thousand  fortunate  owners  of  tele- 
vision sets  the  Supreme  Commander  and 
the  jubilant  crowds  that  lined  the  proces- 
sions in  Washington  and  New  York  were 
reincarnated.  At  the  Polo  Grounds  in  New 
York  the  engineers  were  on  hand  to  tele- 
vise a  baseball  game  while  the  General 
smiled,  waved  his  hand,  and  kept  a  box 
score.  Skillful  operators  "panned"  the 
video  camera  so  that  it  followed  each  player. 
Outfielders  were  only  animated  specks  on 
the  home  screen,  but,  on  the  whole,  this 
was  another  enchanting  preview  of  a  post- 
war world  in  which  the  eye  will  drink  in 
distant  events. 

Such  previews  are  not  rare.  Every  day 
the  great  metropolitan  newspapers  print  a 
little  program  of  films,  plays,  and  news 
events  that  can  be  seen  on  the  home  screen. 
For  television  has  been  in  a  chronic  state 
of  readiness  and  of  commercial  inactivity 
for  years.  In  1928.  when  it  first  electrified 


us  in  a  form  that  now  seems  woefully 
crude,  we  were  told  that  "It's  just  around 
the  corner." 

It  was  still  around  the  corner  when,  with 
much  fanfare,  the  National  Broadcasting 
Company  inaugurated  regular  service  on 
April  30,  1939  at  the  opening  of  the  World's 

— By  the  science  editor  of  The  New 
York  Times,  who  is  serving  as  Survey 
Graphic's  counselor  in  the  1945  series 
of  articles,  "The  Future  Is  Already 
Here."  Readers  of  Mr.  Kaempffert's 
earlier  contribution  to  the  series,  "Alad- 
din's Wonderful  Lamp,"  (March)  know 
his  gift  for  making  a  complicated  subject 
crystal-clear  and  exciting  to  the  non- 
technical mind. 

Also  previously  published  in  this 
group  of  articles:  "Air-Age  Transporta- 
tion" by  William  Fielding  Ogburn  (Feb- 
ruary); "Public  Health  in  the  Postwar 
World"  by  C.-E.  A.  Winslow  (April); 
"The  New  Life  Savers"  by  lago  Gald- 
ston,  M.  D.  (June). 


Fair  in  New  York.  Up  to  that  time  about 
$25,000,000  had  been  sunk  in  research  by 
half  a  dozen  companies  here  and  abroad. 
How  much  more  has  been  spent  since  no 
one  knows.  Research  has  continued  in 
secret  because  television  has  its  military  as- 
pects. There  is  no  doubt  television  is  far 
better  today  than  it  was  before  the  war. 
And  yet,  commercially  speaking,  it  is  still 
"around  the  corner." 

Some  of  the  companies,  naturally  those 
which  have  spent  millions  for  research  and 
want  to  get  some  of  their  money  back,  are 
convinced  that  television  is  ready  to  serve. 
Others,  which  have  no  such  heavy  invest- 
ment in  research,  are  pleading  for  delay, 
arguing  that  between  the  television  broad- 
casting station  and  the  receiving  set  in  a 
home  there  is  a  lock-and-key  relation,  by 
which  they  mean  that  if  the  station  is 
ordered  to  use  another  frequency  or  wave- 
length, every  receiving  set  within  range 
must  be  changed,  and  that  no  one  knows 
what  frequencies  will  be  assigned  ten  years 
hence  for  the  transmission  and  reception 
of  images. 


344 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 


There  has  never  been  a  spectacle  quite 
like  this.  Free  enterprise  had  organized 
research  for  the  express  purpose  of  devel- 
oping practical  television  as  a  means  of 
mass  appeal  before  a  single  receiving  set 
was  offered  for  sale.  And  when  free  enter- 
prise was  ready,  it  had  to  face  wrangling 
within  its  own  ranks  and  within  the  Fed- 
eral Communications  Commission,  which 
is  charged  with  the  duty  of  policing  the 
ether  and  of  protecting  the  public  interest. 

So  far  as  quality  of  its  images  are  con- 
cerned television  at  this  stage  is  about  as 
good  as  a  16  mm.  movie  and  therefore 
good  enough  for  the  public.  Images  that 
measure  24  x  18  inches  for  home  contem- 
plation are  practical.  Both  British  and 
American  companies  have  televised  news 
events  on  large  screens  in  motion-picture 
theaters. 

Snowstorms  and  Ghosts 

This  does  not  mean  that  all  technical 
difficulties  have  been  overcome.  As  you 
sit  at  slippered  ease  in  your  living-room, 
more  or  less  enthralled  by  a  performance 
of  the  "Mikado,"  a  snowstorm  may  sweep 
over  the  screen.  Here  you  have  the  tele- 
vision equivalent  of  static.  A  nearby  doctor 
has  switched  on  an  X-ray  or  a  diathermal 
machine,  or  the  taxicab  driver  on  the 
corner  has  picked  up  a  fare  and  started  his 
motor.  The  doctor's  machine  and  the  taxi- 
cab's  ignition  system  have  sent  out  waves 
on  their  own  account,  and  these  independ- 
ent waves  have  caused  the  snowstorm.  The 
only  solution  of  the  problem  is  to  shield 
every  potential  wave-generator  in  a  city, 
or  to  provide  more  powerful  television 
transmitters  and  more  directional  receiving 
antennas.  Bad  as  the  snowstorms  can  be 
on  occasion,  they  are  no  more  a  hindrance 
to  the  general  introduction  of  television 
than  static  was  in  sound-broadcasting. 

And  then  there  is  the  erratic  behavior 
of  the  television  waves.  They  are  very 
short  from  crest  to  crest  and  hence  much 
like  light  waves,  so  that  they  are  reflected 
by  mountains  and  tall  buildings.  In  a  city 
of  skyscrapers  there  may  be  half  a  dozen 
such  reflections,  and  on  the  screen  half  a 
dozen  overlapping  images  or  "ghosts." 
Sometimes  they  can  be  laid,  these  ghosts, 
by  receiving  not  the  direct  wave  but  one  of 
its  reflections,  which  is  like  looking  at  a 
man  in  a  mirror. 

In  the  open  country  the  difficulty  is 
nothing  to  worry  about.  Unfortunately, 
the  open  country  is  not  likely  to  have  many 
television  sets  after  the  war  for  the  simple 
reason  that  the  population  is  huddled 
largely  in  small  towns  and  large  cities 
where  the  tall  buildings  have  been  erected. 
Though  the  "ghosts"  can  be  as  much  of  a 
nuisance  in  the  suburban  home  or  the  city 
apartment  as  poltergeists  in  a  haunted 
castle,  the  public  will  probably  accept  them. 
The  engineer  seems  confident  that  he  will 
ultimately  banish  them. 

Because  the  waves  are  so  much  like  those 
of  light  the  range  of  a  television  station  is 
largely  limited  by  the  horizon,  a  matter  of 
about  twenty  miles  at  sea  level.  We  may 
as  well  dismiss  the  dream  of  attending  the 
Durbar  in  Delhi  as  we  sit  in  Chicago  or 
New  York.  Even  if  we  are  content  to  see 


only  what  is  happening  in  this  country, 
there  are  difficulties.  It  would  take  about 
ninety  stations  to  bring  television  to  most 
of  the  population,  and  there  is  no  inexpen- 
sive way  of  interconnecting  them  into  a 
national  network  which  would  simultan- 
eously broadcast  a  single  program. 

Relay  Stations 

It  is  easy  enough  to  hook-up  radio  sta- 
tions by  ordinary  telephone  wire,  but  tele- 
vision demands  far  more  and  wider  chan- 
nels than  can  be  crowded  into  such  a  wire. 
Before  the  war  the  Bell  Telephone  Labora- 
tories had  developed  the  coaxial  cable  to 
carry  480  simultaneous  telephone  conversa- 
tions without  interference.  The  cable  would 
meet  current  television's  requirements,  but 
it  costs  15,000  a  mile  or  $200,000,000  for 
the  40,000  miles  required  to  hook-up  stra- 
tegically located  stations.  Hence  the  broad- 
casting companies  look  with  more  favor  on 
radio  relay  stations  which  would  be  strung 
along  at  intervals  of  twenty-five  miles,  each 
station  picking  up  a  television-carrying 
beam  and  passing  it  on.  The  cost  would 
be  less  than  that  of  the  coaxial  cable,  but 
still  a  matter  pf  millions.  A  television  sta- 
tion 300  miles  high  in  Nebraska  or  Kansas 
could  serve  the  whole  country,  but  no  one 
has  ever  troubled  to  estimate  its  cost  be- 
cause no  one  broadcasting  company  could 
afford  to  build  it,  even  if  engineers  knew 
all  that  they  must  know  about  the  pressure 
of  such  a  steel  colossus  on  rock  and  soil 
at  a  depth  never  contemplated  for  struc- 
tural foundations. 

This  brings  us  face  to  face  with  the 
problem  of  cost.  Since  we  are  committed 
to  free  enterprise  and  since  there  is  no 
prospect  of  taxing  the  radio  public  directly 
as  in  Great  Britain,  it  is  the  advertiser  who 
must  pay  the  bill.  With  him  rests  the 
future  of  television  as  a  medium  of  mass 
appeal.  Like  the  preat  public  he  wants 
television,  but  he  is  not  quite  sure  that  he 
can  afford  the  high  cost  of  programs. 


Translated  into  terms  of  running  time 
on  the  screen,  a  motion  picture  play  may 
cost  from  f  1,000  to  $30,000  a  minute,  with 
$1,000  representing  about  the  worst  that 
the  public  will  tolerate.  If  we  are  to  have 
every  day  a  new  sponsored  television  play 
lasting  an  hour  or  more  (the  British  prefer 
the  full  length  play  to  the  "short"),  the 
studios  and  hence  the  advertisers  face  a 
staggering  outlay.  Even  if  we  assume  an 
expenditure  of  perhaps  $5,000  a  minute, 
viewing  time,  a  half-hour  sketch  means 
|150,000  with  no  allowance  for  broadcast- 
ing time.  Probably  this  will  prove  pathetic- 
ally inadequate  for  the  simple  reason  that 
we  have  been  spoiled  by  the  opulence  of 
Hollywood.  Sound  programs  may  now  cost 
$25,000  and  even  more  for  talent  alone  for 
half  an  hour.  On  this  basis,  television  pro- 
moters talk  hopefully  of  keeping  the  cost 
of  production  down  to  $1,000  a  minute, 
despite  Hollywood's  generation  of  experi- 
ence. 

Probably  the  advertiser  will  pay  the  bill, 
whatever  it  is,  provided  there  are  sets  in 
enough  homes — several  hundred  thousand 
sets  at  least.  But  the  sets  will  not  be  bought 
until  the  programs  are  irresistible.  The 
broadcasting  companies  will  run  around 
in  this  vicious  circle  for  some  years,  and 
they  will  escape  from  it  only  by  costly 
experimenting  on  their  own  account.  For- 
tunately there  are  new  methods  of  adding 
backgrounds  or  sound  electrically  to  the 
program,  thus  economizing  on  settings  and 
on  rehearsal  time. 

What  Does  the  Public  Want? 

Despite  an  American  experience  of  over 
ten  years  with  television  the  program  is 
still  an  enigma.  All  the  forecasts  and  sur- 
veys thus  far  made  to  find  out  what  the 
public  wants  are  worthless.  A  public  which 
has  never  yet  collectively  told  playwrights, 
manufacturers,  novelists,  artists  or  editors 
of  magazines  what  it  wants  renders  its 
verdict  only  when  something  is  offered  for 


Drama  in  the  new  medium  is  at  present  "one  part  radio,  one  part  motion  picture  and 
one    part    stage".    Here,    a    television    studio    scene    from    Norman    Corwin's    "Untitled" 


AUGUST     1945 


345 


its  consideration.  Companies  that  have 
spent  millions  on  systematic  engineering 
research  cherish  the  illusion  that  somehow 
the  public  can  be  induced  to  declare  itself 
in  a  sort  of  Gallup  poll,  and  that  after  the 
declaration  the  course  of  television  can  be 
charted  like  that  of  any  other  enterprise. 

The  British  Broadcasting  Corporation, 
which  American  champions  of  free  enter- 
prise are  apt  to  regard  as  one  of  those 
hopelessly  bureaucratic  governmental  agen- 
cies that  are  always  behind  the  times,  has 
displayed  far  more  initiative.  While  we 
were  hesitating  but  loudly  proclaiming  that 
we  led  the  world  in  television,  the  English 
saw  the  coronation,  the  Derby,  and  prize- 
fights on  television  screens  in  cinemas  and 
music  halls;  plays,  opera,  and  films  in  a  few 
homes.  But  the  British  have  an  immense 
advantage  in  paying  their  own  bills  in  the 
form  of  taxes  instead  of  relying  on  the 
advertiser. 

The  response  of  today  guarantees  nothing 
about  tomorrow.  Twenty  years  ago  we 
were  elated  when  we  picked  up  time- 
signals,  weather  reports,  and  bedtime  stories 
transmitted  by  a  radio  station  a  thousand 
miles  away;  today  we  want  dance  music, 
symphonies,  short  plays,  comments  on  the 
news,  debates  and  speeches  by  political 
celebrities  whether  they  come  from  a  near- 
by or  from  a  distant  station. 

How  much  of  today's  response  to  tele- 
vision is  attributable  to  novelty  and  how 
much  to  intrinsic  merit  of  program?  The 
British  have  had  more  experience  than  we, 
but  they  cannot  answer  because  the  war 
interfered  with  the  selling  of  sets,  and  we 
cannot  answer  because  we  have  been  bent 
too  much  on  sounding  public  opinion  be- 
fore we  sold  sets. 

There  is  nothing  for  it  but  to  plunge 
boldly  into  commercial  television  on  a  large 
scale.  Now  that  the  Federal  Communica- 
tions Commission  has  cleared  the  way  by 
assigning  a  band  of  frequencies,  we  may 
expect  this  bolder  experimentation  after 
the  war.  What  if  a  set,  which  will  cost  not 
less  than  $250  or  more  than  $500,  is  out- 
moded in  two  or  three  years?  Some  millions 
in  this  country  thought  nothing  before  the 
war  of  buying  a  new  car  every  year  at  a 
cost  of  $1,000  and  more.  The  suspicion  is 
engendered  that  those  who  still  oppose  the 
immediate  introduction  of  television  "be- 
cause it  isn't  ready"  have  motives  in  mind 
that  will  not  bear  scrutiny. 

1 

The  Eye  and  the  Advertiser 

How  rapidly  television  will  grow  after 
the  war  depends  almost  entirely  on  the  ad- 
vertiser. He  will  be  a  hindrance  at  first  be- 
cause he  will  probably  insist  on  too  long  a 
display  of  his  product  and  too  much  sales 
talk.  Every  minute  must  be  exciting  in 
television  if  the  attention  is  to  be  held. 
Brevity,  action,  and  substance  will  be  more 
important  than  advertisers  now  realize,  and 
this  because  the  eye  can  take  in  more  in 
two  minutes  than  the  ear  in  five. 

Department  stores  will  have  the  most 
latitude,  especially  when  it  comes  to  fash- 
ions and  bargains.  The  daily  press  reached 
the  conclusion  long  ago  that  bargain  base- 
ment advertisements  are  news  to  house: 
wives,  for  which  reason  concessions  in  rates 


were  made.  Television  may  find  it  expedi- 
"  ent  to  adopt  the  same  policy.  In  any  case, 
it  is  easier  to  imagine  a  housewife  follow- 
ing a  department  store's  half-hour  display 
of  kitchen  utensils,  lingerie,  and  canned 
foods  than  a  five-minute  drool  on  gasoline 
"with  a  punch  in  every  drop,"  even  though 
a  car  driven  by  the  miraculous  fuel  climbs 
steep  hills  with  astounding  ease. 

No  doubt  the  advertiser  will  make  the 
most  of  his  opportunity  and  suit  the  action 
to  the  word,  the  word  to  the  action.  "I  put 
a  little  Dentox  tooth  powder  into  the  palm 
of  my  hand,"  an  agreeable  voice  will  surely 
say  as  its  owner  appears  to  the  eye.  "I 
spread  it  on  the  brush  so-o-."  How  much 
of  this  will  sink  in? 

In  ordinary  radio  we  may  read  the  news- 
paper or  we  may  talk  during  the  sales 
patter.  Many  a  woman  fills  the  house  seven 
hours  a  day  with  music,  news,  and  adver- 
tising as  she  dusts  the  furniture  or  prepares 
a  meal.  Sound  is  just  background  to  her. 
But  television  is  more  than  background. 
Either  she  looks  and  neglects  her  work — 
or  she  doesn't.  No  doubt  much  music  and 
advertising  lodges  in  what  the  psycho- 
analysts call  her  "subconscious  mind,"  to 
bob  up  unexpectedly  in  the  future. 

Television  cannot  play  such  tricks.  Prob- 
ably we  shall  pay  the  price  of  transitory 
boredom  to  see  and  hear  a  stirring  play, 
and  probably  Ma  will  wash  the  dishes  and 
Pa  will  read  the  paper  until  the  announcer 
says:  "And  now  we  present  Mary  Edwards 
and  Joseph  Wilkins  in  'The  Wrong  Mr. 
Wright'."  Or  Ma  will  possibly  throw  a 
switch  to  cut  off  television  and  listen  to  the 
sound  until  something  is  said  that  induces 
her  to  drop  her  work  and  watch  the  screen. 

From  Chowder  to  Art- Form 

In  television  as  on  the  stage  the  play's 
the  thing.  And  the  sponsored  play  will  be 
as  important  on  the  screen  as  it  is  in  sound- 
broadcasting.  But  what  kind  of  play? 
Novels  have  been  dramatized  and  Broad- 
way comedies  transferred  to  the  film.  Al- 
ways there  is  a  difference  of  treatment  be- 
cause of  the  limitations  or  the  larger 
possibilities  of  the  new  medium.  The  slap- 
stick movies  have  not  yet  presented  "Don 
Quixote"  or  "Gulliver's  Travels"  convinc- 
ingly because  they  do  not  know  how  to  be 
satiric,  and  Shakespeare  has  never  been 
produced  satisfactorily  on  anything  but  the 
stage.  Only  in  the  animated  cartoons  of 
Walt  Disney  has  Hollywood  given  us  a 
form  of  art  which  is  peculiarly  its  own. 
Television  will  repeat  dramatic  history.  If 
the  play's  the  thing,  television  must  evolve 
its  own  art  form.  All  that  it  gives  us  at 
present  is  a  chowder  composed  of  one  part 
radio,  one  part  motion  picture  and  one  part 
stage. 

In  the  development  of  an  appropriate  art- 
form  and  technique,  television  is  now  con- 
fronted with  the  uncomfortable  fact  that  it 
is  even  more  pitiless  than  the  film  and  that 
it  is  impossible  to  be  grandiose  on  a  canvas 
at  present  not  much  bigger  than  a  pocket- 
handkerchief.  If  two  lovers  quarrel  they 
cannot  walk  away  from  each  other  in  anger 
and  sulk  in  opposite  corners  as  on  a  hun- 
dred-foot stage.  Nor  can  there  be  expansive 
gestures.  In  a  motion  picture  close-up,  the 


actor  is  similarly  confined,  but  only  for 
seconds.  In  television  he  is  always  more  or 
less  "held,"  in  technical  parlance,  so  that 
it  is  hard  to  make  the  most  of  rage  or  ex- 
ultation. 

There  will  be  little  opportunity  for  the 
expression  of  horror  or  delight  for  the 
reason  that  facial  contortions  become  ridicu- 
lous on  a  screen  which,  immediately  after 
the  war,  will  not  be  smaller  than  11x14 
inches  or  larger  than  18x24.  A  short  back- 
ward step  already  expresses  terror.  A  view 
of  the  tonsils  when  a  soprano  takes  a  high 
"C"  in  television  may  interest  a  laryngolo- 
gist,  but  the  audience  in  the  living  room 
will  simply  rock  with  laughter  even  if  it  is 
Isolde  in  tragic  frenzy  over  dead  Tristan. 
Already  Isolde  "dubs."  That  is,  she  first 
makes  a  sound  record  and,  when  she 
actually  "goes  on  the  air,"  facially  accom- 
panies her  own  voice  without  being  gro- 
tesquely funny.  And  Tristan  and  Isolde 
will  have  to  be  comely.  Fat  tenori  and 
soprani  with  enormous  heaving  bosoms  are 
already  debarred  because  they  look  far  more 
absurdly  out  of  place  than  they  do  on  the 
stage  of  the  Metropolitan  Opera  House. 
Some  of  these'  difficulties  will  disappear 
when  home  screens  are  as  large  as  walls, 
but  it  is  doubtful  if  the  public  will  be  will- 
ing to  pay  thousands  of  dollars  for  a  living 
room  electrical  installation  as  elaborate  as 
that  of  a  theater.  Even  if  he  could  afford 
images  that  would  cover  a  whole  wall,  the 
average  man  would  find  that  he  is  too  close 
to  them  in  a  living  room. 

No  matter  what  the  technical  future  may 
hold  out,  the  life  of  an  actor  will  be  no 
happier  than  that  of  the  policeman  in  Gil- 
bert and  Sullivan's  song.  Romeo  and  Juliet 
swelter  now  under  lights  which  are  no 
brighter  and  no  hotter  than  those  of  a 
motion  picture  studio,  but  which  are  more 
trying  because  scenes  are  longer.  Rehearsals 
take  far  more  time  than  in  sound-broad- 
casting— fifteen  times  as  long — and  they 
must  be  paid  for  at  rates  which  are  at 
present  low  but  which  are  bound  to  rise 
as  more  and  more  film  and  stage  celebrities 
are  recruited.  Actors  must  know  their  lines 
and  their  stage-business  perfectly;  for  there 
can  be  no  "retakes"  as  there  are  in  the 
motion  picture  studio. 

Director's  Headaches 

During  the  period  of  actual  transmission, 
the  director  is  the  most  worried  of  men. 
Will  an  arc-light  fail  and  cut  off  a  beam 
where  it  is  needed?  Such  things  have  hap- 
pened. Will  the  technicians  in  control  of 
the  lights,  the  cameramen  and  the  players 
work  together  with  the  required  clocklike 
precision?  There  are  always  little  slips 
which,  because  a  merciful  Providence 
watches  over  drunkards  and  directors,  are 
not  noticed  by  most  home  televisionaries. 
But  who  can  tell?  Split-second  decisions  are 
called  for,  and  unless  they  are  made  the 
production  may  be  a  fiasco. 

Even  if  he  had  a  "lot"  as  big  as  a  western 
ranch,  the  studio  director  could  not  use  it 
to  advantage.  The  reason  is  that  television 
is  not  at  its  best  in  distant  "shots,"  as  the 
images  of  the  outfield  players  proved  in 
the  baseball  game  that  General  Eisenhower 
(Continued  on  page  349) 


346 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


Back  into  the  Democratic  Stream 


HARRY  HANSEN 


WHEN  JACOB  Rus  WROTE  "THE  MAKING  OF 
an  American"  in  1901,  he  wished  to  show 
how  a  foreign-born,  naturalized  citizen 
adapted  himself  to  American  life  and  even 
became  a  factor  in  its  democratic  develop- 
ment. He  belonged  to  the  period  of  the 
great  northern  immigrations  and  helped  to 
make  social  service  a  fighting  faith.  Others 
of  European  origin  have  become  useful 
American  citizens,  but  those  not  writers 
have  left  no  record  of  their  conversion  or 
their  points  of  view. 

In  the  present  transitional  phase  in  the 
American  economy,  during  which  many 
hereditary  privileges  are  being  revised  and 
many  frozen  social  assets  thawed  out,  testi- 
mony of  how  it  feels  to  change  one's  status 
is  rarely  firsthand.  Oliver  La  Farge  has  at- 
tempted a  subjective  analysis  in  "Raw 
Material"  (Houghton,  Mifflin;  $3),  a  series 
of  autobiographical  chapters  especially  per- 
tinent because  they  discuss  the  relation  of 
privilege  to  democracy. 

Blanket  of  Gentility 

Mr.  La  Farge  was  born  in  the  United 
States,  not  to  great  wealth  but  to  "the 
sheltered  life,"  and  he  is  vividly  conscious 
of  having  come  out  from  under  a  blanket 
of  gentility,  the  chief  aim  of  which  was 
conformity.  The  influence  of  a  great  reputa- 
tion on  other  members  of  a  family  is  de- 
scribed: he  calls  it  "the  super-civilized  ghost 
of  my  grandfather  La  Farge";  he  was  of 
the  fourth  generation  of  artists,  "and  they 
had  all  been  gentlemen."  The  legend  of 
John  La  Farge  "insisted  upon  the  genteel 
character  of  his  work  and  one  was  sup- 
posed to  live  up  to  him.  The  pressure  to  do 
the  kind  of  writing  which  only  a  gentleman 
would  do  to  be  in  good  taste  was  terrific. 
.  .  ."  Oliver  La  Farge's  task  was  to  come 
out  from  under  this  influence,  into  the  sun- 
light of  democracy,  and  write  the  truth  as 
he  saw  it. 

Here  the  truth  did  not  mean  a  revision 
in  manners  but  a  complete  change  of  atti- 
tude. Mr.  La  Farge  makes  his  original  posi- 
tion clear  by  presenting,  from  his  own  ex- 
perience, the  best  portrait  of  a  Groton  boy 
in  print.  This  school,  so  thoroughly  Angli- 
can in  its  educational  routine,  with  its  em- 
phasis on  the  form  rather  than  the  class, 
was  "grindingly  conformist."  Regularity,  in- 
conspicuousness,  were  ideals;  the  Groton 
boy  "was  perfect  according  to  the  standards 
of  the  school,  which  meant  that  intellectual 
capacity  was  of  secondary  importance  .  .  . 
and  any  strong  aesthetic  leanings  were  out 
of  the  question  unless  they  could  be  so  con- 
trolled as  to  have  no  influence  upon  daily 
behavior." 

It  was  not  the  school  for  the  artist  whose 

(All  booths 


very  life  is  a  challenge  to  conformity.  The 
La  Farges  were  established  artists  in  a  tradi- 
tion; they  had  now  sprouted  an  artist  who, 
even  if  not  a  belligerent  or  an  outright 
revolutionary  writer,  was  to  step  outside  the 
pattern. 

From  Groton  Mr.  La  Farge  went  to  Har- 
vard, a  logical  step,  though  we  have  long 
since  dropped  the  nineteenth  century  con- 
cept of  it  as  a  school  that  turned  out  only 
gentlemen.  There  Mr.  La  Farge  became  in- 
creasingly aware  of  the  contradictions  in  his 
position  and  found  some  valuable  compen- 
sations, notably  in  athletics.  His  description 
of  the  intense  satisfaction  in  being  a  capable 
oarsman,  with  its  necessity  for  individual  ef- 
fort and  ready  cooperation,  is  excellent.  The 
"skilled  violence"  and  "guided  unrestraint" 
of  a  boat  race  and  the  complete  happiness 
and  catharsis  achieved  by  it  suggest  how 
many  men  may  find  athletics  an  outlet  for 
their  repressed  natures. 

In  the  march  to  maturity  Mr.  La  Farge 
became  interested  in  archaeology  and  an- 
thropology. He  found  study  of  the  Indians 
of  the  American  Southwest,  Mexico,  and 
Guatemala  extremely  rewarding;  as  scientist 
and  artist  he  cultivated  both  his  analytical 
mind  and  his  imagination,  turning  some  of 
his  material  into  fiction.  While  every  phase 
of  his  activities  is  related  to  the  growth  of 
Oliver  La  Farge,  my  concern  is  his  change 
from  a  writer  in  the  genteel  tradition  to  an 
independently  thinking  man,  who  put 
down  the  truth  as  he  saw  it.  He  was  helped 
in  this  by  his  observation  of  Indian  life  and 
the  position  of  the  Negro  in  the  South,  and 
by  his  contacts  with  none-too-well-off  writ- 
ers in  New  Orleans. 

Breaking  the  Pattern 

He  found  that  there  was  health  in  writ- 
ing when  the  rewards  were  not  the  end. 
"As  I  detached  myself  more  and  more  from 
uptown  New  York  and  my  center  of  social 
gravity  moved  toward  Greenwich  Village 
and  Santa  Fe,  my  contact  with  people  who 
were  also  engaged  in  a  constant  struggle  to 
pay  the  rent  through  the  arts  in  order  to  be 
free  to  practice  the  arts  steadily  increased. 
The  feeling  that  came  back  with  it  was  one 
of  having  been  long  dessicated  and  then  put 
back  into  water." 

His  wanderings  gave  Mr.  La  Farge  light 
on  the  conditioning  influences  of.  a  culture. 
He  knew  how  thoroughly  the  New  Eng- 
lander  adopts  the  attitudes  of  his  environ- 
ment, and  that,  in  a  minor  form,  this 
repeats  itself  in  the  man  with  a  middle 
western  drawl  who  goes  to  Harvard  and 
returns  home  with  a  letter  "r"  changed  to 
"ah."  He  saw  that  the  Negroes  he  knew  in 
Rhode  Island  took  part  in  the  common  cul- 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be 
347 


ture  of  the  state.  But  in  the  South  Negroes 
"are  participants  in  a  special  sector  of  south- 
ern culture,"  imposed  by  the  whites. 

If  a  group  is  restrained  or  restricted  from 
above,  it  will  adapt  itself  and  seek  gratifica- 
tion and  release  in  its  own  activities.  This 
accounts,  in  Mr.  La  Farge's  opinion,  for  the 
fun  that  Negroes  are  able  to  have  among 
themselves.  Their  apparently  carefree  atti- 
tude misleads  the  New  Englander  and 
"renders  him  an  especially  gullible  sucker 
for  such  remarks  as  that  Negroes  are  always 
laughing,  happy  and  carefree.  He  does  not 
understand  laughter  under  oppression,  for 
he  has  never  needed  it." 

Incidentally,  Mr.  La  Farge  declares  that 
"the  southern  system  is  only  a  postpone- 
ment, a  makeshift."  And  his  scientific  ob- 
servation tells  him  that  "another  law  is 
operating,"  that  "Negroes  are  constantly  re- 
ceiving more  white  blood."  This  is  nature's 
solution  of  race  problems;  it  is  already  in 
full  swing  in  Brazil  and  Cuba,  to  name 
only  the  southern  lands  where  this  tendency 
is  most  marked.  Mr.  La  Farge  is  not 
shocked;  the  Groton  boy  has  long  since 
been  exorcised. 

Ready  for  Uprooting 

I  have  grave  doubts  that  Mr.  La  Farge 
would  have  remained  oppressed  by  a  set 
pattern.  He  reacted  to  the  genteel  tradition 
as  did  our  whole  generation,  the  difference 
in  his  case  being  that  he  belonged  to  it  by 
birth. 

If  the  unsatisfying  connotations  of  the 
word  "gentleman"  can  be  forgotten,  we 
must  admit  that  many  of  its  ideals  are 
wholesome.  There  are  still  vestiges  of  it  in 
Mr.  La  Farge's  writings;  for  instance,  in  his 
good  taste — he  could  never  violate  taste  as 
some  of  our  more  robust  and  less  consider- 
ate authors  do.  The  whole  relationship  of 
force  and  wholesomeness  in  writing  to 
violence  and  vulgarity  would  be  a  fit  subject 
for  the  literary  historian. 

Mr.  La  Farge's  open  mind  seems  to  have 
functioned  from  the  first  and  "the  mask" 
that  Groton  sought  to  impose  never  fitted 
his  face.  Harvard  sent  him  to  Arizona  to 
study  archeology,  and  his  New  England 
horizon  went  to  pieces.  He  was  ready  to 
question  dogma  in  religion  no  less  than  set 
attitudes  in  conduct  or  dry  rot  in  culture;  he 
was  ready  to  understand  the  Indian  as  a  fel- 
low-citizen of  this  planet;  he  exchanged  a 
"closed  society"  for  kinship  with  all  Ameri- 
cans, for  "the  much  greater  warmth  which 
the  mass  of  the  American  nation  radiates  to 
everyone  who  shares  its  daily  problems  and 
desires.  It  is  a  grand  thing  to  be  ready,  both 
mentally  and  in  lightness  of  material  bonds, 

(Continued  on  page  348) 
postpaid) 


for  uprooting  and  unexpected  changes." 

Secure  within  himself,  Mr.  La  Farge's 
philosophy  led  logically  to  love  of  the  land 
that  gave  all  people  a  chance  to  work  out 
their  destiny.  The  next  step  was  a  willing- 
ness to  defend  it.  He  volunteered  for  the 
ferry  command  and  is  now  a  major  in  the 
Air  Transport  Command,  in  charge  of  his- 
torical research. 


AMERICA'S  ROLE  IN  THE  WORLD 
ECONOMY,  by  Alvin  H.  Hansen.  Norton. 
#2.50. 

THE  AMERICAN  PUBLIC  HAS  BECOME  in- 
creasingly conscious  of  the  political  prob- 
lems involved  in  international  organization 
during  the  past  few  years.  But  compara- 
tively few  people  appear  to  have  recognized 
that  in  the  long  run  our  political  world 
organization  must  be  based  on  smoothly 
running  interdependent  world  economy,  if 
it  is  to  survive.  This  failure  is  largely  due 
to  the  inherent  complexity  of  international 
economic  problems,  and  the  failure  of 
economists  to  present  them  in  language 
which  the  average  man  can  understand. 

Mr.  Hansen  comes  closer  than  any  first- 
rank  economist  has  yet  come  toward  pre- 
senting these  problems  in  the  language  of 
the  man-in-the-street.  That  in  itself  is  a 
remarkable  achievement.  But  in  addition 
he  succeeds  in  shaking  off  the  deadly 
paralysis  which  has  caused  most  economists 
to  view  international  economic  problems  in 
terms  of  a  world  which  disappeared  before 
World  War  I.  Unlike  most  of  his  col- 
leagues, he  does  not  even  pay  lip  service  to 
the  laissez  faire  economics  of  Adam  Smith, 
but  assumes  that  we  shall  have  to  have  in- 
ternational economic  organization  before 
we  can  have  a  smoothly  functioning  world 
economy. 

He  describes  and  evaluates  critically  the 
Bretton  Woods  Agreements,  UNRRA,  the 
projected  international  trade  authority,  and 
the  -Food  and  Agriculture  Organization  to 
test  their  contribution  to  postwar  stability. 
He  points  out  that  domestic  policies  aiming 
at  full  employment  are  essential  to  the 
operation  of  international  economic  agree- 
ments, but  indicates  that  it  may  be  necessary 
to  go  further  and  work  out  an  international 
program  for  stimulating  employment.  All  in 
all  it  is  a  book  which  every  literate  citizen 
will  want  to  read  and  ponder. 

MAXWELL  S.  STEWART 
Editor,  Public  Affairs  Pamphlets 

MEN  AT  WORK.  Some  Democratic  Methods 
for  a  Power  Age,  by  Stuart  Chase.  Harcourt, 
Brace.  $2. 

STUART  CHASE  is  RIGHT  IN  BELIEVING  THAT- 
the  articles  here  incorporated  have  a  uni- 
fying theme  and  a  permanent  value.  They 
present,  in  the  best  tradition  of  creative 
journalism,  findings  and  experiences  in 
significant  areas  of  business  personnel  and 
economic  pioneering  which  demonstrate  in 
concrete  terms  just  how  we  can  help  people 
to  work  together,  not  as  robots  but  as  self- 
respecting  human  beings  in  a  democratic 
society. 

Clarity,  concreteness,  readability,  per- 
sonalized incident — these  we  have  come  to 
expect  in  Mr.  Chase's  handling  of  a  theme. 
Here  his  rare  and  needed  gift  is  put  at  the 


disposal  of  a  body  of  subject  matter  which 
some  will  ignore  as  "too  technical,"  but 
which  those  who  know  the  inwardness  of 
the  modern  world  of  work  will  recognize 
as  the  very  quintessence  of  our  problem  of 
reconciling  personality  growth,  scope  for 
personal  creative  release,  a  basis  for  more 
personalized  sense  of  responsibility  for 
sound  workmanship,  with  the  necessary 
disciplines  of  large  scale  factory  operation 
and  high  production  at  low  unit  cost. 

Personnel  executives  especially  should 
reach  for  this  book  and  should  insist  that 
their  general  managers  read  it — which  they 
can  do  easily  and  with  pleasure  in  three  to 
four  hours.  For  here,  without  the  ten  dol- 
lar words  in  which  the  literature  of  demo- 
cratic shop  procedure  tends  to  get  bogged 
down,  are  tested,  practical  methods,  and  as- 
suredly wholesome  results.  No  manager — 
of  factory,  store,  philanthropic  agency,  hos- 
pital or  college — could  fail  to  carry  away  a 
score  of  workable  ideas  from  this  notebook 
record  of  social  experiments. 

If  the  Committee  on  Economic  Develop- 
ment, the  National  Association  of  Manu- 
facturers, and  the  United  States  Chamber 
of  Commerce  want  ready  reference  hints  on 
how  to  be  democratic  in  the  shop  in  ways 
that  contribute  to  total  shop  productivity, 
let  them  distribute  a  few  hundred  thousand 
copies  of  this  book  in  paper  covers.  The 
cause  of  full  employment  and  of  a  full  life 
for  the  employed  would  thus  be  served. 

The  book  makes  no  pretense  to  being  a 
systematic  treatise  on  personnel  administra- 
tion or  industrial  relations.  But  students  of 
the  more  inclusive  volumes  will  find  here 
vital  documenting  of  theory  by  practices 
successful  in  according  dignity  to  the  career 
of  rank  and  file  workers.  ORDWAY  TEAD 
Lecturer,  Columbia  University 

CHINA'S  CRISIS,  by  Lawrence  K.  Rosinger. 
Knopf.  #3. 

DESPITE  ITS  TITLE,  THIS  is  NOT  A  CRISIS- 
centered  exposition  but  a  comprehensive 
statement  of  all  the  more  important  factors 
in  China's  political  cross-currents,  the  pe- 
culiar nature  of  the  war  she  wages,  her 
economic  debacle,  and  her  unsure  foreign 
relations.  Mr.  Rosinger  shares  the  pained 
concern  with  which  most  impartial  observ- 
ers today  look  upon  the  growing  breach  be- 
tween China's  aspirations  and  the  frighten- 
ing reality  of  her  present  condition.  He  ex- 
plains the  causes  of  this  disparity  with  de- 
tailed facts  and  penetrating  argument;  and 
although  his  sympathies  are  with  Yenan 
rather  than  with  Chungking,  no  fairer 
presentation  of  the  character  and  difficulties 
of  the  central  government  is  to  be  found  in 
print. 

Only  a  few  of  his  outstanding  points  can 
be  mentioned: 

Such  popular  government  as  is  possible 
within  the  limits  of  Chinese  political  ex- 
perience could  be  established  now,  in  the 
midst  of  war.  The  central  government 
probably  has  received  more  aid  from  Russia 
than  have  the  communists.  In  spite  of 
every  conceivable  device  to  prevent  the  ex- 
pression of  the  people's  will,  popular  dis- 
content makes  itself  felt  in  virulent  forms. 
The  greater  part  of  Free  China's  foreign 
trade  is  through  the  enemy  lines  and  in- 


directly to  a  large  extent  with  the  enemy. 
Political  leaders  in  Chungking  cannot  make 
up  their  minds  to  throw  themselves  whole- 
heartedly into  the  national  war  of  libera- 
tion because  this  would  mean  sacrifice  of 
power  for  which  they  are  not  prepared — 
the  democratic  reorganization  of  the  coun- 
try's political  and  administrative  machinery, 
of  its  tax  system,  and  of  its  control  of  pro- 
duction. China's  allies  are  in  danger  if  they 
permit  the  useful  fiction  of  that  country's 
status  as  a  great  power  to  becloud  their 
view  of  the  much  more  modest  role  which 
it  is  bound  to  play,  both  in  the  war  effort 
and  afterwards  in  the  process  of  stabiliza- 
tion. 

This  is  an  honest  book,  by  a  student  who 
has  the  gift  of  writing  interestingly  without 
stepping  out  of  the  role  of  narrator  and  in- 
terpreter. No  other  recent  writer  has  been 
so  successful  in  relating  the  particular  in- 
cident to  the  picture  as  a  whole,  in  clari- 
fying the  complex  situation  without  over- 
simplification, in  pointing  a  way  out  of 
China's  immediate  predicament  without  un- 
derstating the  alarming  outcome  for  the 
whole  world  if  the  country's  unity  is 
allowed  further  to  deteriorate. 
Research  Secretary  BRUNO  LASKER 

American  Council  Institute  of 
Pacific  Relations 

MEN    OF  SCIENCE    IN    AMERICA,    The 

Role    of  Science    in    the    Growth    of    Our 

Country,  by     Bernard     Jaffe.      Simon     & 

Schuster.  #3.75. 

WE    HAVE    HAD    MANY    BOOKS    EXTOLLING    THE 

"contributions"  of  science  to  our  material 
prosperity  by  way  of  technology  and  prac 
tical  invention.  This  lively  account  of  nine- 
teen handpicked  American  scientists  from 
colonial  times  to  the  present  day  offers  a 
rapid  survey  of  the  rise  of  American 
civilization  from  an  unusual  and  significant 
angle.  It  is  unusual  because  until  after  the 
First  World  War  there  were  not  enough 
men  and  women  here  interested  in  this  ap- 
proach to  warrant  the  publication  of  so 
handsome  a  volume  for  the  general  reader. 
And  it  is  significant  because  up  to  the  pres- 
ent writing  your  professional  scientists  have 
not  generally  been  clear  as  to  the  social 
significance  of  what  they  were  doing,  be- 
yond wanting  to  feel  that  they  were  really 
useful  citizens.  This  exceptionally  readable 
and  reliable  survey  gives  us  a  clear  picture 
of  the  men,  their  times,  their  problems,  and 
the  relationship  between  their  work  and 
the  changing  times. 

The  author  seems  to  be  somewhat  torn 
by  his  urge  to  defend  American  science 
against  two  criticisms  that  have  been  most 
frequently  directed  against  it.  Against  the 
charge  that  while  we  have  led  in  "applied" 
science,  we  have  lagged  in  "pure"  science, 
he  enumerates  the  growing  list  of  Ameri- 
can winners  of  Nobel  prizes  for  funda- 
mental thinking  and  discoveries,  and  points 
to  the  growing  army  of  foreign  students 
who  have  been  coming  here  to  learn  from 
our  master  minds.  To  the  suspicion  that 
our  scientists  have  "almost  completely 
ignored  the  social  scene  and  have  been  con- 
tent to  follow  their  scientific  pursuits  undis- 
turbed by  the  storms  about  them,"  he  re- 
plies by  pointing  to  Benjamin  Franklin  and 


348 


the  early  scientists  who  were  aware  of  the 
political  and  economic  conditions  from 
which  they  or  their  parents  had  just  es- 
caped. 

There  is,  however,  no  need  to  apologize. 
The  book  itself  abundantly  reconciles  these 
"criticisms"  and  shows  their  irrelevance. 
Indeed,  Mr.  Jaffe's  concluding  chapter, 
"Future  of  Science  in  America,"  is  a  well- 
balanced  statement  on  the  present  situation 
and  prospective  developments. 
New  Yor^  BENJAMIN  C.  GRUENBERG 

AN  INTELLIGENT  AMERICAN'S  GUIDE 
TO  PEACE,  under  the  general  editorship 
of,  and  with  an  introduction  by  Simmer 
Welles.  Dryden  Press.  #3.75. 

THE  VERY  TITLE   OF    THIS   BOOK   IS   STIMULAT- 

ing  and  one  opens  the  volume  with  curi- 
osity. In  it  one  finds  a  clearly  conceived 
pattern,  executed  with  a  simplicity  which 
is  gratifying  and  a  comprehensiveness 
which  is  daring. 

In  its  pages  certain  facts  are  to  be  found 
about  "every  independent  nation  and  every 
major  dependent  people  of  the  world." 
These  facts  are  divided,  in  each  case,  into 
four  categories:  (1)  The  Land  and  People; 
(2)  The  Economy;  (3)  The  History,  1914- 
44;  and,  (4)  The  Stakes  in  the  Peace. 

No  single  reader  can  verify,  out  of  his 
own  knowledge,  the  information  concern- 
ing each  country:  he  can  only  turn  to  those 
countries  with  which  he  has  some  acquain- 
tance. And  there  this  reviewer  marvels  at 
the  accuracy,  conciseness,  and  balanced 
selection  of  facts.  Certainly  all  cannot  be 
told  within  370  pages;  but  enough  is  told 
to  start  one  on  a  further  quest  equipped 
with  accurate,  pertinent  information  and  a 
certain  new  understanding  of  the  factors  in- 
volved. 

In  his  introduction,  Sumner  Welles  states 
that  "it  is  the  obligation  of  every  citizen 
of  the  United  States  to  inform  himself  to 
the  fullest  extent  possible  concerning  every 
aspect  of  the  decisions  which  his  country 
will  now  be  forced  to  make."  It  is  to 
facilitate  the  fulfillment  of  this  obligation 
that  this  book  has  been  published.  It  has 
been  done  objectively.  But  it  has  also  been 
done  in  the  belief  that  the  large  majority  of 
Americans  have  decided  that  the  United 
States  should  accept  its  full  responsibility 
in  some  kind  of  world  organization. 
Whether  this  international  organization 
succeeds  or  fails,  Mr.  Welles  contends,  will 
depend  upon  the  harmonious  cooperation 
of  the  five  great  powers — and  harmonious 
cooperation  can  be  achieved  only  "through 
a  friendly  but  realistic  understanding"  of 
each  other. 

JULIE  D'ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT 
Assistant  Director 
Woodrow  Wilson  Foundation 


SURRENDER    ON    DEMAND,    by    Variao 
Fry.  Random  House.  £3. 

MANY  ACCOUNTS  HAVE  APPEARED  DESCRIBING 
the  heroic  adventures  of  American  soldiers 
and  sailors  on  the  battlefields  of  Europe  and 
Asia.  Running  through  these  stories  are 
abundant  records  of  American  ingenuity 
in  meeting  strange  and  unforeseen  situa- 
tions or  in  overcoming  apparently  insuper- 
able obstacles. 


But  it  is  not  only  on  the  field  of  battle 
that  this  characteristic  quality  has  been 
shown.  "Surrender  on  Demand"  recounts 
the  exciting  adventures  of  a  young  Ameri- 
can who  was  sent  to  France  to  aid  refugees 
from  Nazi  persecution  escape,  chiefly  to 
Spain  and  Portugal.  With  remarkable  de- 
termination and  courage  he  outsmarted  the 
Gestapo  and  Vichy  police  and  succeeded  in 
sending  more  than  a  thousand  refugees 
from  France.  Among  those  rescued  from 
Nazi  cruelty  were  such  distinguished  in- 
tellectuals as  Heinrich  Mann,  Lion  Feucht- 
wanger,  and  Franz  Werfel. 

The  methods  used  in  smuggling  refugees 
out  of  France  involved  the  frequent  use  of 
forged  passports  and  other  identification 
papers.  Fry  found  it  helpful,  too,  to  enlist 
the  services  of  Marseilles  gangsters  and 
other  underworld  characters.  The  French 
police  authorities  were  naturally  suspicious 
and  unsympathetic  but  occasionally  a 
French  official  aided  Fry  and  his  associates 
when  they  got  into  difficulties.  Especially 
helpful  was  Harry  Bingham,  the  American 
vice-consul  at  Marseilles  in  charge  of  visas. 
On  the  other  hand  the  high  officials  in  the 
State  Department  at  Washington,  unwilling 
to  offend  the  French  Vichy  authorities, 
showed  little  sympathy  for  Fry's  work  and 
ultimately  canceled  his  passport,  forcing  his 
departure  from  France. 

In  general  this  book  reveals  the  tragic 
experiences  of  hunted  and  persecuted  peo- 
ple. Only  rarely  is  the  account  relieved  by 
a  humorous  incident  as,  for  example,  when 
the  Italian  labor  leader  Giuseppe  Modigliani 
refused  to  shave  off  his  beard  or  stop  wear- 
ing his  fur  coat  in  order  to  facilitate  his 
escape.  The  coat  had  been  presented  to 
him  by  the  International  Ladies  Garment 
Workers  Union  when  he  visited  the  United 
States  and  he  was  so  proud  of  it  that  he 
wore  it  winter  and  summer. 

Americans  can  read  with  pride  this  vivid 
and  exciting  story  of  the  experiences  of  a 
determined  and  courageous  American  in 
successfully  carrying  through  an  errand  of 
mercy.  NELSON  P.  MEAD 

Department  of  History 
College  of  the  City  of  New 


TELEVISION  IN  1960 

(Continued  from  page  346) 


attended.  Accordingly,  the  directors  are 
inserting  film  in  "live"  scenes  of  plays  and 
scanning  the  film  and  the  actors  simultane- 
ously, so  that  the  villain  may  choke  the 
heroine  against  a  background  which  may 
be  the  Rocky  Mountains  or  some  medieval 
castle.  Again,  Hollywood  invented  the  trick, 
and  again  television  appropriated  it. 


Hollywood  and  Television 

If  television  has  taken  so  much  from 
Hollywood  what  advantage  has  it  over  the 
motion  picture  theater?  Before  the  war,  the 
British  paid  a  guinea  a  ticket  to  see  the 
Boon-Danaher  fight  televised  in  three 
cinemas  which  were  packed  to  the  doors. 
Was  this  evidence  merely  of  a  lack  of  home 
television  sets?  Or,  as  Hollywood  argues, 

(Continued  on  page  350) 

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349 


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The 

Psychiatric 

Novels 

of  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes 

BY 
CLARENCE  P.  OBERNDORF,  M.D. 


"It  has  taken  three-quarters  of  a  century 
for  a  commentator  to  see  the  merit  of 
Holmes's  books.  We  owe  to  Oberndorf 
much  gratitude  for  the  discovery  and  for 
the  scholarly  treatment  given  the  subject. 
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readable;  his  introduction  gives  a  bril- 
liant picture  of  Holmes,  and  his  annota- 
tions explain  to  people  not  trained  in 
psychiatry  the  importance  of  the  text.  To 
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nation; the  clinical  descriptions  are  mas- 
terly, and  many  theories  are  clearly  stated 
which  would  now  be  called'  'freudian'." 
— Archives  of  Neurology  and  Psychiatry. 


$3.00 

Columbia 
University  Press 


was  it  evidence  that  the  public  wants  large 
screens  and  lifesize  men  and  women? 
Hollywood  extracts  much  comfort  from  the 
fact  that,  despite  all  the  predictions  of  op- 
timists, the  movies  have  not  yet  invaded 
the  home  on  a  large  scale. 

Just  to  be  on  the  safe  side,  motion  picture 
companies  have  bought  into  television  en- 
terprises. There  is  no  doubt  that  television 
would  like  to  draw  on  Hollywood's  films 
and  its  other  resources,  but  there  is  also  no 
doubt  that  Hollywood  shows  no  great  dis- 
position to  help  television. 

Even  if  Hollywood  and  television  arrive 
at  an  understanding,  the  program  problem 
will  be  solved  only  for  a  time.  About  650 
hours  of  pictures  are  made  every  year.  Sup- 
pose television  uses  them.  So  ravenous  is  its 
appetite  that  a  year's  output  would  be  de- 
voured in  weeks,  assuming  that  a  film  is 
used  only  once.  The  Federal  Communica- 
tions Commission  has  assigned  twelve 
channels  to  television.  If  each  of  these 
twelve  transmits  plays  six  hours  a  day,  a 
terrifying  problem  in  production  is  pre- 
sented. News  and  sports  stand  on  another 
footing.  Here  television  will  reign  supreme, 
because  we  participate  in  the  transmitted 
event.  Something  important  is  happening, 
and  we  are  electrically  on  the  spot  to  see  it. 

It  is  the  advertiser  who  will  settle  this 
issue  of  the  program.  He  knows  that  in 
a  motion  picture  house  he  has  no  chance 
at  all.  Early  experimental  projections  of 
advertising  lantern-slides  between  film 
drama  and  news  came  to  nothing.  The 
assault  on  the  eye  and  the  mind  was  re- 


sented. When  the  film  began  to  talk  no  one 
had  the  temerity  to  place  direct  advertising 
on  the  sound-track.  Nor  has  the  film  been 
too  widely  used  in  the  theater  in  advertising 
itself.  The  preliminary  flashes  that  announce 
forthcoming  attractions  are  none-too-wel- 
come interruptions. 

New  Jobs  Ahead 

It  is  plain  from  these  considerations  that 
television  will  have  to  feel  its  way  just  as 
radio  broadcasting  did  twenty  years  ago. 
When  the  experimental  period  is  over,  a 
matter  of  perhaps  five  postwar  years,  an 
industry  which  is  now  bawling  in  its  crib 
will  grow  with  a  rapidity  that  will  astonish 
even  the  technical  accoucheurs  who  brought 
it  into  the  world. 

The  opportunities  for  employment  will 
match  anything  that  we  have  witnessed  in 
the  development  of  motion  pictures,  radio 
or  the  automobile.  Think  of  ninety  stations 
that  will  have  to  be  tied  together  somehow 
into  a  national  network,  each  erected  by 
skilled  labor  at  a  cost  of  perhaps  $250,000, 
each  demanding  its  quota  of  steel,  electron 
tubes,  and  relaying  apparatus.  Think  of 
hundreds  of  play  and  advertising-copy 
writers,  more  hundreds  of  cameramen  and 
their  aids  to  "cover"  sports  and  news  events. 
Think  of  ancillary  or  satellite  industries  that 
will  feed  television  with  what  it  needs,  just 
as  the  growth  of  the  automobile  industry 
was  attended  by  much  road-building,  keep- 
ing of  tourist  camps,  installing  of  filling 
stations,  inventing  and  selling  of  wayside 
pumps,  cigarette-lighters  and  windshield 


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Address 


Led  by  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  real 
estate  interests,  Planner  House  and  otner 
forces  for  good,  Indianapolis  got  an  act 
through  this  year's  legislature  authorizing 
the  city  to  buy  this  slum  area  under  the 
power  of  eminent  domain,  turn  part  ol  it 
along  the  banks  of  the  stream  into  a  park, 
with  a  picnic  ground,  swimming  pool,  lake, 
baseball  diamond;  lay  out  new  streets  in 
the  remainder  and  sell  off  lots  to  low  in- 
come people  at  possible  prices.  For  people 
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350 


Controversy,  212  F.  and  M.  Bldg.  West  Chester,  Pa. 

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wipers.  Think  of  tens  of  thousands  engaged 
in  making  at  least  a  million  television  sets 
a  year  for  a  hungry  public.  You  catch  a 
glimpse  of  what  television  will  mean  in  the 
national  economy. 

Let  television  grow  and  it  will  do  its 
share  in  creating  jobs  for  the  57,000,000 
who  must  be  kept  employed  after  the  war 
if  our  overexpanded  production  facilities 
are  not  to  collapse.  And  the  young  service- 
man who  wonders  what  his  lot  will  be 
when  he  doffs  his  uniform  would  do  well 
to  study  the  thousands  of  niches  that  tele- 
vision is  already  fashioning  for  him  and 
make  up  his  mind  in  which  he  will  find 
the  most  scope  for  such  knowledge  and 
technical  experience  as  he  may  have  ac- 
quired in  some  army  or  navy  school. 


FORTUNATE  CITY 

(Continued  from  page  341) 


watch  the  contractor  unload  a  tool  shed 
from  a  truck— the  first  token  of  the  ful- 
fillment of  a  long-cherished  dream.  The 
federal  government  (PWA)  and  the  city 
health  department  combined  to  provide 
$130,000  to  build  this  center,  which  will 
specialize  in  child  and  maternity  care. 
Heading  it  will  be  Dr.  Walter  H.  Maddux, 
lent  by  the  U.  S.  Children's  Bureau  for 
which  he  has  been  doing  brilliant  work 
aiding  Negro  doctors  throughout  the  South 
to  keep  abreast  of  modern  methods  in  child 
and  maternity  care. 

And  what  about  that  slum?  We  have 
seen  some  bad  spots  in  Chicago,  Memphis, 
and  Birmingham,  but  this  Negro  section  in 
Indianapolis  beats  them  all.  Streets  and 
streets  of  hovels — the  streets  often  only 
muddy  paths.  Many  of  these  hovels  have 
no  toilets,  no  running  water.  A  group  of 
families  patronizes  a  community  privy  and 
a  community  pump.  Beyond  the  slum  is  a 
vast  dump  heap,  ragged  gravel  pits,  and 
then  a  stream — just  south  of  which  and 
within  a  stone's  tbrow  is,  incredibly  enough, 
Indiana  University  Medical  School  and  an 
imposing  group  of  state  and  city  hospitals! 

One  shack  with  an  assessed  valuation  of 
$850,  which  would  seem  an  exaggeration, 
rents  for  |25  a  month.  Taxes  are  $21. 
That's  the  owner's  only  expense.  No  one 
would  ever  dream  of  putting  a  cent  on  re- 
pairs. So  this  owner  gets  $279  clear  each 
year,  for  a  32.8  percent  return.  Nearby  is  a 
coal  shed  rented  to  a  family  at  $7  a  month. 
It  even  has  a  street  number,  and  there's  a 
service  flag  in  the  window.  There  often  is, 
even  if  there's  no  glass.  These  are  the  homes 
of  soldiers  of  democracy. 

Instead  of  Slums 


who  can't  afford  to  buy,  decent  low  rental 
homes  will  be  made  available.  A  great  city 
parkway  which  halted  in  despair  at  the 
edge  of  the  blighted  area  will  run  through 
the  development,  all  the  plans  for  which 
have  been  endorsed  by  experts  like  Paul 
Brown,  superintendent  of  parks,  and  Noble 
Hollister,  in  charge  of  the  city's  planning. 

How  will  these  homes  be  built?  Cleo 
Blackburn  and  his  Quaker  associates  had  an 
exciting  plan.  At  Penn  Craft — a  project  of 
the  Friends  Service  Committee  over  near 
Uniontown,  Pa. — coal  miners  had  built 
themselves  a  village  of  fifty  houses  out  in 
rolling  farmland  on  the  labor  pool  idea. 
There  are  always  certain  men  in  any  group 
who  carpenter,  do  plumbing,  stonework, 
painting  or  glazing  or  maybe  just  dig.  So 
they  can  pool  their  skills  and  build  each 
other's  homes.  Using  largely  local  materials, 
these  miners  put  up  six-room  modern 
houses  that  would  have  cost  $4,000  else- 
where— for  under  $2,000.  And  smaller 
houses  for  much  less.  Blackburn  went  to 
look,  came  back  full  of  enthusiasm. 

William  Book,  executive  secretary  of  the 
Indianapolis  Chamber  of  Commerce,  agreed 
heartily  with  him,  but  two  local  realtors 
were  skeptical.  They  went  to  Uniontown 
to  see  for  themselves  and  were  convinced 
that  the  idea  would  work.  Indeed,  the 
chances  are  that  it  would  work  anywhere. 

Despite  the  citywide  enthusiasm  for 
Planner  House,  its  projects  have  met  some 
opposition,  half-hearted  and  brief,  from 
labor  unions  in  the  buildings  trades  who 
shied  at  its  labor-pool  idea;  from  some 
orthodox  social  workers  who  were  dis- 
turbed not  to  find  its  unconventional 
methods  for  dealing  with  people  in  their 
rule  book*;  and  from  a  few  left  wing  Negro 
militants  who  were  irked  by  its  cooperative 
front.  Almost  invariably,  however,  Planner 
House  calls  forth  more  good  will  than 
people  ever  knew  they  had.  They  go  there 
for  the  thrill  of  being  near  anything  so 
vital  and  growing. 

The  idea  will  grow,  too,  throughout  the 
country.  Every  city  with  a  slum  area  cries 
out  for  an  enterprise  like  Planner  House 
and  a  man  like  Cleo  Blackburn — with 
vision  to  build  firmly  for  the  future  on  the 
bedrock  of  human  need. 

Once  upon  a  time,  runs  the  fable,  a 
traveler  came  upon  three  men  chipping 
stone  beside  the  highway.  He  asked  each 
of  them  in  turn  what  he  was  doing. 

Said  the  first  man:  "I'm  chipping  this 
stone." 

Said  the  second:  "I'm  helping  build  the 
wall  of  a  building." 

And  the  third,  proudly:  "I'm  building 
a  great  cathedral." 


*  For  an  example  of  cooperative  stock-taking,  to 
relate  such  a  rounded  scheme  of  neighborhood  work 
to  citywide  services,  take  an  assignment  made  a  year 
ago  by  the  Indianapolis  Community  Fund  to  the 
Council  of  Social  Agencies.  Through  its  Planner 
House  study  committee,  representing  both  council  and 
settlement,  arrangements  were  made  for  an  indepen- 
dent appraisal  of  casework  activities  there.  Abigail 
F.  Brownell  broupht  experience  and  national  standing 
in  this  field  to  the  task. 

Transmitting  Miss  Brownell's  report  in  mid-May, 
the  joint  committee  approved  her  findings.  It  espe- 
cially commended  to  the  budget  committee  of  the 
Community  Fund  the  "needs  of  the  casework  and 
program  staff"  of  the  neighborhood  nursery;  and  to 
the  board  of  Flanner  House  the  need  for  avoiding 
duplication  of  effort  "by  recognizing  and  utilizing 
existing  community  caseworking  resources" — notably 
those  of  the  Family  Welfare  Society. — ED. 


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THE  BOOKSHELF 


DISTINGUISHED  AMERICAN   JEWS 
Edited  by  P.  Henry  Lotz 

Creative  PersonaJMies — Vol.  VI 
Continuing    the    series    of    biographical    sketches    of    in- 
dividuals   who    have    made    outstanding    contributions    to 
our  culture,  this   new  volume  presents  twelve  Americans 
of    Jewish    ancestry    and    distinctive    talent.  SI. 50 

ASSOCIATION   PRESS 

347    MADISON    AVENUE  NEW    YORK    17.    N.    Y. 


AMERICAN   SOCIOLOGICAL   REVIEW 

Official  Journal  of  the  American  Sociological  Socletj. 
In  addition  to  papers  and  proceedings  ol  the  So- 
Jiety.  it  contains  articles  on  sociological  research, 
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Subscription  $4.00  a  year  -  Special  library  rate  $3.10 

Address:  Managing   Editor 

American  Sociological    Review 

U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture.  Washington.   D.C. 


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PSYCHOANALYSIS 

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.  .  .  the  new  time  and  money-saving  way  of 
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ORIGINAL  SERMONS,  SPEECHES,  LEC- 
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RESEARCH:    Congressional    Library,    Government 
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-estigations,  genealogy,  business  errands,  attended 
y    experts.     Circular   free,    Crehore,    Box    2329-G, 


by 

Washington   13,  D.  C. 


BOOK  REVIEW  drudgery  done  for  you  by  experi- 
enced lecturer,  newspaper  and  SRL  reviewer. 
Henrietta  Hardman,  Central  Village,  Connecticut. 

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Send  me  your  want-list  of  magazines  and  news- 
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box  2329-G,  Washington  13,  D.  C. 

-POWHATAN"  INDIAN  PIPE 

SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


WANTED:  EXECUTIVE  DIRECTOR  for  promi- 
nent  National  Jewish  Women's  Organization. 
Must  be  capable  executive  with  experience  in 
fields  of  social  work  or  adult  education.  Address 
inquiries  or  state  qualifications  to  8192  Survey. 

DIRECTOR  «nd  CASE  WORKER  for  a  newly  or- 
ganized Child  Guidance  Clinic.  Both  must  be 
psychiatric  social  workers.  Director  must  be  ex- 
perienced worker  with  administrative  experience. 
Excellent  salaries,  challenging  job  in  a  fresh  field. 
Small  interior  city,  California.  8186  Survey. 

GEORGE  JUNIOR  REPUBLIC  seeks  housepar- 
ents  and  work  supervisors  not  threatened  by 
problems  of  adolescents,  and  willing  to  live  and 
work  closely  with  boys  or  girls.  Maturity,  com- 
monsense,  and  sincere  interest  are  requisite ;  social 
work  background  desirable.  175  Fifth  Avenue, 
New  York  City. 

WANTED:  VISITOR,  Children's  Aid  Society, 
Chambersburg,  Penna.  School  of  Social  Work 
training  and  experience  desired.  Box  148,  Cham- 
bersburg, Penna. 

CASE  WORKERS  (2)  working  with  boys  and  girls 
in  club  and  activity  program,  also  social  recre- 
ation. Jewish  Community  Centre,  New  York 
City.  State  fully  education,  experience,  references 
and  salary  expected.  8185  Survey. 

ADMINISTRATIVE  ASSISTANT.  Man  for  large 
New  York  City  Jewish  Community  organization. 
Responsible  for  supervision,  maintenance,  business 
management,  budgeting,  also  group  work  program 
area.  State  education,  experience,  references,  sal- 
ary expected  8184  Survey. 

CASEWORKERS  with  training  and/or  experience, 
also  persons  who  have  a  College  Degree  and 
aptitude  for  Social  Work.  Salary  commensurate 
with  qualifications.  Apply  American  :Red  Cross, 
31  Elm  Street,  Springfield,  Mass. 

WANTED:  Girls'  Worker  and  Special  Activities 
Supervisor  for  Community  Center  at  Poughkeepsie, 
N.  Y.  Apply  c/o  Rockwood  Jenkins,  Fjcecutive 
Director,  Lincoln  Center,  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. 

CASE  WORK— GROUP  WORKER:  For  group 
work  agency  and  camp.  Professional  social  work 
training  and  experience;  attractive  salary;  job 
analysis  available  on  request.  Council  Educational 
Alliance,  13512  Kinsman  Road,  Cleveland  20, 
Ohio. 

WANTED:  Supervisors  and  case  workers  with 
training  and  experience  for  work  with  the  armed 
forces,  ex-servicemen,  and  their  dependents.  Ex- 
cellent salaries.  Apply  Home  Service,  American 
Red  Cross,  161  Massachusetts  Avenue,  Boston  15, 
Mass. 

WANTED:  A  couple  for  resident  position — Boys' 
Dormitory.  Must  be  able  to  supervise  school 
work,  recreational  activities,  direct  the  conduct 
of  the  boys.  There  are  housekeeping  duties  en- 
taijed.  For  full  details  write  to  Superintendent, 
Friendship  House,  2000  Adams  Avenue,  Scran- 
ton  9,  Pa. 

CASEWORKER— Catholic  family  or  child  welfare 
caseworker,  salary  range  $1920  to  $2340.  Must 
have  graduate  training.  8178  Survey. 

CASE  WORKER  for  non-sectarian  family  agency 
in  large  Massachusetts  city.  Graduate  degree  in 
social  work  plus  experience  or  supervised  field 
placement  in  family  agency  required.  Salary  and 
advancement  commensurate  with  experience  and 
ability.  8195  Survey. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med 
ical  social  work  positions. 

LANGUAGES 

PHONOGRAPH  COURSES.  Mail  Orders.  All 
Makes.  Booklet  C.  LANGUAGE  SERVICE, 
Div.  of  Schoenhof's  Foreign  Books,  Inc.,  Harvard 
Square,  Cambridge  38,  Mass. 

29  LANGUAGES  BY  LINGUAPHONE.  Russian, 
Spanish,  Portuguese  —  Direct  conversational 
method  for  mastering  any  language  quickly, 
easily,  correctly  at  home.  Send  for  FREE  book. 
LINGUAPHONE  INSTITUTE,  50  RCA  Bldg., 
New  York  20.  CI  7-0830. 


CANDELABRA 

FOR  SALE:  Beautiful  hand  wrought  iron  can- 
delabra, can  be  used  outdoors  as  hurricane  lamps. 
Original  design.  Photographs  furnished  on  request. 
$40.00  pair.  Wominer  Wrought  Iron,  Box  230, 
Grand  Island,  Nebraska. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


CHILD   WELFARE 

WE  NEED  two  additional  caseworkers  for  ex- 
panding program  in  rural  areas.  Experience  in 
child  placing  and  home  finding  preferred.  Send 
complete  information  about  self  -  education,  ex- 
perience, marital  status,  age,  church,  photo  if 
possible  and  salary  expected.  Write  or  wire, 
Nebraska  Children's  Home  Society,  3549  Fon- 
tenelle  Blvd.,  Omaha  3,  Nebraska.  Randall  C. 
Biart,  Executive  Director. 

SUPERVISOR 

WELL  ESTABLISHED  Children's  Agency  in  the 
middle  west  is  extending  its  program  and  needs 
a  competent  supervisor  with  child  placing  ex- 
perience. This  agency  is  small,  private,  non- 
sectarian  with  a  fine  reputation.  Its  work  is 
mostly  rural.  The  program  is  flexible  and  of- 
fers an  opportunity  for  a  person  with  ideas — one 
who  is  "growing."  We  prefer  a  protestant  be- 
tween the  ages  of  35  and  50  with  membership 
in  the  A.A.S.W.  Give  complete  information 
about  yourself  and  indicate  salary  expected. 
8193  Survey 

SENIOR  SOCIAL  WORKER  needed  in  well  estab- 
lished children's  institution  providing  also  foster 
home  placement.  Must  be  graduate  in  Social 
Work  and  have  several  years  of  practical  experi- 
ence in  case  work  for  children.  Write  to  Chil- 
dren's Village,  Hartford,  Connecticut. 


POSITIONS   OPEN   IN   ALASKA 

ALASKA    DEPARTMENT    OF    PUBLIC 

WELFARE 

DISTRICT  WORKERS- 

SOCIAL  SERVICE  WORKERS 

Apply:     Alaska    Merit    System,     Box    201,    Juneau, 

Alaska,    via    airmail,    supplying    minimum    qualifica- 

tions. 

There  are  positions  open  at  the  present  time  for  two 
District  Workers  and  two  Social  Service  Workers. 

District  Worker:  salary  range^$250  to  $280  per 
month;  appointments  at  the  minimum;  minimum  re- 
quirements —  college,  4  years;  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Tublic 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare  ;  experience  —  three  years  in 
the  past  six  years  of  social  work,  one  year  of  which 
must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare,  one  year  in  Public 
Assistance  and  one  year  in  a  supervisory  capacity. 


e  years  n  soca  wor,  one  year  o 
which  must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare  and  one 
year  in  Public  Assistance. 

WE  OFFER  EMPLOYERS  AND  CANDIDATES 
in  all  fields  of  social  work  everywhere  an  en- 
tirely new,  unique  medium  for  finding  just  the 
right  person  or  position.  Because  screening  tech- 
niques have  been  streamlined,  commissions  and 
registration  fees  eliminated,  and  placement  feet 
reduced  to  a  flat  $25.00,  the  widest  selection 
current  conditions  permit  is  attracted.  Why  leave 
any  stones  unturned?  Perhaps  the  very  person 
you  would  most  like  to  get  in  touch  with  is  also 
reading  this  ad.  Write  for  details.  Central 
Registry  Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus 
9,  Ohio. 

SITUATIONS  WANTED 

MAN  with  long  executive  experience  in  boys'  work 
desires  location  in  New  England.  Available  Oc- 
tober 1st.  8189  Survey. 

EDITOR  religious  publications.  Protestant.  Non- 
sectarian.  Graduate  student  Bible  and  theology 
in  leading  seminaries.  Contributor  to  publications 
of  several  denominations.  Five  years'  experience 
as  editor.  8188  Survey. 

ADMINISTRATOR,    broad    experience    in    mental 

hygiene,  family  and  child  case  work,  industry  and 
labor  and  community  organization.  Married,  age 
47.  Immediately  available.  8191  Survey. 

SUPERINTENDENT,  small  institution.  Broad 
experience,  administrative,  personnel  management. 
Locate  anywhere.  8190  Survey. 

EDITOR,  social  studies  textbooks.  Capable  of 
rewriting  texts  for  postwar  market  and  modern 
curriculum.  Twenty  years'  experience  high  school 
teacher,  college  professor,  writer  and  editor.  8187 
Survey. 

SUPERINTENDENT,  institution  or  agency.  Ten 
years  with  private  agency  of  highest  standards. 
Ten  years  administration  large  modern  public 
children's  program.  Broad  training  in  psychiatric 
social  work,  special  experience  college  staff,  voca- 
tional training,  boy  scouting,  adoption,  child 
placing  and  institutional  care.  8194  Survey. 


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352 


exciting  look  into 
the  present  and  future 
of  the  American  tropics 

NEW 
CROPS 

tor  the 

NEW 
WORLD 

Edited  by 
Charles  Morrow  Wilson 

Of  utmost  importance  for  our 
hemisphere  are  the  facts  told  in  this 
book— the  great  migration  of  crops 
from  the  Orient  to  Latin  America, 
and  the  birth  of  an  entirely  new 
inter-American  economy  based 
upon  them.  Fourteen  distinguished 
authorities  have  contributed  to  the 
book,  and  it  is  illustrated  with  70 
magnificent  photographs.  $3.50 


MACMILLAN 


BUY  WAR   BONDS 

SAVE   WASTE   PAPER 

SAVE  WASTE   FATS 


7s  the  U.  S.  A.  headed  for  a  new 

Imperialism  ? 

Are  the  dreams  of  vast  business  in  the 

Orient  misleading  us? 

Will  the  French,  Dutch  and  British  get 
back  their  Empires  in  Asia? 

What  part  will  Russia  play  in  the  Far 

East? 

These  questions  and  many  more  like  them  are  treated  in 
the  pages  of  ASIA  AND  THE  AMERICAS  which  for  almost 
30  years  has  been  dealing  with  the  peoples  and  affairs 
of  the  Orient. 

Because  problems  of  Empire  are  so  immediate,  it  is  par- 
ticularly appropriate  that  we  offer  you  now,  entirely  free, 
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EMPIRE 

by   Louis   Fischer 


A  strong,  compact  and  timely  book  about  a  serious  obstacle  to  victory 
in  the  war  and  security  in  the  peace  .  .  a  broadminded,  convincing 
discussion  of  Asia  and  the  problem  of  empire  . . .  comparisons  between 
Russia  and  India. 

"Pithy  and  penetrating  .  . .  EMPIRE  deserves  the  attention  of  everyone 
who  believes  in  democracy,  the  Atlantic  Charter  and  the  possibility 
of  organizing  the  world  on  a  base  of  dignity,  security  and  law." 

—CHARLES  LEE,  "Philadelphia  Record." 


ASIA  AND  THE  AMERICAS,  40  East  49th  St.,  New  York  17,  N.  Y. 


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heart  will  welcome  its  valuable  suggestions.  In  simple 
question  and  answer  form,  it  tells  specifically  the  most 
effective  ways  of  getting  a  job — information  that  pro- 
vides courage  and  confidence.  Past  editions  have  proved 
its  outstanding  and  unique  value.  $1.50 

How  do  you  know  you  act  democratically? 

FREEDOM'S 
PEOPLE 

How  We  Qualify  for  a 
Democratic  Society 

By  Bonaro  W.  Overstreet 

A  nationally  known  woman  writer,  columnist  and  lec- 
turer draws  on  her  rich  and  varied  contacts  to  show 
us  how  more  attention  to  everyday  habits  and  behavior 
can  help  to  fit  people  for  a  truly  democratic  life.  "A 
superb  piece  of  psychological  and  philosophical  analysis 
of  the  human  prerequisites  for  a  free  society.  ...  A 
creative  and  original  democratic  weapon.  .  .  ." — Dr. 
Joshua  Loth  Liebman,  Tern  file  Israel,  Boston.  $2.00 


The  play  becomes  a  weapon  against  prejudice 

THEY  SEE 
FOR  THEMSELVES 

A  Documentary  Approach  to  Intercultural 
Education  in  the  High  School 

By  Spencer  Brown 

Volume  III  in  the  Series  of  the  Bureau  for  Intercultural 
Education  is  the  record  of  successful  experiences  with 
dramatic  productions  as  a  vivid  means  of  showing  the 
contributions  of  different  cultures  to  American  life  and 
thus  striking  at  the  roots  of  race  prejudice  and  intoler- 
ance. Sample  plays  are  included.  Paper:  $1.25.  Cloth: 
$2.00. 


A  unique  analysis 

of  our  country's 

pressing  problems 


APPROACHES  TO 
NATIONAL  UNITY 

Proceedings  of  the  Fifth  Symposium 
on  Science,  Philosophy  and  Religion 

Edited  by  Lyman  Bryson, 
Louis  Finkelstein,  R.  J.  Maclver 

How  religion,  philosophy  and  science  can  contribute 
to  a  unity  of  spirit  in  our  national  life  is  the  theme 
of  this  now  well-established  national  symposium.  Widely 
divergent  points  of  view  expressed  by  over  sixty  prom- 
inent scholars  make  it  a  comprehensive  examination  of 
the  many  practical  and  intellectual  problems  obstruct- 
ing the  path  to  national  unity.  $5.00 

"An  unusually  thoughtful  job  ..." 

— Henry  A.  Wallace 

ECONOMIC 
DEMOCRACY  AND 

PRIVATE 
ENTERPRISE 

A  Study  of  the  Relation  of  Economic 
Croups  to  the  Federal  Government 

By  Michael  O'Shaughnessy 

How  our  economic  system  can  yield  a  high  standard 
of  life  for  all  and  assure  at  the  same  time  a  more 
democratic  basis  of  operation.  The  author  shows  how 
recent  Papal  Encyclicals  support  a  more  widely  based 
system  of  controls  and  participation  in  policy-making 
by  labor  and  consumers  as  a  necessary  fulfillment  of 
democratic  claims.  Of  interest  to  all  concerned  to  see 
what  "religion  in  business"  may  mean  today.  $2.00 

'Letting  the  Co-ops  speak  for  themselves' 

OURSELVES,  INC. 

The  Story  of  Consumer 
Free  Enterprise 

By  Leo  R.  Ward 

A  vivid,  personalized  story  of  visits  among  typical 
families  of  the  3,000,000  members  of  the  consumer 
co-operatives,  which  vividly  dramatizes  the  human 
values  of  this  growing  movement.  It  explains  clearly 
the  relationship  of  the  cooperative  movement  to  demo- 
cratic and  spiritual  forces  of  our  country 
Coming  September  5  $2.50. 


L. 


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HARPER   &    BROTHERS 

49  East  33rd  Street  N.  Y.  16,  N.  Y. 


SEPTEMBER 


SURVEV 


3O  CENTS  fl  COPV 


RflPH 


VICTORY 


Atomic  Bombshell 

S.  COLUM  CILFILLAN 


An  Interdependent  World  by  James  T.  Shotwell 


War  machines 
that  save  lives 


In  no  other  war,  and  in  no  other 
country,  have  greater  precautions 
been  taken  by  military  leaders  and 
industry  to  safeguard  the  lives  of 
fighting  men. 

Protection  of  artificial  fog  to  con- 
ceal troop  movements  .  .  .  Warmth  of 
electric  blankets  to  protect  wounded 
airmen  .  .  .  Better  chances  of  rescue 
for  men  shipwrecked  or  shot  down  at 
sea  . . .  these  are  just  some  of  the 
things  that  U.  S.  commanders  asked 
for  to  protect  American  troops. 

On  this  page  are  a  few  of  these  war 
machines  that  sot>e  lives — in  which 
G-E  research  and  engineering  played 
a  part.  General  Electric  Company, 
Schenectady,  N.  Y. 


Solar  searchlight  designed  by  G.  K. ,  in 
cooperation  with  the  National  Bureau 
of  Standards,  gives  flyers  and  sailors 
adrift  at  sea  a  way  to  signal  rescuers 
as  far  away  as  ten  miles.  Most  impor- 
tant problem  was  to  find  a  method  of 
aiming  mirror  so  pilot  of  plane  would 
catch  the  reflection  of  the  sun. 


II»ar  ths  G-E  ruilio  programs:  7*«  G-S.  All-girl  Or- 
fhetlra,  Sunday  10  p.m.  EWT,  NBC-The  World  Ipdal 
news.  Monday  through  Friday  6:4$  p.m.  EWT.  CBS- 
TVii  G-K  Houie  Parly.  Monday  through  Friday  »*» 
p.  m.  EWT,  CBS. 

rO(    VICTORY    RUY   AND    MOID   WAI    BONOS 


Stealing  the  enemy's  eyes.  Our  soldiers 
carry  their  "fog"  with  them,  mobile 
smoke  generators  that  blanket  whole 
battle  areas  in  dense  white  mist.  New 
U.S.  smoke  machine  uses  a  brand-new 


principle  of  smokegenerationfirst  worked 
out  in  the  General  Electric  Research 
Laboratory  by  Dr.  Irving  Langmuir. 
These  smoke  machines  have  saved  many 
American  lives  at  fighting  fronts. 


Diagnosing  flyers'  troubles.  Photos  ol  sub- 
jects in  high-altitude  test  chamber,  taken 
with  General  Electric  x-ray  equipment, 
show  the  formation  of  tiny  gaseous  bub- 
bles in  tissues  and  joints,  a  condition  de- 
scribed as  more  painful  than  rheumatism. 
X-ray  studies  like  this  help  answer  what 
happens  in  high-altitude  flights. 


Blanket  saves  flyers'  lives.  In  high-alti- 
tude bombers,  wounded  airmen  need 
emergency  protection  against  freezing 
cold.  Now  General  Electric  is  supplying 
the  Army  Air  Forces  with  electrically 
heated  "casualty  blankets"  that  auto- 
matically maintain  a  protective  warmth 
in  temperatures  as  low  as  60  below  zero. 


GENERAL  <| 1  ELECTRIC 


DIRECTORY  OF  NATIONAL  ORGANIZATIONS 


Social,  Economic  and  International  Planning 


AMERICAN    COUJtCIL,    INSTITUTE    OF    PACIFIC 

RELATION.-.  1  East  54th  Street,  New  York  22, 

N.    Y.      Research   and   study   organization   on 

the     Pacific    area     problems     as     they     affect 

America. 

Special  pamphlet  offer  on  British-American 
relations:  COOPERATION  FOR  WHAT? 
U.  S.  &  BRITISH  COMMONWEALTH; 
SPEAKING  OF  INDIA;  MEET  THE 
AN/ACb;  LABOR  IN  AUSTRALIA. 
Complete  packet  .  .  .  40c. 
Also  available — popularly  written  pamphlets 
on  the  Philippines,  Pacific  Islands,  Japan, 
China,  U.S.S.R.  Write  for  complete  pam- 
phlet list. 

AMERICAN      FRIENDS      SERVICE      COMMITTEE 

(QUAKERS)  — 20  South  12th  Street,  Philadel- 
phia 7,  Pennsylvania;  Clarence  E.  Pickett, 
Executive  Secretary.  "Whatever  concerns 
human  beings  in  distress,  whatever  may  help 
free  individuals,  groups  and  nations  from 
fear,  hate  or  narrowness — these  are  subjects 
for  the  Committee's  consideration."  Present 
projects  include  civilian  relief  operations  in 
France,  China,  and  India;  aid  to  refugees, 
aliens  and  Japanese  Americans  in  the  United 
States  with  overseas  activities  in  Switzerland, 
Italy  and  Hawaii;  enrollment  of  students  and 
other  volunteers  in  work  camp  projects  in  the 
United  States  and  Mexico  10  improve  social- 
industrial  and  race  relations;  Institutes  of 
International  Relations  to  promote  study  of 
religious  and  economic  bases  for  peace  and 
postwar  reconstruction;  administration  of  Ci- 
vilian Public  Service  Camps  for  religious 
conscientious  objectors  in  cooperation  with 
other  agencies. 

Since    1917   AMERICAN  JEWISH   CONCRESS  has 

concerned  itself  with  protection  of  rights  of 
Jews.  Activities  now  embrace  situation  in 
United  States,  Latin  America,  and  Europe. 
Its  program  includes  defense  against  anti- 
Semitic  propaganda,  combating  economic  dis- 
crimination, law  and  legislation  with  a  view 
to  strengthening  democracy,  political  repre- 
sentation on  behalf  of  rights  of  Jews,  and 
amelioration  of  conditions  for  refugees;  par- 
ticipation in  war  program  of  United  States; 
preparation  for  reestablishment  of  Jewish 
rights  at  end  of  war. 

Toward  this  end  it  has  set  up,  in  cooperation 
with  the  World  Jewish  Congress,  an  Insti- 
tution of  Jewish  Affairs  now  studying  facts 
of  Jewish  life  with  a  view  to  establishing 
basis  on  which  rights  may  be  claimed  at  end 
t  of  war. 

Also  engaged,  together  with  World  Jewish 
Congress,  in  political  negotiations  with  demo- 
cratic governments  with  a  view  to  securing 
sympathetic  support  for  post-war  rights. 
Has  recently  established  Inter-American 
Jewish  Council  for  inter-American  Jewish 
community  cooperation  in  behalf  of  post-war 
Jewish  reconstruction  and  strengthening  of 
democracy.  1834  Broadway,  New  York  City. 

AMERICAN    RUSSIAN    CULTURAL   ASSOCIATION 

— Devoted  to  strengthening  cultural  ties 
between  U.  S.  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  Lectures, 
Public  Eventi  Exhibitions,  Classes,  Private 
and  Group  Lessons  in  Russian  given  by 
graduates  of  Russian  Universities.  For  full 
information  address  American  Russian  Cul- 
tural Ass'n.,  200  West  57th  St.,  New  York 
19,  N.  Y. 


AMERICAN  SOCIETY  FOR  PUBLIC  ADM  I  MS. 
TRATION,  1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago  37A, 
Illinois.  A  national  organization  to  advance 
the  science  of  public  administration.  All 
members  receive  official  quarterly  journal 
Public  Administration  Review,  which  presents 
articles  on  current  administrative  practices. 
Discussion  groups  for  members  in  metro- 
politan areas.  Membership  $5. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  CITY  MANA'*""*'  ASS". 
ClATION,  1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago.  T» 
aid  in  improving  municipal  administration  (i) 
annually  issues  The  Municipal  Year  Book, 
an  encyclopedia  of  information  about  munici- 
pal activities  in  the  2,042  United  States 
cities  over  5,000;  (2)  publishes  Public  Man- 
agement, a  monthly  journal  devoted  to  local 
government;  (3)  issues  special  research  re- 
ports such  as  Planning  for  Postwar  Munici- 
pal Services,  and  The  Police  and  Minority 
Groups,  etc.;  (4)  provides  a  series  of  eight 
practical  correspondence  courses  in  municipal 
government.  Write  for  a  complete  list  of 
publications  and  a  catalogue  on  training 
courses. 


BUY   VICTORY   BONDS 


U'.NAI  B'RITH — Oldest  and  largest  national  Jew- 
ish service  and  fraternal  organization  whose 
program  embraces  manifold  activities  in  war 
service,  Americanism,  youth  welfare,  war  re- 
jief,  education,  community  and  social  service, 
inter-faith  good  will,  defense  of  Jewish  rights 
and  philanthropy.  Membership  200,000  in- 
cluding women  s  auxiliaries  and  junior  units 
—1003  K  Street,  N.W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


BUREAU      OF      INTERCULTURAL      EDUCATION, 

1697  Broadway,  New  York  19,  N.  Y.  H.  H. 
Giles,  Executive  Director.  A  non-profit 
agency  committed  to  long-term  educational 
work  with  schools  so  that  Americans  who  are 
of  many  different  religious  beliefs,  racial 
strains,  and  ethnic  origins  will  live  together 
in  harmony  and  with  mutual  respect. 
The  Bureau  (1)  works  with  school  adminis- 
trators and  teachers  to  develop  local  and 
city-wide  programs  of  intercultural  educa- 
tion; (2)  promotes  intensive  experimentation 
and  study  of  methods;  (3)  publishes  books 
for  teachers  and  children;  (4)  reprints  and 
distributes  materials  and  audio-visual  aids 
suitable  for  school  and  community  groups; 
(5)  serves  as  a  center  for  consultation;  (6) 
offers  teachers  in-service  courses  in  intercul- 
tural education;  (7)  sponsors  leadership  train- 
ing and  intercultural  education  workshops. 

Information  concerning  publications  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request. 


NATIONAL  CONGRESS  pF  PARENTS  AND 
TEACHERS—  An  educational  organization  of 
over  three  million  men  and  women,  working 
together  in  28,000  local  associations  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  children  and  youth. 
Conduct  a  nation-wide  program  devoted  to 
home  and  school  education,  parent  education, 
health  and  social  services.  One  of  its  major 
projects  is  the  preparation  and  distribution 
of  Parent-Teacher  publications,  among  which 
are  the  "National  Parent-Teacher,"  official 
magazine,  and  a  monthly  Bulletin,  both  issued 
on  a  subscription  basis;  Proceedings  of  An- 
nual Meetings;  Community  Life  in  a  Democ- 
racy; The  Parent-Teacher  Organisation,  Its 
Origin  and  Development.  Write:  Mrs.  William 
A.  Hastings,  President,  600  South  Michigan 
Boulevard,  Chicago  ,5,  Illinois. 


NATIONAL  CONSUMERS  LEAGUE,  348  Engineers' 
Building,  Cleveland  14,  Ohio.  A  voluntary 
organization  founded  in  1899  to  awaken 
consumers'  responsibility  for  conditions  under 
which  goods  are  made  and  distributed,  and 
through  investigation,  education,  and  legis- 
lation to  promote  fair  labor  standards.  Mini- 
mum membership  fee  including  quarterly 
bulletin,  $2.00.  Elizabeth  S.  Magee,  General 
Secretary. 


NATIONAL  COUNCIL  OF  JEWISH  WOMEN,  1819 
Broadway,  New  York  23.  N.  Y.  FIFTY 
YEARS'  SERVICE  TO  FAITH  AND 
HUMANITY.  SERVICE  TO  FOREIGN 
BORN— immigrant  aid,  port  and  dock  work, 
naturalization  aid,  Americanization  classes, 
location  of  relatives  in  war-separated  families. 
SOCIAL  WELFARE  AND  WAR  ACTIVI- 
TIES— Council  houses  and  clubs,  nurseries, 
clinics;  scholarships,  camps,  teen-age  canteens; 
work  with  handicapped.  Participation  in 
national  wartime  programs  through  educa- 
tional projects  and  community  activities. 
EDUCATION  DIVISION  —  Contemporary 
Jewish  affairs,  international  relations  and 
peace,  social  legislation.  Study  groups  under 
national  direction  keep  Jewish  women  through- 
out country  alert  to  vital  current  issues.  215 
Senior  Sections  in  United  States.  100  Junior 
and  Councilette  Sections.  65,000  members. 


THE  POST  WAR  WORLD  COUNCIL,  a  non-parti- 
san, non-profit  organization,  was  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  focusing  the  attention  of  the 
liberal  opinion-forming  public  upon  major 
political  and  social  issues  which  are  vital  to 
lasting  peace. 

The  PWWC  issues  news  releases  and  pub- 
lishes pamphlets  and  a  monthly  News  Bul- 
letin on  vital  issues  contributing  something 
positive  to  buttress  the  hope  and  sanity  of 
this  postwar  world  and  to  combat  the  con- 
fusion it  is  in. 

If  interested  in  further  details  or  member- 
ship, send  your  name  and  address  to:  POST 
WAR  WORLD  COUNCIL,  112  East  19th 
Street,  New  York  3,  New  York. 


NATIONAL^  FEDERATION  FOR  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL  LIBERTIES —  205  East  42  St..  Room 
1613,  New  York  17,  N.  Y.  A  national 
federation  through  which  labor,  church,  civic, 
fraternal  and  farm  organizations,  as  well  as 
individual  citizens,  work  to  protect  and 
extend  civil  rights  in  the  tradition  of  the 
American  Constitution. 

Maintains  a  national  office  in  New  York, 
and  a  Washington  Bureau  to  provide  accurate 
and  timely  information  on  civil  rights  issues 
- — through  publications,  meetings,  and  special 
legislative  assistance. 

NFCL  Subscription  Service:  $3  per  year  for 
individuals;  $5  for  organizations. 

NATIONAL  PEACE  CONFERENCE,  8  West  40  St., 
New  York  City  18,  is  composed  of  repre- 

scntativ.s  of  .ational  men  and  women  s  or- 
ganizations whose  programs  include  in  whole 
or  in  part  an  interest  in  world  affairs. 
Through  monthly  meetings,  special  institutes 
and  popular  pamphlets,  the  Conference  con- 
tributes to  education  of  public  opinion  for  an 
organized  world.  Publication  list  upon  re- 
quest. Dr.  Walter  W.  Van  Kirk,  Hon. 
President;  Dr.  John  Paul  Jonts,  President; 
Miss  Jane  Evans,  Administrative  Vice  Presi-- 
dent. 

THE  NATIONAL  VOCATIONAL  GUIDANCE 
ASSOCIATION.  Christine  Melchcr,  Executive 
Secretary,  82  Beaver  Street,  Room  510,  New 
York  5,  is  the  professional  organization  for 
counselors  and  others  engaged  and  interested 
in  vocational  guidance,  and  the  publishers  of 
OCCUPATIONS,  the  Vocational  Guidance 
Journal. 

PUBLIC    OWNERSHIP    LEAGUE    OF    AMERICA — 

Facts  about  America's  10,000  publicly  owned 
projects — Bi-monthly,  illustrated  Magazine 
and  News  Letter — Extensive  Bulletin  and 
leaflet  service.  "Studies  in  Public  Power" — 
25  chapters — latest  data  on  Bonneville,  Grand 
Coulee,  TVA  and  other  federal  and  munici- 
pal projects — For  individuals,  study  groups 
and  organizations.  Send  lOc  for  descriptive 
booklet  and  samples.  Full  service  $5.00  per 
year.  Address:  127  N.  Dearborn  St.,  Chi- 
cago 2,  Illinois. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. —  112  East  l»th  St., 
New  York  3.  A  cooperative  educational 
society  built  around  a  periodical  rather  than 
a  campus,  and  carrying  forward  swift  re- 
search and  interpretation  in  the  fields  of 
family  and  child  welfare,  health,  education, 
civics,  industrial  and  race  relations,  and  the 
common  welfare.  Publishes  monthly  Survey 
Graphic,  Magazine  of  Social  Interpretation 
without  counterpart,  and  Survey  Midmmthty, 
Journal  of  Social  Work.  Membership,  $10, 
and  upwards. 

WOP'"  •""CE  FOinxDVTION — A  non-profit  or- 
ganization founded  in  1910  by  Edwin  Ginn 
for  the  purpose  of  prompting  peace,  justice 
and  good  will  among  nations.  This  purpose 
is  accomplished  through  the  objective  presen- 
tation and  interpretation  of  the  facts  of 
American  foreign  relations  through  publica- 
tions, study  groups  and  a  Reference  Service. 
Publications:  Documents  on  American  For- 
eign Relations,  1938 — (annual);  America 
Looks  Ahead  (a  pamphlet  series);  and  other 

The  '  Foundation  has  available  a  punnhlel 
series  entitled  Problem  Analyses  (I-XX. 
$1.00),  published  by  the  Universities  Com- 
mittee on  Post-War  International  Problem?. 
Information  concerninc  publication*  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request.  40  Mt.  Vernon 
Street,  Boston  8,  Massachusetts. 


This  DIRECTORY  appean  In  Surr.y 
Graphic  four  time*  a  year  Including 
lp«clal  number*.  It*  column*  are  open  lo 
social  action  group*  organized  to  promote 
good  government,  better  education,  city 
planning  and  housing,  improved  industrial 
and  labor  relation*,  the  cafeguardlng  of 
civil  liberlie*,  land  conservation,  *tu«I»  of 
the  Art*— economic  and  foetal  planning 
in  thfir  u-ideit  atplration*.  Hate*  are 
modest — Let  the  Advertising  Department 
tell  you  about  them ! 


SimVEY  CHVAjPIUC  for  September.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  9.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES.  INC.  Composed  and  printed 
by  union  labor  at  the  Hughes  iPrtntuw  Company.  East  Stroudsburg.  Pi..  U.  8.  A.  Publication  Office.  34  No.  Crystal  street.  East  Strouclsburg.  P*.  Editorial 
and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street.  New  York  3.  N.  Y.  Price  this  issue  30  cents:  $3  a  year:  Fort-urn  postage  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents, 
ftitereti  u  second  class  matter  on  June  32.  1940.  at  the  post  office  at  Kast  Htroudsburg.  1'a..  under  the  Act  of  March  3.  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a 
special  rate  of  ixwture  wovided  for  in  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  ;t,  1917.  authorized  Dec.  21.  1921. 


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Listen  to  "The  Telephone  Hour"  every  Monday  evening  over  NBC 


Prayer  offered  at  the  White  House, 
August  19,  1945 

We  offer  thanks  for  the  victory  which  Thou 
hast  given  us  and  our  allied  nations. 

Guide  us  until  the  wounds  of  battle  are 
healed,  and  men  and  nations  live  together  in 
a  world  of  peace. 

May  we  be  worthy  of  the  sacrifice  of  those 
who  gave  themselves  for  this  moment. 

Help  us  to  know  the  end  of  battle  is  but 
the  beginning  of  opportunity. 

Among  Ourselves 

STRESSING  NOT  THE  UNIMAGINABLE  POSSIBILITIES 
for  good  that  open  before  us  with  the  release 
of  atomic  energy  (see  page  357)  but  the 
equally  vast  destructive  force,  thirty-four  re- 
ligious and  civic  leaders  have  appealed  to 
President  Truman  "to  press  for  commitments 
by  all  nations  outlawing  the  atomic  bomb." 
Protesting  against  "all  further  use  of  the  atom- 
ic bomb,"  the  group  states: 

"We  have  now  brought  forth  the  new 
weapon  that  the  world  has  been  seeking  and 
yet  dreading.  Now  we  shall  have  to  take 
the  consequences.  We  are  grateful  for  the 
scientific  achievement  that  lies  behind  this 
weapon,  and  we  wish  to  see  the  new  power 
reserved  for  constructive,  civilian  uses.  The 
spiritual  nature  of  man  is  challenged  to  achieve 
this.  But,  if  once  we  legitimatize  use  of  the 
atomic  bomb  for  enemy  destruction,  no  power 
can  again  bring  this  new  death-energy  within 
bounds." 

Among  the  signers  are  Professors  Roland 
H.  Bainton  and  Robert  F.  Calhoun  of  Yale 
Divinity  School;  Charles  Iglehart,  Walter  F. 
Davison,  Arthur  L.  Swift,  Jr.,  of  Union  Theo- 
logical Seminary;  Rev.  John  Haynes  Holmes, 
Community  Church,  New  York;  Rev.  George 
A.  Buttrick,  Madison  Avenue  Presbyterian 
Church,  New  York;  Rev.  James  Myers,  Fed- 
eral Council  of  Churches;  Rev.  Ernest  Fre- 
mont Tittle,  First  Methodist  Church,  Evans- 
ton,  111.;  Rev.  Edwin  McNeill  Poteat,  presi- 
dent, Colgate-Rochester  Divinity  School. 

Survey  Graphic  READERS  AND  EDITORS  HAVE 
suffered  a  special  loss  in  the  death  at  74  of 
Dr.  Hugh  Cabot,  former  member  of  the  Mayo 
Clinic,  a  noted  surgeon  who  was  as  deeply 
concerned  with  improvements  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  medical  care  as  he  was  with  gains  in 
the  techniques  of  his  profession.  Again  and 
again  this  staff  turned  to  him  for  ad  ace  and 
suggestion  on  the  handling  of  material  on 
medical  economics,  and  over  the  years  he 
often  wrote  for  us  on  topics  in  this  field.  The 
titles  of  his  best  known  books,  "The  Doctor's 
Bill"  and  "The  Patient's  Dilemma,"  testify  to 
his  impatience  with  what  he  called  the  "anti- 
quated free  system  of  private  medical  prac- 
tice." His  last  article  for  us,  "The  Lesson  of 
the  Rejectees"  published  in  a  special  number 
on  "Fitness  for  Freedom"  (March  1942), 
analyzed  the  health  findings  of  selective 


In  August  Survey  Midmonthly 
A  Cabinet  Post  for  the  Home  Front 

by  Leonard  ,W.  Mayo 
Voluntary  Agencies'  Role  in  Europe 

by  Mrs,  Oswald  B,  Lord 

Home  Visitor  en  Route     by  Mabel  J.  Remmers 
Here   in   Washington  by   Rilla   Schroeder 


VOL.  XXXIV 


CONTENTS 


No.  9 


Survey  Graphic  for  September  1945 

Cover:  Victory 

Frontispiece:  Cartoon  by  Fitzpatricl^  in  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 

The  Atomic  Bombshell  S.  COLUM  GILFILLAN  357 

An  Interdependent  World   JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  359 

Trail-Blazers  in  Citizenship  Avis  D.  CARLSON  362 

Reconversion  on  the  Campus   C.  MILDRED  THOMPSON  366 

Ten  Years  of  Social  Security  ARTHUR  J.  ALTMEYER  369 

Better  Health  for  Country  Folks 

1.  In  a  Georgia  Cotton  County KATHERINE  GLOVER  372 

2.  In  the  Mountains  of  New  Mexico  T.  SWANN  HARDING  374 

Letters  and  Life    376 

Harvard's  Sixteen  Courses    HARRY  HANSEN     376 

Copyriaht.  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 


SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

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BLANCHE  ITTLESON,  ALVIN  JOHNSON,  WILLIAM  W.  LANCASTER,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH,  WILLIAM  M. 
LEISERSON,  THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON,  JUSTINE  WISE  POLIER,  WILLIAM  ROSENWALD,  HEAHDSI.EY  KUML, 
EDWARD  L.  RYERSON,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  LOWELL  SHUMWAY,  HAROLD  H.  SWIFT,  ORDWAY 

I'EAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

Associate  editors:  BEULAH  AMIDON,  ANN  REED  BRENNER,  BRADLEY  BUELL,  HELEN  CHAMBERLAIN, 
KATHRYN  CLOSE,  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  HARRY  HANSEN,  FLORENCE  LOEB  KEL- 
LOGO,  LOULA  D.  LASKER,  VICTOR  WEYBRIOHT,  LEON  WHIPPLX,  Contributing  editort:  HELEN  CODY 
BAKER,  JOANNA  C.  COLCORD,  EDWARD  T.  DEVINE,  RUSSELL  H.  KURTZ,  ALAIN  LOCKE,  MARY  Ross, 
GERTRUDE  SPRINGER. 

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Survey  Graphic  published  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Price  of  single  copies  of  this  issue,  30c  a 
'•opy.  By  subscription — Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c; 
'  'anadian  75c.  Indexed  in  Reader's  Guide,  Book  Review  Digest,  Index  to  Labor  Articles,  P«blic 
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service,  and  predicted  far-reaching  reforms  in 
the  distribution  of  medical  care. 

With  characteristic  vigor,  he  wrote:  "The 
most  striking  lesson  to  be  learned  from  the 
fact  that  something  like  half  of  those  who 
should  be  the  fittest  people  in  the  country  have 
been  rejected  for  military  service  is  that  we 
have  been  caught  squarely  in  the  trap  of  our 
own  complacency.  .  .  .  The  only  valid  conclu- 
sion, so  plain  that  he  who  runs  may  read,  is 
that  our  present  methods  have  failed  to  pro- 
duce fit  people.  Distribution  of  •  medical  care 
has  been  uneven.  Little  attempt  has  been 
made  to  avoid  waste  of  time,  money,  and 
duplication  of  expensive  equipment.  Sound 
economic  and  financial  principles  have  been 
neglected  or  disregarded  and,  as  a  result,  costs 
have  been  unnecessarily  high.  In  a  word,  we 
have  been  asked  to  be  satisfied  with  methods 
quite  out  of  step  with  modern  social  condi- 
tions. Most  of  the  remediable  defects  found 
in  the  draftees  spring  from  inability  to  pay 
the  bills  which  are  often  beyond  the  people's 
means." 

BY     THE     TIME     THIS     ISSUE      IS      IN      THE     MAILS, 

President   Truman   probably   will    have   made 


public  further  details  of  the  program  for  uni- 
versal military  training  for  American  youth, 
to  which  he  referred  in  his  press  conference 
on  August  16.  Those  like-minded  with  V.  T. 
Thayer,  the  educator  who  in  the  July  Survey 
Graphic  raised  the  question,  "Why  Postwar 
Conscription  Now?"  will  await  with  some 
anxiety  the  statement  of  the  plan  which  the 
administration  will  sponsor.  President  Truman 
stated,  according  to  The  New  York.  Times, 
that  the  program  was  for  universal  military 
training,  not  for  peacetime  conscription.  He 
declined  to  answer  further  questions  on  the 
proposal  at  that  time. 

CARL  VON  DOREN,  CLIFTON  FADIMAN,  AND 
Lewis  Gannett  will  be  the  judges  in  a  contest 
announced  by  the  publishing  firm  of  Julian 
Messner  to  find  the  book  "which  can  reach 
the  widest  public  while  effectively  combating 
group  prejudices  in  America — racial,  religious, 
economic,  or  social."  There  is  no  restriction 
on  subject  matter  or  form,  and  the  contest  .s 
open  to  established  writers  and  newcomers, 
with  a  prize  of  $3,000. 

Details  from  the  publisher,  8  West  40  Street, 
New  York   18. 


Cartoon  by  Fitzpatrick  in  the  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  MAN'S  UNDERSTANDING  OF  NATURE'S  FORCES 

— President  Truman 


S  U  RVEV- 


G  Rfl  PH  1C 


The  Atomic  Bombshell 


New  vistas  of  health  and  happiness  stretch  ahead  of  us — if  mankind  can  learn  to 
use  for  good,  and  not  for  destruction,  the  mind-numbing  power  we  have  unleashed. 


THE  PHYSICISTS  DROPPED  AS  GREAT  A  BOMB- 
shcll  into  our  technology  and  general  way 
of  life  as  into  Hiroshima,  with  their  first 
practical  utilization  of  atomic  energy,  per- 
haps the  greatest  invention  of  all  time.  For 
if  a  pinch  of  Uranium  235  can  do  the  work 
of  mighty  engines,  here  is  a  power  for 
revolution — not  just  of  all  our  wheels  and 
all  our  heating,  but  power  in  international 
relations  and  institutions  as  well.  In  this 
article,  we  shall  attempt  to  foresee  some  of 
these  social  effects. 

In  discussing  this  aspect  of  the  headline 
news,  we  can  profit  by  the  guarded  fore- 
casts of  the  physicists  today,  which  indicate 
great  future  peacetime  utilities  for  the  in- 
vention. I  shall  take  these  as  my  premise, 
without  attempting  to  enlarge  on  the  tenta- 
tive forecasts  of  the  physical  authorities. 

While  there  is  little  that  can  yet  be  said 
positively  about  productive  applications  of 
man's  new  knowledge,  we  can  indicate 
something  of  probabilities,  sequences,  link- 
ages. The  further  conclusions  may  be  filled 
in  as  the  indicated  doors  open.  And  it  may 
be  worthwhile  to  ask  some  questions  we  can 
not  answer,  but  that  civilization  must 
answer,  and  pretty  quickly,  if  it  is  to  endure. 

War  Effects 

What  experimental  atomic  bombs  did  to 
Hiroshima  and  Nagasaki  need  not  be  re- 
told. Let  us  only  add  that  apparently  the 
same  force  could  be  added  to  rockets  and 
their  propellants  likewise.  This  would  mean 
rocket  bombs  of  vast  range  and  speed,  radio 
guided  and  much  too  swift  for  defenders 
to  shoot  down,  though  the  same  energy 
could  also  power  airplanes  of  incredible 
speed — 1,000  miles  per  hour — any  speed  that 
a  human  pilot  could  stand.  It  could  power 
and  speed-up  all  warships,  from  torpedo 
boat  to  battleship.  Its  most  dramatic  effect 
would  be  on  the  submarine,  since  this  source 
of  power  requires  no  air,  is  far  lighter  than 
a  submarine's  storage  batteries,  and  could 
raise  its  underwater  speed  far  beyond  the 
imagination  of  Jules  Verne's  vindictive 
"Captain  Nemo."  For  a  torpedo  it  seems 
ideal,  both  for  propulsion  and  explosion.  It 
might  be  made  to  leave  lingering  deadly 


S.  COLUM  GILFILLAN 

— By  a  social  scientist,  whose  specialty 
is  the  social  cause  and  effect  of  inven- 
tions and  patents.  Mr.  Gilfillan  is  a 
research  associate  of  the  University  of 
Chicago.  He  is  the  author  of  several 
books  and  numerous  articles  in  his  field, 
including  "The  Sociology  of  Invention" 
(1935),  and  the  chapter  on  "Social 
Effects  of  Invention"  in  the  report  on 
"Technical  Trends  and  National  Pol- 
icy", published  by  the  National  Re- 
sources Committee  (1937). 


rays  long  after  explosion.  Perhaps  most 
spectacular  of  all  these  grim  potentialities  is 
rocket  bombing  of  cities  from  a  distance. 

It  is  an  old  maxim  of  warfare  that  every 
invention  of  offense  produces  a  correspond- 
ing defense.  But  that  action  and  reaction 
seem  to  be  running  down.  In  the  past  when 
armor  or  weapons  failed,  armies  retired  to 
fight  from  a  greater  distance;  but  if  we 
must  now  retire  one  hundred  or  several 
hundred  miles,  that  leaves  a  lot  of  territory 
without  defense. 

Aviation  even  at  present  speed  and  range, 
almost  baffles  defense.  Although  it  is  now 
more  than  half  a  century  since  the  French 
army  subsidized  Ader's  airplane;  we  can 
retaliate  against  air  attacks,  but  we  cannot 
prevent  them  if  the  air  forces  are  near 
equality.  The  buzz  bomb  and  rocket  bomb 
may  be  still  harder  to  stop. 

Against  the  atomic  bomb,  rocket  or  shell, 
no  defense  seems  possible. 

Large  atomic  missiles  are  not  instructed 
in  the  laws  of  war.  They  are  bound  to  kill 
more  civilians  than  soldiers,  and  burn  the 
homes  with  the  war  plants.  Total  war  is 
now  the  only  way  war  can  be  waged,  and 
this  calls  for  total  defense  and  fosters  totali- 
tarian conceptions  of  life  and  government. 
It  is  not  a  good  situation  for  democracy, 
popular  decisions,  international  trust,  legal 
processes  between  nations,  freedom  from 
fear.  Except  for  one  fact,  the  only  fountain 
of  hope:  The  very  terror  of  this  future,  at 
the  climax  of  a  long  and  exhausting  war, 
may  lead  men  to  see  that  war  itself  must  be 
prevented.  (See  page  359.) 


Could  atomic  energy  be  barred  from  war, 
or  barred  at  least  from  missiles?  Poison  gas 
and  germ  warfare  have  been  barred,  at  least 
temporarily,  and  various  limitations  of  war 
maintained.  That  might  be  a  temporary  ex- 
pedient, but  not  when  atomic  power  goes 
into  general  civil  use.  And  certainly  not 
securely.  However,  few  of  us  can  contem- 
plate the  possibility  of  another  war  even 
without  this  latest  improvement,  a  war  of 
aviation,  and  rocket  bombs  filled  with  TNT. 

There  is  an  unparalleled  opportunity  be- 
fore the  Big  Three-to-Five.  If  they  can  main- 
tain faithful,  self-sacrificing  harmony  they 
have,  on  the  side  of  peace  and  order,  their 
present  habit  of  cooperation,  the  terror  of 
atomic  power,  the  governmental  monopoly 
of  the  dangerous  novelty,,  its  remoteness 
from  general  interference,  the  awe  in  which 
it  is  held  by  voter  and  politician. 

Supply  and  Location  of  Uranium 

An  interesting  and  important  question  is, 
who  will  control  the  sources  of  the  new 
power?  Several  other  elements  may  be  used 
atomically.  But  plutonium,  produced  from 
Uranium  235,  is  the  present  source  of  this 
power.  Uranium  is  found  in  114  different 
minerals,  widely  scattered,  but  in  small 
pockets,  where  the  assay  often  runs  from 
1  to  50  percent  (richer  than  almost  any 
gold  ore),  and  the  uranium  is  associated 
with  radium,  vanadium,  cobalt,  nickel,  and 
other  -valuable  metals.  There  are  two  chief 
ores.  One  is  pitchblende,  the  classic  min- 
eral which  gave  us  five  new  elements.  The 
other  important  ore  is  carnotite,  from  Utah 
and  Colorado. 

The  great  present  source  of  uranium  is 
at  Great  Bear  Lake  in  northern  Canada. 
Other  important  deposits  are  located  in 
Katanga  (Congo),  Russia,  Norway,  Corn- 
wall, Madagascar,  and  Portugal.  Thus  all 
our  important  friends  are  provided,  and 
none  of  our  enemies.  The  supply  looks  suf- 
ficient, especially  in  view  of  future  inven- 
tion, and  future  prospecting  for  this  metal 
and  its  neighbor  radium  which  are  so  help- 
ful as  to  radiate  signals  saying,  "Here  we 
are." 

The    first    industrial    use   indicated   is   in 


357 


industrial  explosives.  Sometimes  these  need 
low  temperatures  or  slow  action;  but  atomic 
force  would  seem  especially  useful  for  shat- 
tering rock  and  hurling  great  masses  of 
earth,  with  a  few  small  drill  holes.  More- 
over, ways  are  known  to  control  the  ex- 
plosive effect,  as  Prof.  H.  D.  Smyth's  re- 
port indicates. 

Aviation,  peaceful  as  well  as  military, 
should  be  a  great  field  for  atomic  power, 
since  there  lightness  is  particularly  valuable. 
Power  plant  and  fuel  make  up  about  half 
the  weight  of  the  present  plane,  beside  re- 
quiring more  plane  to  support  them;  the 
useful  load  is  about  one  seventh,  which 
might  be  trebled,  unless  much  higher  speed 
were  preferred.  The  power  plants  of  today's 
planes  are  also  very  costly  and  bulky,  and 
spoil  the  streamlining  and  laminar  flow. 

Industrial  Uses 

The  new  power  would  seem  easiest  to 
apply  in  the  combustion  chamber  for  jet 
propulsion.  Helicopters,  their  motors  driven 
by  tangential  jets  like  lawn  sprinklers,  are 
a  favored  proposal,  answering  the  problem 
of  torque,  and  known  for  a  century  in  fly- 
ing models.  For  rocket  propulsion,  beyond 
almost  all  atmospheric  resistance,  these 
planes  might  carry  and  vaporize  by  atomic 
heat  some  cheap  liquid  such  as  water. 
Possibly  man  will  achieve  trips  around  the 
nearby  moon,  though  a  hazard  would  be 
the  frequency  of  meteors,  each  tiny  as  a 
grain  of  sand  but  deadly  beyond  our  pro- 
tective curtain  of  atmosphere  because  of 
their  high  speed. 

Similarly,  atomic  power  should  be  useful 
in  all  other  kinds  of  transportation,  since 
ships,  locomotives,  trucks,  and  autos  all  need 
lightness.  The  gain  would  be  more  cargo 
capacity  with  less  expense  for  fuel  and  for 
building  and  operating  engines — or  more 
speed  with  a  lessened  reduction  of  power 
cost.  Probably  more  than  half  the  cost  of 
motor  transport  is  for  the  fuel,  oil,  engine, 
and  the  enlarged  and  strengthened  chassis 
and  tires  to  sustain  weight  and  vibration.  In 
ships  the  proportion  is  smaller;  in  railways 
there  are  the  economies  of  replacing  loco- 
motives, tenders,  and  their  vast  fuel  con- 
sumption. 

Next  in  the  future,  or  perhaps  earlier,  we 
are  likely  to  see  a  revolution  in  central 
power  plants.  Here  weight  saving  is  of  no 
importance,  but  the  saving  in  land  in  cities 
and  the  freedom  from  smoke  would  be 
great  gains  and  may  hasten  conversion. 

Perhaps  the  last  to  be  conquered,  though 
the  physicists  are  constantly  predicting  it,  is 
heating,  where  coal  and  its  apparatus  have 
a  much  higher  efficiency  today  than  in 
power  generation.  It  is  an  immense  field, 
both  industrial  and  domestic,  taking  about 
as  much  fuel  as  power  production.  Some 
large  uses,  of  course,  are  brick,  ceramics, 
glass  and  cement  making,  foods,  and  smelt- 
ing. Langer  of  the  California  Institute  of 
Technology  thinks  that  iron  will  be  smelted 
in  the  ore  bed. 

Almost  all  industries,  it  is  clear,  would 
gain  by  cheaper  power  and  heat,  especially 
those  that  depend  most  on  these  factors, 
such  as  aluminum  and  magnesium  smelt- 
ing, electro-chemistry  generally.  But  some 
would  suffer  for  the  same  reason,  such  as 


engine  and  furnace  building,  and  auto 
manufacturing.  The  railroads  might  lose 
at  most  the  40  percent  of  their  revenue 
freight  which  is  fuel;  but  they  spend  9 
percent  of  their  revenue  for  their  own  fuel, 
and  should  gain  much  more  on  high  class 
freight  from  stimulated  general  business. 

How  much  are  manufacturing  and  gen- 
eral production  likely  to  be  increased  by 
cheaper,  perhaps  far  cheaper  power  and 
heat?  One  analogy  immediately  suggests  it- 
self— the  Industrial  Revolution.  Yet  did  the 
power  inventions  (water  power  and  then 
steam)  create  the  revolution?  Water  power 
was  two  milleniums  old,  only  less  perfected 
that  latterly. 

Between  Roman  times  and  the  Industrial 
Revolution  there  was  immense  advance  in 
technology  and  most  ways  of  life,  yet  not 
one  new  source  of  power. 

The  truth  is  that  power  is  just  one  of 
many  elements  in  the  complexes  that  spell 
progress;  and  it  takes  years — has  taken  cen- 
turies in  the  past — to  work  out  the  new 
ways  of  using  cheaper  power.  All  in  all  the 
prospect  of  industrial  and  general  advance 
glows  with  the  new  fire,  but  we  cannot  ex- 
pect that  great  changes  in  many  industries 
will  come  in  a  year,  or  ten  years.  The  in- 
ventions needed  are  too  many  and  take  too 
long  to  make  under  the  present  helter- 
skelter  system  of  ordering  and  paying  for 
them. 

Historical  study  shows  that  no  invention 
has  become  great  in  less  than  twenty  years, 
and  the  median  modern  interval  between 
the  dates  of  first  patent  or  working  mode! 
and  commercial  success  is  thirty-three  years, 
with. a  dozen  years  more  to  large  scale  use. 
A  patent  is  good  for  only  seventeen  years, 
and  for  fundamental  inventions  is  useful 
only  as  a  will-o'-tht-  wisp,  a  flickering  chance 
of  being  richly  repaid  far  in  the  future  for 
great  expenses  now.  If  we  want  basic  in- 
ventions fast  we  shall  have  to  make  up  our 
minds  to  pay  for  them  from  the  beginning, 
by  such  means  as  the  Kilgore  bill  provides 
lor  governmental  assistance.  The  federal 
government  laid  out  two  billions  to  create 
the  atomic  bomb  alone,  and  many  more 
war-spurred  developments  not  yet  mention- 
ed undoubtedly  have  had  federal  financing. 

We  need  to  revamp  our  patent  system, 
\vhich  has  not  had  an  essential  change  in 
two  or  three  centuries,  and  is  antediluvian 
and  full  of  grasshoppers,  including  indus- 
trial monopolies  and  patent  lawyers. 

Let  us  hope  that  at  least  the  vast  new 
atomic  field,  so  fundamental  and  difficult  as 
well  as  so  dangerous,  will  continue  to  be 
financed  and  guided  by  government,  and 
most  vigorously.  This  need  not  exclude  pri- 
vate inventors  and  corporations  from  adding 
their  ideas,  and  being  rewarded;  but  let  us 
not  blindly  throw  the  whole  business  in  the 
street  to  be  scrambled  for.  We  do  not  throw 
around  our  military  secrets,  nor  permit  any 
man  alive  to  learn  how  to  engrave  every 
part  of  a  dollar  bill. 

Further  Effects 

Almost  all  the  effects  we  are  foreseeing 
from  atomic  power  fall  in  line  with  past 
trends  established  by  other  forces,  notably 
the  cheapening  of  heat  and  power  by  thou- 
sands of  other  inventions.  The  bombshell 


will  speed  civilization's  steps  rather  than 
direct  them;  for  there  are  many  other  and 
very  big  and  old  forces  involved. 

We  must  not  overlook  the  proper  mean- 
ing of  the  words  "cause"  and  "effect."  An 
effect  of  atomic  power  will  not  be  the  avia- 
tion that  will  fly  by  it,  but  the  excess  and 
difference  of  that  aviation  over  the  aviation 
we  should  have  arrived  at  anyway  in  the 
same  period,  had  we  continued  along  famil- 
iar paths  of  flying  progress.  •  Today  el 
tricity  does  many  useful  things,  like  pullin^ 
trains,  which  it  does  not  cause;  the  trains 
would  be  drawn  by  steam  if  not  by  elec- 


tricity,  almost  as  well. 

Another  consideration — all  our  talk  is 
based  on  the  premise  that  atomic  war  does 
not  atomize  us.  With  those  chastening 
thoughts  on  how  slowly  atomic  power  wi 
be  utilized  if  we  do  not  speed  its  develo[ 
ment,  and  how  destructively  if  we  are  un 
able  to  control  it,  let  us  again  glance 
some  fields  to  be  affected. 

Agriculture  will  be  much  helped 
cheaper  power  and  heat,  including  perhaps 
small  engines  to  power  a  hand  tool,  like 
those  mechanisms  used  in  industry  where 
there  is  an  electric  connection.  At  the 
same  time  there  will  be  less  need  for  horses 
(and  their  fodder)  and  a  great  impetus  to 
the  end  of  agriculture  as  we  know  it.  This 
will  come  by  two  routes,  by  synthesis  and 
mineral  substitutes  for  farm  products,  and 
by  hydroponics  or  soilless  agriculture. 

Health  may  be  threatened  by  stray  neu- 
trons decreasing  white  blood  cells,  or  may 
be  helped  in  many  new  ways,  including  ir- 
radiation of  deep  cancer,  air  conditioning, 
ultraviolet  irradiation,  smoke  elimination, 
dust  precipitation,  and  study  of  physio- 
logical processes  by  "tagged"  radioactive 
atoms. 

hxhaustion  of  resources,  such  as  oil,  coal, 
and  soil  will  be  checked,  and  even  trans- 
mutation of  elements  finally  accomplished. 

Cities  may  be  more  dispersed  than  ever, 
not  only  by  cheapened  transportation,  but 
by  fear  of  bombing. 

If  heat  becomes  very  cheap,  highways 
might  be  built  by  simply  fusing  the  ground 
to  smooth  lava. 

Gold  may  gain  a  new  utility  in  the  refin- 
ing of  uranium.  It  may  also  become  a 
waste  product  and  a  nuisance. 

Big  business  seems  Jikely  to  be  better  able 
to  take  advantage  of  these  novelties  than 
small  firms,  at  least  if  the  invention  and 
patent  situation  is  not  changed. 

Science  has  its  prestige  enhanced,  and  the 
helplessness  of  the  common  man  is  again 
emphasized.  All  his  education  in  popular 
science  makes  him  a  good  audience,  but  he 
is  convinced  that  the  scientists  must  control 
matters. 

Government  acquires  new  responsibilities, 
and  a  new  prestige  from  the  creation  and 
possession  of  such  an  awful  and  beneficent 
power— like  the  Oriental  king  who  listed 
among  his  titles  "Possessor  of  the  Sacred 
Umbrella." 

Prosperity  and  every  type  of  welfare 
should  be  vastly  enhanced,  always  suppos- 
ing that  the  people  choose  rulers  with  the 
brains  and  conscience  (and  it  will  take 
them)  to  see  that  atomic  power  is  used 
rationally  and  not  for  war. 


358 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


July  16  on  the  New  Mexico  desert- 


Press  Association,   Inc. 
i  blinding  flash,  then  a  cloud  of  smoke  and  dust  billowing  seven  miles  into  the  air 


An  Interdependent  World 

The  blaze  of  man's  first  release  of  atomic  energy   lights  with   ruthless   clarity  the 
need  for  such   mechanisms  of  planetary   justice  and  order  as  are  blueprinted  here. 


YEARS  AGO  WALTER  WEYL,  THAT  MOST 
thoughtful  observer  of  the  American  way 
of  life,  coined  a  phrase  which  is  applicable 
to  most  gdod-intentioned  people.  He 
wrote  with  kindly  but  penetrating  judg- 
ment about  "the  tired  liberal."  It  is  a 
phrase  which  explains  much  of  history. 
This  business  of  making  things  better  is 
rather  an  uncomfortable  and  even  an  ex- 
hausting process;  we  need  to  pause  and 
catch  our  breath,  to  take  a  mental  or  even 
a  mild  moral  holiday  from  time  to  time 
or  become  tiresome  to  those  who  want  to 
enjoy  life  without  having  to  be  too  serious 
all  the  time. 

No  Time  to  Be  Tired 

At  the  time  he  wrote,  Walter  Weyl  was 
thinking  only  of  the  domestic  scene.  The 
awakening  of  the  conscience  of  America  in 


The  news  of  the  atomic  bomb  came  after  thii 
•rttcle  was  written.  It  undoubtedly  called  for  a 
reconsideration  of  much  in  both  national  and  inter- 
national politics,  so  much  indeed  that  it  must  receive 
ipecial  treatment.  One  thing,  however,  can  be  said 
oow :  Far  from  rendering  the  charter  obsolete  or 
inrilid.  the  control  of  atomic  energy  makes  it  all 
the  more  imperative  to  have  an  international  organi- 
zation for  the  maintenance  of  peace.  Moreover,  the 
economic  orpanization  outlined  in  this  article  will 
furnish  the  necessary  instruments  for  the  new  regime 
in.  international  affairs,  a  regime  which  is  now  abso- 
lutely inevitable. — .T.  T,  S. 

SEPTEMBER      1945 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 

— By  a  foremost  American  authority  on 
international  relations,  who  writes  out 
of  his  firsthand  knowledge  of  how  the 
Charter  of  the  United  Nations  was 
shaped.  Professor  of  history  at  Colum- 
bia University,  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mission to  Study  the  Organization  of 
Peace,  Mr.  Shotwell  was  a  chairman  of 
the  consultants  at  San  Francisco. 

This  is  the  sixth  of  his  series  of 
Survey  Graphic  articles,  "Bridges  to 
the  Future." 


the  early  years  of  the  twentieth  century 
to  "the  shame  of  the  cities"  and  to  the 
ruthless  character  of  feudal  business  was 
giving  way  to  a  tendency  to  accept  things 
as  they  are.  "Onward  Christian  Soldiers," 
the  battle  hymn  of  the  Bull  Moose  move- 
ment, was  no  longer  stirring  the  pulses 
of  even  the  young  reformers.  Although 
the  reform  movement  went  on  unabated  in 
certain  sections  of  the  country,  the  "New 
Freedom"  of  Woodrow  Wilson  was  in 
somewhat  quieter  mood. 

This  reminder  of  our  domestic  history 
is  pertinent  now  as  we  view  the  great  re- 
form in  international  history  symbolized 
by  the  Charter  of  the  United  Nations. 


Never  has  so  great  a  reform  swept  over 
the  United  States  with  greater  power  than 
that  involved  in  the  acceptance  of  the 
Charter.  The  change  in  outlook  is  revo- 
lutionary. 

It  is  hard  to  realize  now  that  only  a 
few  years  ago  the  United  States  reached 
the  farthest  point  of  isolation  in  all  its 
history  in  the  formal  assertion  of  the  re- 
nunciation of  any  moral  duties  connected 
with  the  maintenance  of  peace  among  other 
nations.  The  so-called  neutrality  acts,  to 
which  even  President  Franklin  Roosevelt 
felt  obliged  to  give  his  sanction,  were  based 
upon  the  principle  that  our  abstention  from 
involvement  in  the  wars  of  other  nations 
was  the  prime  duty  of  American  statesman- 
ship, and  that  help  to  an  innocent  victim 
of  aggression  was  none  of  our  business. 

The  swing  from  that  extreme  isolationist 
position  to  the  frank  acceptance  of  joint 
responsibility  with  other  nations  for  the 
maintenance  of  world  peace  shows  how  rap- 
idly and  how  well  a  democracy  can  learn 
the  lessons  of  history.  But  so  great  a 
change  in  outlook  makes  thoughtful  ob- 
servers anxious  as  to  its  fundamental 
strength  and  lasting  quality.  The  task  be- 
fore us  now  is  to  insure  that  there  shall 
be  no  serious  relapse  from  the  high  pur- 

359 


poses  and  principles  set  forth  in  the  Char- 
ter. 

There  have  been  a  number  of  notable 
reminders  of  the  need  of  maintaining  a 
steady  and  sure  course  toward  the  goals 
set  forth  in  the  Charter  of  the  United  Na- 
tions. When  to  the  surprise  of  the  entire 
world  all  opposition  to  its  ratification  died 
out  in  the  United  States  Senate,  Senator 
Fulbright,  one  of  the  most  farsighted  cham- 
pions of  international  cooperation,  was 
quoted  as  having  said  that  perhaps  the 
Charter  had  been  over-sold  to  the  Ameri- 
can people.  He  apparently  had  in  mind 
the  fact  rhat  the  actions  of  nations  are 
determined  by  their  changing  interests 
rather  than  by  their  past  history,  and  that 
politics  are  more  vital  than  constitutional 
law.  Therefore,  when  the  crises  of  the 
future  test  the  strength  of  the  Charter, 
it  must  be  supported  by  more  than  the  pass- 
ing sentiment  of  today.  It  must  be  in- 
tegrated into  the  life  of  the  nation. 

This  task  of  national  and  international 
education  is  the  compelling  duty  of  to- 
day. Neither  war-weariness  nor  the  dis- 
turbance of  any  political  crises  should  be 
allowed  to  turn  us  aside  from  the  work 
unfinished  at  San  Francisco.  No  one  has 
stated  the  duty  which  confronts  us  now 
more  clearly  than  President  Truman  him- 
self. On  the  Monday  following  the  rati- 
fication of  the  Charter  he  sent  the  follow- 
ing cable  from  Potsdam  to  Clark  M. 
Eichelberger,  director  of  the  American  As- 
sociation for  the  United  Nations: 

"The  ratification  of  the  Charter  of  the 
United  Nations  by  the  Senate  is  not  sc 
much  an  end  as  a  beginning.  The  Sen- 
ate has  done  its  work  and  done  it  wisely 
and  promptly  and  with  courage.  It  re- 
mains now  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  see  to  it  that  the  Charter  works 
insofar  as  it  lies  within  their  power  to 
make  it  work. 

"Only  if  they  understand  what  the  Char- 
ter is  and  what  it  can  mean  to  the  peace 
of  the  world  will  the  document  become 
a  living  human  reality.  We  must  all 
hope  that  the  people  of  this  country  and 
the  peoples  of  the  rest  of  the  United  Na- 
tions will  inform  themselves  of  the  pos- 
sibilities which  the  Charter  opens  to  them 
and  will  make  the  Organization  of  the 
United  Nations  their  common  instrument 
to  achieve  their  common  purpose. 

"Organizations  and  individuals  working 
toward  the  fullest  possible  understanding 
of  the  Charter  of  the  United  Nations  de- 
serve the  gratitude  and  support  of  all  of 
us." 

A  Test  of  Democracy 

The  fulfillment  of  this  charge  from  the 
President  of  the  United  States  is  not  so 
easy  as  it  seems.  It  is  a  test  of  the  in- 
telligence of  democracy,  for  the  problems 
which  confront  us  are  unfamiliar  to  most 
people  and  some  of  them  call  for  more 
knowledge  of  history  and  politics  than 
most  citizens  possess. 

Fortunately,  however,  the  main  outlines 
of  the  problems  of  international  relations 
are  as  definite  and  clear-cut  as  those  of 
domestic  politics.  As  I  have  insisted  on 


many  occasions,  we  must  divide  the  wide 
area  of  international  relations  into  three 
relatively  independent  fields — those  of  se- 
curity, justice,  and  welfare. 

The  problems  of  justice  are  the  most 
technical  of  all  and  upon  the  whole  can 
be  left  to  specialists. 

The  problems  of  security  are  those 
which  depend  in  the  last  analysis  upon 
two  safeguards  of  peace:  policing,  in  which 
the  great  Powers  are  chiefly  involved,  and 
the  pacific  means  of  settlement  provided 
in  the  Charter. 

/  The  problems  of  welfare  are  by  far  the 
most  difficult  to  define  and  agree  upon. 
This  is  because  they .  are  the  most  inti- 
mate and  constant,  being  problems  of  the 
daily  life.  We  are  confronted  with  the 
paradox  that  the  things  best  known  and 
most  deeply  rooted  in  the  experience  of 
each  nation  are,  on  that  very  account, 
more  difficult  to  solve  internationally  than 
if  they  were  more  infrequent  or  incidental. 

Economic  and  Social  Problems 

It  is  but  natural  that  public  attention 
should  fasten'  itself  first  upon  the  prob- 
lem of  security,  for  it  has  all  of  the  ele- 
ments of  drama  and  the  possibility  of 
high  tragedy.  Compared  with  it  the 
problems  of  welfare  are  relatively  dull 
and  commonplace.  Freedom  from  fear 
somehow  seems  to  be  a  more  glowing 
achievement  than  freedom  from  want  or 
freedom  of  speech  or  thought.  Yet  most 
wars  spring  from  either  economic  causes 
or  the  suppression  of  human  rights. 

The  recognition  of  the  interplay  of  the 
Four  Freedoms  as  the  essential  basis  for 
peace  is  the  outstanding  and  unique  con- 
tribution of  the  Charter  of  the  United 
Nations.  There  was  only  a  single  sentence 
in  the  old  Treaty  of  Versailles  which  bore 
upon  this  fundamental  fact.  It  was  in  the 
preamble  of  the  constitution  of  the  Inter- 
national Labor  Organization,  where  it  oc- 
curred somewhat  casually,  to  furnish  a  link 
with  the  League  of  Nations: 

"Whereas  the  League  of  Nations  has  for 
its  object  the  establishment  of  universal 
peace,  and  such  a  peace  can  be  established 
only  if  it  is  based  upon  social  justice.  .  .  ." 

The  Covenant  itself  had  no  such  paral- 
lel text,  although  it  made  provision  for 
the  extension  of  social  justice  and  gen- 
eral welfare  in  a  whole  series  of  clauses 
under  which  the  technical  commissions  of 
the  League  carried  on  its  most  successful 
activities.  The  Charter,  on  the  contrary, 
built  up  out  of  the  skeleton  text  of  the  Dum- 
barton Oaks  Conference  an  elaborate  series 
of  provisions  covering  almost  the  whole 
range  of  peacetime  international  relations. 

The  best  introduction  to  this  section  of 
the  Charter,  as  indeed  to  the  Charter  as 
a  whole,  is  the  remarkable  Report  to  the 
President  on  the  result  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco Conference  which,  in  the  closing  days 
of  the  Conference,  was  prepared  by  a  com- 
mittee under  the  chairmanship  of  Isaiah 
Bowman,  president  of  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity, who  had  been  the  executive  officer 
of  the  American  Delegation  at  the  Paris 
Peace  Conference  and  who  brought  to  this 
Conference  unique  experience  and  com- 
petence. 


This  Report,  issued  by  the  State  De- 
partment, should  be  a  manual  in  the  hands 
of  all  students  of  international  relations. 
The  Report  reaches  out  beyond  the  techni- 
calities of  the  text  to  view  the  problems 
as  a  whole.  For  example,  the  introduction 
to  the  section  on  International  Economic 
and  Social  Cooperation  reads  as  follows: 

"In  the  next  twenty-five  years  the  devel- 
opment of  the  economic  and  social  foun- 
dations of  peace  will  be  of  paramount  im- 
portance. If  the  United  Nations  c.oope.ate 
effectively  toward  an  expanding  world 
economy,  .better  living  conditions  for  all 
men  and  women,  and  closer  understanding 
among  peoples,  they  will  have  gone  far  to- 
ward eliminating  in  advance  the  causes  of 
another  world  war  a  generation  hence.  If 
they  fail,  there  will  be  instead  widespread 
depressions  and  economic  warfare  which 
would  fatally  undermine  the  world  organi- 
zation. No  provisions  that  can  be  written 
into  the  Charter  will  enable  the  Security 
Council  to  make  the  world  secure  from 
war  if  men  and  women  have  no  security 
in  their  homes  and  in  their  jobs." 

Then  it  goes  on  to  point  out  the  stake 
of  the  United  States  in  the  rebuilding  of 
a  disordered  world,  threatened  not  only 
with  disease  and  want  but  with  mental 
and  moral  evils  beyond  the  previous  range 
of  human  experience. 

The  Provisions  of  the  Charter 

Beginning  with  the  preamble,  the  Char- 
ter reveals  a  constant  preoccupation  with 
these  fundamental  problems.  The  Char- 
ter is  not  a  mere  negative  document  for 
the  prevention  of  war,  but  states  that  its 
fundamental  purpose  is: 

"To  achieve  international  cooperation  in 
solving  international  problems  of  an 
economic,  social,  cultural,  or  humanitarian 
character,  and  in  promoting  and  encourag- 
ing respect  for  human  rights  and  for  fun- 
damental freedoms  for  all  without  distinc- 
tion as  to  race,  sex,  language,  or  religion." 

These  are  great  words.  They  are  also 
disturbing  words,  for  they  imply  change 
in  the  routine  of  life  protected  by  custom 
and  habit  as  well  as  vested  interests. 
Therefore,  if  they  are  really  to  mean  any- 
thing, they  must  be  implemented  by  or- 
gans specially  designed  to  meet  each  par- 
ticular case. 

Even  in  each  of  the  four  areas  referred 
to — economic,  social,  cultural,  or  humani- 
tarian— there  are  widely  varying  subdi- 
visions calling  for  different  techniques  in 
each  case. 

For  instance,  in  the  economic  field  there 
are  the  problems  of  finance,  commerce, 
and  labor,  each  of  which  opens  a  multi- 
tude of  still  more  special  questions. 

In  the  social  field  provision  must  be 
made  to  deal  with  public  health,  morals, 
and  the  general  standard  of  living. 

The  cultural  field  ranges  from  educa- 
tion, science,  and  the  arts  to  freedom  of 
communication  and  the  means  for  increas- 
ing international  intercourse. 

Humanitarian  activities  are  equally 
varied  and  still  more  miscellaneous. 

To  fulfill  the  obligations  of  these  great 
promises  of  human  betterment  there  must 


360 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


therefore  be  an  adequate,  and  indeed  a 
somewhat  elaborate,  international  organi- 
zation. This  is  what  the  Charter  provides. 
There  is  a  whole  hierarchy  of  organiza- 
tions, only  a  few  of  which  have  been 
created  as  yet.  Indeed,  not  all  of  them  arc 
even  indicated  in  the  Charter,  although  a 
place  has  been  prepared  for  them. 

It  is  in  the  light  of  this  perspective  that 
we  should  examine  the  second  half  of  the 
Charter,  that  dealing  with  the  welfare  of 
nations. 

Above  everything  else  stands  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  with  powers  to  "discuss  any 
questions  or  any  matters  within  the  scope 
of  the  present  Charter  or  relating  to  the 
powers  and  functions  of  any  organs  pro- 
vided for  in  the  present  Charter,  and  .  .  . 
may  make  recommendations  to  the  Mem- 
bers of  the  United  Nations  or  to  the  Se- 
curity Council  or  to  both  on  any  such 
questions  or  matters." 

In  the  field  of  security  these  wide  powers 
of  recommendation  are  limited  by  the  fact 
that  there  is  an  executive  body,  the  Se- 
curity Council,  over  it.  But  in  the  field 
of  social  welfare  this  limitation  does  not 
exist,  except  where  the  proposals  may  in- 
volve questions  of  security. 

This  means  that  the  General  Assembly 
is  a  parliament  of  the  world  on  human 
welfare.  It  is  something  more,  however, 
than  a  debating  body  because  it  has  ad- 
ministrative functions  as  well.  The  wid- 
ened scope  of  its  activities  is  set  forth 
in  Article  13,  as  follows: 

"The  General  Assembly  shall  initiate 
studies  and  make  recommendations  for  the 
purpose  of: 

a.  promoting     international     cooperation 
in  the  political  field  and  encouraging  the 
progressive    development    of    international 
law  and  its  codification; 

b.  promoting  international  cooperation  in 
the  economic,  social,  cultural,  educational, 
and    health    fields,    and    assisting    in    the 
realization    of    human    rights    and    funda- 
mental  freedoms   for   all   without    distinc- 
tion   as   to   race,   sex,    language,   or   relig- 
ion." 

The  Heart  of  the  Proposal 
In  addition  to  these  activities,  Article  16 
provides  that  the  Assembly  shall  perform 
the  functions  assigned  to  it  in  connection 
with  the  international  trusteeship  system 
for  non-self-governing  peoples. 

The  powers  of  the  Assembly  are  those 
of  general  oversight.  In  order  to  carry 
out  its  purposes  in  the  area  of  welfare  it 
is  to  have  as  a  working  body  the  Economic 
and  Social  Council,  which  consists  of 
eighteen  members  of  the  United  Nations 
elected  by  the  Assembly.  This  is  a  wholly 
new  body  in  world  organizations,  filling 
a  gap  left  in  the  structure  of  the  League 
of  Nations.  The  scope  of  its  operations  is 
so  wide  as  to  challenge  the  imagination 
of  even  the  most  experienced  in  interna- 
tional affairs.  In  general,  it  is  to  carry  out 
the  recommendations  of  the  General  As- 
sembly which  "fall  within  its  competence" 
and  "with  the  approval  of  the  General  As- 
sembly, perform  services  at  the  request 
of  Members  of  the  United  Nations  and 


at  the  request  of  specialized  agencies." 
In  other  words,  it  is  available  for  what- 
ever good  use  can  be  made  of  it. 

The  program  of  its  activities  is,  however, 
indicated  more  definitely  in  Articles  62  and 
63.  These  articles  constitute  the  heart  of 
the  revolutionary  proposal,  for  it  is  noth- 
ing less,  that  the  welfare  of  men  every- 
where is  a  matter  of  concern  to  all  na- 
tions. They  need,  therefore,  to  be  read 
slowly  and  carefully,  with  time  to  pause 
over  each  of  the  arrangements  for  which 
they  provide.  They  read  as  follows: 

Article  62 

"1.  The  Economic  and  Social  Council 
may  make  or  initiate  studies  and  reports 
with  respect  to  international  economic,  so- 
cial, cultural,  educational,  health,  and  re- 
lated matters  and  may  make  recommenda- 
tions with  respect  to  any  such  matters  to 
the  General  Assembly,  to  the  Members  of 
the  United  Nations,  and  to  the  specialized 
agencies  concerned. 

"2.  It  may  make  recommendations  for 
the  purpose  of  promoting  respect  for,  and 
observance  of,  human  rights  and  funda- 
mental freedoms  for  all. 

"3.  It  may  prepare  draft  conventions  for 
submission  to  the  General  Assembly,  with 
respect  to  matters  falling  within  its  com- 
petence. 

"4.  It  may  call,  in  accordance  with  the 
rules  prescribed  by  the  United  Nations,  in- 
ternational conferences  on  matters  falling 
within  its  competence." 

•        Article  63 

''1.  The  Economic  and  Social  Council 
may  enter  into  agreements  with  any  of  the 
agencies  referred  to  in  Article  57,  defining 
the  terms  on  which  the  agency  concerned 
shall  be  brought  into  relationship  with  the 
United  Nations.  Such  agreements  shall  be 
subject  to  approval  by  the  General  Assem- 
bly. 

"2.  It  may  coordinate  the  activities  ot 
the  specialized  agencies  through  consulta- 
tion with  and  recommendations  to  such 
agencies  and  through  recommendations  to 
the  General  Assembly  and  to  the  Members 
of  the  United  Nations." 

Here  at  last  is  the  unequivocal  answer 
to  the  cynics  who  doubted  the  possibility 
of  ever  realizing  the  promises  of  the  At- 
lantic Charter.  It  is  doubtful  if  even  the 
authors  of  that  document,  drawn  up  on 
the  misty  sea  off  Newfoundland  on  Au- 
gust 14,  1941,  could  have  foreseen  any- 
thing like  so  definite  a  fulfillment  of  their 
hopes  as  stated  in  Sections  5  and  6  of  the 
Atlantic  Charter: 

"They  desire  to  bring  about  the  fullest 
collaboration  between  all  nations  in  the 
economic  field  with  the  object  of  securing, 
for  all,  improved  labor  standards,  economic 
advancement,  and  social  security. 

"After  the  final  destruction  of  the  Nazi 
tyranny,  they  hope  to  see  established  a 
peace  which  will  afford  to  all  nations  the 
means  of  dwelling  in  safety  within  their 
own  boundaries,  and  which  will  afford  as- 
surance that  all  the  men  in  all  the  lands 
may  live  out  their  lives  in  freedom  from 
fear  and  want." 


Only  a  portion  of  the  work  of  the 
Economic  and  Social  Council  is  carried  out 
by  that  body,  however,  since  in  connection 
with  it  and  for  the  most  part  under  it, 
provision  is  made  for  a  whole  series  of 
"specialized  agencies,"  such  as  the  Inter- 
national Labor  Organization,  the  Food  and 
Agriculture  Organization,  the  International 
Monetary  Fund,  the  International  Bank 
for  Reconstruction  and  Development,  and 
the  educational  and  cultural  organization 
now  in  process  of  formation.  These  bodies 
are  not  named  in  the  Charter  because  no 
one  at  present  knows  how  many  of  them 
will  be  needed.  Moreover,  the  Charter 
properly  leaves  the  creation  of  such  bodies 
for  subsequent  negotiation  between  the  na- 
tions, merely  providing  that  they  should 
be  brought  into  relationship  with  the 
Economic  and  Social  Council  when  created. 

Article  57,  which  opens  the  door  on  these 
workshops  of  human  welfare,  reads  as  fol- 
lows: 

"The  various  specialized  agencies,  estab- 
lished by  intergovernmental  agreement  and 
having  wide  international  responsibilities,  as 
defined  in  their  basic  instruments,  in 
economic,  social,  cultural,  educational, 
health,  and  related  fields,  shall  be  brought 
into  relationship  with  the  United  Na- 
tions. .  .  ." 

The  ILO  and  the  United  Nations 

Several  of  these  bodies  were  already  in 
existence.  As  we  have  noted  above,  the 
League  of  Nations  had  been  carrying  on 
some  of  its  most  effective  activities  in  the 
fields  of  public  health  and  welfare,  espe- 
cially in  the  prevention  of  contagious  dis- 
eases, the  war  against  the  drug  traffic  and 
opium,  and  white  slavery. 

More  important  than  any  of  these  was 
the  International  Labor  Organization,  es- 
tablished under  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  an 
autonomous  body  with  little  connection 
with  the  League  of  Nations  except  a 
budgetary  one. 

The  problem  of  the  relation  of  the  In- 
ternational Labor  Organization  to  the 
United  Nations  Organization  is  too  large 
a  one  to  be  dealt  with  in  detail  here.  Its 
officers  did  not  receive  formal  recognition 
as  members  of  the  San  Francisco  Confer- 
ence, although  it,  unlike  the  League,  had 
continued  its  activities  in  many  parts  of 
the  world  throughout  the  war. 

Some  idea  of  its  successful  history  may 
be  gained  from  the  fact  that  in  the  course 
of  the  twenty-five  years  of  its  existence 
there  have  been  over  900  ratifications,  by 
various  governments,  of  international  la- 
bor conventions.  From  its  temporary  head- 
quarters at  Montreal  it  has  maintained  a 
constant  oversight  over  the  problems  of 
human  welfare  within  the  wide  scope  of 
its  constitution,  and  among  its  supporters 
were  statesmen  from  all  countries,  among 
whom  one  of  the  most  active  was  Clement 
Attlee,  now  Prime  Minister  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  president  of  its  governing  body, 
Professor  Carter  Goodrich,  and  the  as- 
sistant director,  Professor  Lindsay  Rogers, 
(Continued  on  page  378) 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


361 


' 


The  League's  first  board  of  directors.  Top  row,  left  to  right:  Katharine  Ludington,  Conn.,  Mrs.  Richard  Edwards, 
Ind.,  Mrs.  Julian  B.  Salley,  S.  C.,  Mrs.  George  Gellhorn,  Mo.,  Mrs.  James  Paige,  Minn.,  Mrs.  C.  B.  Simmons,  Ore., 
Mrs.  Solon  Jacobs,  Ala.  Lover  row:  Maud  Wood  Park,  Mass.,  Belle  Sherwin,  Ohio,  Carrie  Chapman  Catt,  N.  Y. 

»' 

Trail-Blazers  in  Citizenship 

The  dynamic  story  of  the  National  League  of  Women  Voters — a  pressure  group  in 
the    public    interest,    a   training   ground    for   citizens   where   learning   is  by   doing. 


EVEN    IN   A   YEAR   WHEN    THE    EVENTS   OF    THE 

present  and  the  problems  of  the  future  keep 
us  continually  taut,  some  anniversaries  are 
worth  attention.  One  of  them  is  certainly 
the  twenty-fifth  birthday  of  the  National 
League  of  Women  Voters. 

For  so  young  an  organization  it  has  ac- 
cumulated a  surprising  amount  of  tradition 
and  achievement.  In  every  community  with 
a  good  local  league  it  becomes  a  source 
of  disinterested  information  about  govern- 
ment, a  school  in  which  women  leaders 
are  trained,  a  gadfly  asking  questions,  a 
pressure  in  the  direction  of  better  govern- 
ment. In  the  local  community  or  on  Capitol 
Hill  it  exerts  an  influence  all  out  of  pro- 
portion to  the  size  of  its  membership. 

In  twenty-five  years  it  has  pushed  many 
a  needed  piece  of  legislation  into  being  and 
then  stood  guard  to  see  that  the  law  was 
effectively  administered,  but  that  was  prob- 
ably one  of  its  smaller  achievements.  Its 
great  value  has  been  as  an  'instrument  of 
political  education. 

In  this  capacity  it  originated  and  devel- 
oped a  number  of  techniques  which  are 
coming  into  general  use.  It  was,  for  in- 


AVIS  D.  CARLSON 

— By  a  free  lance  writer  who  is  a  roving 
reporter  of  social  experiment  and  prog- 
ress. Mrs.  Carlson,  who  now  makes  her 
home  in  a  suburb  of  St.  Louis,  has  lived 
on  the  East  Coast  and  in  several  midwest 
states.  Her  present  article,  she  writes  us, 
is  based  on  "many  talks  with  many 
leaguers  in  many  parts  of  the  country." 


stance,  the  first  group  to  apply  the  method 
of  progressive  education,  learning  by  do- 
ing, to  the  field  of  political  education.  It 
was  the  first  to  stress  the  importance  of 
getting  out  the  vote,  though  in  the  begin- 
ning it  did  not  understand  the  full  eco- 
nomic and  political  implications  of  what  it 
was  doing.  It  was  the  first  to  begin  pub- 
lishing the  voting  records  of  congressmen 
and  legislators — which  many  groups  are 
now  demonstrating  to  be  a  good  educa- 
tional device.  It  was  the  first,  or  one  of 
the  first,  to  begin  taking  issues  directly  to 
the  citizen  in  order  to  spot  his  emotional 
block.  And  most  important  of  all,  it  was 
the  first  to  organize  legislative  pressure 
solely  in  the  public  interest. 


All  this  did  not  happen  by  chance.  From 
the  beginning,  the  organization  has  had 
a  colorful  and  able  leadership  and  has  at- 
tracted a  forward  looking  membership.  For 
a  certain  type  of  woman  the  league  is  not 
only  a  means  through  which  she  can  func- 
tion as  a  citizen  but  a  creative  outlet 
through  which  she  finds  a  high  order  of 
personal  development,  so  that  she  gives 
herself  to  it  wholeheartedly. 

The  Dramatic  Beginnings 

Members  like  to  tell  the  story  of  the 
league's  beginning.  And  no  wonder.  Few 
organizations  have  been  born  with  such 
drama  and  sense  of  mission.  The  formal 
organization  occurred  at  Chicago  in  Febru- 
ary, 1920,  at  the  Victory  Convention  of  the 
National  Woman's  Suffrage  Association. 
But  the  real  drama  lay  a  year  back  of  that, 
at  the  convention  in  St.  Louis,  when  the 
Suffrage  Association,  knowing  that  the 
Twentieth  Amendment  would  soon  be  a 
fact,  had  to  decide  what  to  do  with  itself. 

Many  of  the  stout-hearted  women  in 
attendance  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  as- 
sociation should  simply  disband,  now  that 


362 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


its  goal  was  reached.  In  this  atmosphere 
Carrie  Chapman  Catt  had  one  of  those 
great  moments  of  hers  when  she  thew  away 
a  prepared  speech  and  spoke  her  heart. 
With  her  rich  eloquence  she  called  for  "a 
living  memorial  dedicated  to  the  memory 
of  our  departed  leaders  and  the  sacrifices 
they  made  for  our  cause,"  and  suggested 
a  League  of  Women  Voters  as  the  "most 
natural,  most  appropriate,  and  most  pa- 
triotic memorial." 

Only  fragments  of  this  speech  remain. 
Different  women  remember  it  in  different 
ways.  But  no  woman  who  heard  it  ever 
forgot  the  emotional  impact  of  the  words: 
"So  that  women  may  use  their  new  free- 
dom to  make  their  nation  safer  for  their 
children  and  their  children's  children.  What 
should  be  done  can  be  done;  what  can 
be  done,  let  us  do." 

An  interim  organization,  headed  by  Mrs. 
C.  H.  Brooks  of  Kansas,  was  set  up,  and 
the  next  year  at  Chicago  came  the  for- 
mal organization  with  Mrs.  Maud  Wood 
Park  of  Maine  as  the  first  president. 

The  early  leaders  were  women  of  po- 
sition and  great  personal  charm.  They 
were  also  a  shrewd  dynamic  lot.  Besides 
the  three  already  mentioned,  one  thinks  ot 
Belle  Sherwin,  under  whose  leadership  the 
organization  developed  many  of  its  meth- 
ods and  disciplines;  of  Marguerite  Wells  of 
Minneapolis,  whose  penetrating  mind  and 
philosophic  understanding  of  the  problems 
of  democracy  have  made  her  more  than 
anyone  else  responsible  for  the  formulation 
of  the  league  faith;  of  Rdna  (Jellhorn,  who 
has  served  in  almost  every  capacity  in  the 
league  and  who  is  one  of  St.  Louis'  choicest 
institutions;  of  (Catherine  Ludington  of 
Connecticut,  notable  for  wizardry  in  league 
finance;  of  Ruth  Morgan  of  New  York, 
who  gave  the  organization  its  abiding  in- 
terest in  international  cooperation  as  the 
way  to  peace.  And  of  many  others  scat- 
tered around  the  country  and  working 
like  demons.  (I  have  been  interested  to  dis- 
cover how  many  of  this  first  magnificent 


Harris    & 

ANNA  LORD  STRAUSS 
President  of  the  National  League 

group  arc  now  or  were  recently,  president 
of  their  local  or  state  league.  Apparently 
to  take  the  league  seriously  is  an  excellent 
recipe  for  squeezing  many  extra  years  of 
zestful  activity  out  of  life.) 

Back  in  1920  these  women  were  already 
thoroughly  seasoned.  They  had  cut  their 
political  eye  teeth  on  hostile  legislatures. 
The  odors  that  sometimes  eddy  around 
city  halls  were  nothing  new  to  them.  They 
knew  voter  apathy  forwards  and  back- 
wards. Moreover,  they  had  a  somewhat 
frightening  sense  of  responsibility  for  all 
the  twenty  million  new  voters  who  had 
just  been  added  to  the  electorate.  But 
seasoned  as  they  were  and  emotionally  in- 
volved as  they  were,  they  were  probably 
far  from  realizing  the  enormity  of  the  task 
ahead. 

Early  Strategy 

It  was  characteristic  of  them  that  they 
plunged  into  the  middle  of  things  and 
worked  out  in  various  directions.  They  set 
up  a  complex  and  closely  knit  organization 
to  function  on  national,  state,  and  local 


levels.  While  doing  that,  they  made  A 
start  at  training  for  citizenship,  teaching 
themselves  as  well  as  others.  They  began 
to  press  for  certain  governmental  reforms. 
Looking  over  the  records  of  those  early 
years,  when  patterns  in  both  structure  and 
method  were  being  created,  one  is  im- 
pressed by  the  devotion  and  the  sense  for 
strategy  which  are  in  evidence. 

During  the  very  first  year,  while  organ- 
ization was  being  hammered  into  shape 
and  income  was  largely  a  matter  for  exer- 
cise of  faith,  a  general  election  came  up. 
Twenty  million  new  voters,  most  of  whom 
had  hardly  so  much  as  seen  a  ballot,  were 
eligible.  All  across  the  country  the  infant 
league  put  on  demonstrations  of  voting 
procedures  in  department  stores,  hotel  lob- 
hies  or  public  buildings.  A  correspondence 
course  on  government  was  prepared,  pub- 
lished and  circulated.  "Citizenship 
schools"  were  conducted  in  more  than  half 
the  states.  Thirteen  planks  were  taken  to 
the  platform  committees  of  the  two  parties. 

While  all  this  was  going  on,  legislative 
work  was  begun  in  a  number  of  fields 
which  had  been  more  or  less  inherited 
from  the  Suffrage  Association,  such  as  child 
welfare,  social  hygiene,  and  women  in  in- 
dustry. It  was  a  time  when  politicians  were 
bewildered  and  anxious  to  propitiate  the 
"woman  vote."  (A  little  later  they  would 
have  their  bearings  again  and  be  less  re- 
sponsive!) So  each  of  the  first  four  years 
marked  gains  for  which  the  young  or- 
ganization had  striven:  in  1920,  establish- 
ment of  the  Women's  Bureau;  1921,  the 
Sheppard-T0kvner  act  or  Maternity  and  In- 
fancy Act;  1922,  Independent  Citizenship 
for  Married  Women;  1923,  insertion  of  "the 
principle  of  equal  compensation  for  equal 
work  irrespective  of  sex"  in  the  Civil  Serv- 
ice Reclassification  Act. 

None  of  these  seem  controversial  now, 
but  at  the  time  there  was  determined  op- 
position to  them  all.  The  Sheppard-Towner 
act,  in  particular,  called  forth  a  furious 
clamor  about  socialism,  communism,  fed- 


In  1920  in  many  cities,  as  here  in  Chicago,  the  League  taught  the  newly  enfranchised  women  voters  how  to  use  the  voting  machines 
SEPTEMBER     1945  363 


eral  midwifery  and  abolition  of  the  family. 

Organizations,  like  individuals,  thrive  on 
success.  They  also  learn  from  failures.  In 
the  spring  of  1924  the  federal  Child  La- 
bor Amendment  was  passed  by  both  House 
and  Senate  and  submitted  to  the  states  for 
ratification.  In  September  a  squall  of  op- 
posing propaganda  blew  over  the  country 
and  the  amendment  was  never  ratified.  But 
in  the  course  of  the  struggle  the  league 
began  to  put  out  its  first  "Fact  Sheets" 
and  to  organize  study  groups.  Also  the  fail- 
ure of  its  big  1924  Get-Out-the-Vote  cam- 
paign to  make  an  appreciable  dent  on  the 
slacker  vote  dashed  a  lot  of  optimistic  il- 
lusions. 

Up  to  this  time  many  league  members 
had  thought  of  their  work  as  a  short-range 
program  in  which  women  would  learn 
the  mechanics  of  voting,  catch  up  quickly 
with  men's  knowledge  of  public  affairs,, 
wipe  out  the  remaining  legal  discrimina- 
tions against  themselves,  and  secure  some 
legislation  of  especial  interest  to  women. 
In  other  words,  there  was  still  a  strong  fem- 
inist cast  in  their  thinking.  Mrs.  Catt  her- 
self had  said  in  1920  that  they  were  going 
to  have  a  "continuation  of  the  old  familiar 
strife"  in  which  women  had  to  "persuade 
men  to  respect  and  have  confidence  in  the 
capacities  of  women."  Miss  Sherwin,  pres- 
ident of  the  National  League  from  1924  to 
1934,  once  said  that  not  many  of  the 
early  members  "certainly  foresaw  a  future 
for  the  league  beyond  five  or  ten  years." 

But  from  the  beginning,  a  few  members 
had  seen  their  task  as  one  of  creating  a 
"workable  and  working  democracy,"  which 
they  well  knew  took  in  much  more  territory 
than  women's  rights  and  was  no  early- 
morning  stint.  By  1925  the  whole  group 
had  begun  to  settle  down  for  the  long  haul. 

Lasting  Patterns 

One  of  the  patterns  which  were  set  dur- 
ing the  early  years  was  respect  for  fact. 
During  their  suffragist  days  the  leaders 
had  learned  that  they  had  to  be  absolutely 
armored  in  facts  if  they  hoped  to  get  any- 
where in  a  world  of  office-holding  males 
delighted  at  any  chance  to  laugh  the  little 
woman  out  of  court.  Very  well  then,  they 
would  equip  themselves  and  the  new  wom- 
en voters  who  were  joining  them  with 
facts — the  kind  of  facts  that  are  hard  to 
dodge.  The  study  group  idea  seemed  the 
answer  to  that  need.  But  what  would  it 
study?  The  average  sort  of  printed  ma- 
terial on  government  would  not  do.  It  was 
too  bulky  and  too  erudite.  A  housewife  or 
saleswoman  coming  timidly  and  without 
background  to  her  first  league  meeting  ob- 
viously couldn't  be  handed  a  scholarly  dis- 
quisition on  the  science  of  government. 

So  along  with  all  its  other  activities  the 
young  organization  had  to  go  into  the  bus- 
iness of  writing  and  publishing  its  own  ma- 
terials. By  the  time  it  was  ten  years  old 
it  had  150  publications  on  its  list,  all  but  a 
handful  of-  which  had  been  prepared  by 
its  own  members  or  staff.  League  pam- 
phlets have  become  standard  materials  in 
the  great  adult  education  movement  which 
has  developed  in  the  second  quarter  of 
the  twentieth  century. 

Another     lasting     characteristic     which 


started  in  those  early  years  was  concern 
with  local  government.  In  this  somewhat 
thankless  held  the  league  has  been  pre- 
eminent. Perhaps  it  was  because  the  early 
leaders  soon  discovered  that  the  easiest  way 
to  interest  women  in  government  was 
through  their  own  local  board  of  education, 
sanitation  department  or  juvenile  court. 
Perhaps  they  were  merely  following  their 
own  feminine  penchant  for  concrete,  near- 
at-hand  problems.  At  any  rate,  by  1923 
they  were  launched  upon  a  study  of  local 
conditions.  One  of  the  state  leagues  had 
prepared  a  questionnaire  called  "Know 
Your  Town"  which  was  being  used  around 
the  country — and  with  some  revision  is 
still  being  used.  For  many  a  woman  start- 
ing out  in  fear  and  trembling  to  find  the 
answers,  this  questionnaire  has  been  the 
first  step  in  a  long  and  distinguished  career 
of  citizenship. 

Another  sort  of  questionnaire  experiment- 
ed with  by  1924  was  one  sent  out  to  candi- 
dates for  public  office,  asking  for  state- 
ments of  their  training,  experience,  and 
stand  on  issues  in  which  the  league  was  in- 
terested. This  information  was  then  tabu- 
lated and  made  available  to  the  public 
through  whatever  means  were  locally  feas- 
ible. This,  too,  became  standard  proced- 
ure. Over  the  years,  communities  have 
learned  to  look  upon  their  local  leagues  as 
a  source  of  pre-election  information  which 
can  be  trusted — non-partisan  and  factual. 

The  word  non-partisan  brings  up  an- 
other point.  The  principle  had  been  stated 
unequivocally  at  the  birthday  convention; 
as  individuals  they  would  be  members  of 
a  party,  as  a  league  they  would  be  non- 
partisan.  At  first  the  organization  met  much 
skepticism  on  this  point.  The  oldest  league 
joke  is  that  in  Republican  circles  they  are 
considered  "a  bunch  of  Democrats,"  in 
Democratic  circles  "a  bunch  of  Repub- 
licans," while  occasionally  both  groups 
have  dubbed  them  "a  bunch  of  Socialists." 

The  early  league  also  hit  on  another 
tactic  which  speedily  became  a  league  law. 
"We  support  principles,  but  never  a  candi- 
date. We  take  stands  on  issues,  not  on 


individuals."  Many  a  local  league  has 
found  itself  in  a  situation  where  almost 
every  member  as  an  individual  was  sup- 
porting a  certain  candidate  and  the  group 
as  a  whole  would  have  given  much  to  en- 
dorse him,  but  the  long-run  value  of  the 
rule  has  been  so  clearly  demonstrated  that  it 
is  practically  never  broken. 

Having  said  this,  one  must  quickly  add 
that  there  are  more  ways  than  one  of  af- 
fecting  an   election.     A   parallel    chart  of 
records  and   qualifications   will   sometimi 
make  a  point  quite  as  well  as  an  endorse- 
ment.    Also  it  is  perfectly  possible  to  si 
up  a  yardstick  of  training,  experience  an 
personality   which  a  certain  official,  say 
judge  of  a  juvenile  court,  ought  to  hav 
and  that,  too,  will  make  quite  a  good  point. 

A  final  method  developed  during  the  first 
few  years  concerned  the  adoption  of  a  pri 
gram  of  work.  Remember,  the  new  or- 
ganization started  out  without  program  ex- 
cept for  the  interests  it  had  inherited  from 
the  Suffrage  Association.  Back  in  the  early 
Twenties  no  other  organization  had  any- 
thing remotely  comparable  to  either  the 
league  program  of  work  or  the  method 
by  which  it  is  adopted.  It  was  an  in- 
vention, and  it  was  not  completed  in  a  year 
or  two.  The  leaders  took  time  to  think. 


tii/A\\\\\\. 

St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 
"Getting  out  the  vote"  in  St.  Louis 


Making  of  a  Good  Citizen 

What  they  were  feeling  for  was  some- 
thing upon  which  a  large  membership  in 
every  section  of  the  country  could  agree 
as  important  and  which  would  therefore 
serve  to  bind  them  together;  something 
diat  would  start  from  both  the  top  and  bot- 
tom and  percolate  freely  up  and  down  as 
it  should  in  a  democratic  society;  something 
that  would  stem  solely  from  the  mem- 
bers' function  as  citizens  responsible  for 
the  public  welfare.  What  they  got,  as  it 
evolved  during  the  years,  was  a  program 
which  is  at  once  a  chart  for  activity,  a  cur- 
riculum for  political  education,  and  the 
heart  of  the  organization  itself. 

Over  the  years,  the  program-making  pro- 
cedure has  been  the  most  powerful  single 
element  in  the  discipline  which  makes  the 
league  effective.  It  is  discussed  in  local 
boards  and  general  meetings,  argued  over  at 
staff  and  council  meetings,  thrashed  out 
down  to  the  last  word  at  national  board 
meetings,  fought  over  at  conventions  (and 
league  conventions  are  fairly  well  charged 
affairs)  and  finally  voted  on  by  the  dele- 
gates. All  up  and  down  the  line  it  if 
weighed  in  the  light  of  need  and  organiza- 
tional resources.  When  it  is  finally  decided 
upon,  it  is  until  the  next  convention  the 
program  and  none  of  the  550-odd  leagues 
in  the  country  is  going  to  wander  astray 
from  it. 

Year  after  year  the  tendency  has  been  to 
narrow  down  and  to  concentrate  upon 
fields  where  the  need  is  agreed  to  be  great- 
est, instead  of  spreading  out  into  so  many 
channels  that  league  resources  of  personnel 
and  income  would  be  frittered  away  with- 
out producing  results. 

By  the  end  of  1924,  the  foundations  were 
laid  and  the  transition  from  a  group  who 
thought  of  themselves  as  women  first  into 
a  group  learning  to  think  of  themselves  as 
citizens  first  was  well  under  way. 


3*4 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


During  the  next  period,  which  lasted  un- 
til around  1940,  the  techniques  were  per- 
fected and  a  league  "philosophy"  grew  up. 
Gradually  the  group  came  to  see  that  it 
was  in  the  business  of  political  education 
ant  that  it  was  taking  a  totally  new  ap- 
proach to  that  business.  Up  to  this  time 
the  general  assumption  had  been  that  if 
enough  people  knew  enough  facts  about 
government,  an  intelligent  and  responsible 
electorate  would  automatically  result.  So 
the  schools,  the  press,  and  the  platform  had 
poured  out  information  about  the  workings 
of  government  and  lectured  the  individual 
voter  on  his  duty  to  be  a  good  citizen.  But 
nobody  had  said  anything  much  about  how 
to  be  a  good  citizen. 

Progressive  Political  Education 

Gradually  the  league  came  to  see  that 
here  was  the  crux  of  political  education — 
that  it  was  more  important  to  induce  one 
single  person  to  take  his  first  faltering 
step  in  being  a  citizen,  that  is  to  say,  in 
participating  in  his  government,  than  it  was 
to  teach  a  hundred  citizens  a  lot  of  facts 
about  government.  This  was  the  princi- 
ple of  progressive  education,  learn  by  doing, 
applied  to  political  education. 

It  worked! 

That  first  step,  even  if  it  was  only  to  find 
out  that  the  garbage  collection  was  ineffici- 
ent, seemed  almost  inevitably  to  lead  to 
another  and  another,  until  finally  the  whole 
anatomy  of  government  was  laid  bare.  The 
garbage  collection  might  turn  out  to  be  bad 
because  of  insufficient  appropriation,  care- 
less supervision,  workmen  hired  for  the 
votes  they  could  swing,  outright  graft,  or 
tome  combination  of  these  causes.  What- 
ever the  cause,  the  inquiring  leaguer  found 
herself  propelled  out  upon  a  chain  of  activ- 
ities from  which  she  would  emerge  with  a 
new  understanding  of  her  government.  And 
what  was  more  important,  she  would  have  a 
new  feeling  of  responsibility  toward  it  and  a 
somewhat  incredulous  knowledge  that  she, 
plain  Mary  Brown,  could  do  something 
about  it. 

Furthermore,  it  did  not  seem  to  make  any 
difference  where  she  started,  though  of 
course  it  was  easiest  for  her  to  see  results 
on  the  level  of  thu  city  hall  or  county 
courthouse.  BUL  if  she  was  led  to  actual 
participation  in  getting  a  merit  system  in 
her  state  government  or  of  renewing  the 
reciprocal  trade  agreements,  she  would  come 
out  with  exactly  the  same  realistic  under- 
standing of  how  governmental  wheels  go 
round  and  where  lie  the  blocks  against  the 
public  interest — as  well  as  a  few  sound 
ideas  on  how  to  improve  the  situation. 
This  in  turn  would  have  opened  up  to 
her  a  whole  field  of  new  interests  and  in 
the  great  majority  of  cases  would  have 
made  her  into  an  intelligent,  functioning  cit- 
izen for  the  rest  of  her  life. 

As  leagues  around  the  country  observed 
this  process  work  out,  they  began  to  stress 
it  more  consciously  as  the  real  purpose  of 
the  organization.  Local  leagues  began  to 
measure  themselves  on  how  nearly  they 
came  to  giving  each  member  one  such  ex- 
perience in  citizenship  in  the  course  of  a 
year.  The  program  of  work  became,  there- 
fore, not  merely  a  goal  (as  in  most  organ- 


In  Louisville,  the  League  helped  people  prepare  for  San  Francisco  and  its  issues 


izations)  but  a  means.  In  a  real  sense  it  is 
a  curriculum,  student-created  and  student- 
taught. 

One  of  the  best  features  of  learning  by 
doing  is  that  the  learner  never  feels  that  he 
is  "being  educated"  and  so  has  neither 
self-consciousness  or  negativism  about  it. 
To  himself  he  always  seems  only  to  be 
doing  something  he  wants  to  see  done.  It 
works  out  that  way  with  political  educa- 
tion by  doing.  The  beginning  leaguer  is 
usually  so  intent  upon  getting  a  city  man- 
ager or  trained  administrators  in  the  state 
penal  institutions  or  whatever  her  pet  proj- 
ect is  that  she  is  somewhat  surprised  to  find 
herself  presently  being  invited  to  talk  to 
club  and  church  groups.  She  may  even  be 
considerably  embarrassed  at  being  taken 
for  an  authority.  But  if  she  has  the  qual- 
ities of  leadership,  she  almost  inevitably 
moves  on  into  wider  fields. 

The  result  is  that  in  every  community 
with  a  strong  local  league,  women  step  from 
their  league  training  school  into  positions  of 
community  responsibility.  It  is  a  mark 
of  the  respect  the  organization  has  won 
that  leadership  in  a  local  league  is  about 
the  best  springboard  a  woman  can  have 
for  appointment  to  a  civic  board  or  election 
to  public  office. 

The  influence  of  the  training  school  now 
is  being  felt  at  the  national  level.  Three  of 
the  new  congresswoman  elected  in  1944  got 
their  start  in  the  league.  Chase  Going 
Woodhouse  had  been  president  of  the  Con- 
necticut League.  Emily  Taft  Douglas,  who 
to  the  surprise  of  everyone  was  elected  con- 
gressman-at-large  in  her  sprawling  suppos- 
edly isolationist  state,  had  long  been  prom- 
inent in  the  Illinois  League.  Helen  Gahagan 
Douglas  of  California  gives  the  league  cred- 
it for  shaping  her  interest  in  government. 
For  that  matter,  one  could  add  to  the  list  the 


name  of  Eleanor  Roosevelt,  who  has  often 
publicly  stated  her  debt  to  the  league. 
Many  another  in  less  strongly  spotlighted 
places  in  public  life  could  say  the  same. 

The  War  Years 

Beginning  with  the  war,  or  perhaps  in 
1940,  there  has  been  a  shift  not  so  much 
in  objective  as  in  emphasis  and  methods. 
Up  to  that  time  the  education  of  its  own 
members  had  been  the  prime  concern.  In 
the  general  upheaval  that  accompanied  the 
successful  sweeps  of  the  Nazi  and  Japanese 
armies,  the  league  felt  driven  to  push  on 
out  into  a  sort  of  mass  education  it  had 
not  before  attempted. 

Shortly  after  Pearl  Harbor  a  meeting  of 
the  general  council  was  called  to  consider 
seriously  whether  the  league  had  any 
place  in  a  nation  engaged  in  total  war.  If 
not,  if  it  was  only  a  peacetime  luxurv,  then 
it  ought  to  disband  and  free  its  members 
for  war  work.  After  days  of  deliberation 
the  group  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
had  a  vital  wartime  function,  because  with- 
out "an  alert,  understanding,  critical  oouy 
of  citizens  active  continuously  in  relation 
to  the  functioning  of  government,"  the 
people  would  become  passive.  And  when 
that  happened,  democracy  would  die. 

In  the  light  of  this  conclusion,  the  league 
set  itself  a  war  program  on  three  broad 
fronts.  It  would  try  to  reach  a  larger 
public  than  ever  before.  It  would  give 
special  attention  to  local  government,  which 
would  be  apt  to  be  eclipsed  by  the 
mushrooming  agencies  and  controls  of  the 
wartime  federal  government.  And  it  would 
try  to  see  to  it  that  a  Congress  capable  of 
dealing  with  problems  ahead  was  elected. 

Using  as  its  slogan,  "Let  the  people  know, 
make  the  people  care,  help  tre  people  act," 
(Continued  on  page  381) 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


365 


Reconversion  on  the  Campus 

An  educator  speaks  out  against  long  vacations,  "country  club  atmosphere,"  emphasis 
on    leisure  —  and    for    a    realistic   three-year    preparation    for    adult    responsibilities. 


THE   CONVERSION   OF    THE   COLLEGES   FOR   WAR 

was  a  speedy  process.  Colleges  for  men 
were  driven  by  necessity.  Most  of  their 
students  were  under  draft  for  military  serv- 
ice and  the  wartime  programs  directed  by 
the  army  and  navy  came  to  the  rescue 
of  colleges  which  otherwise  would  have 
been  sadly  depleted  of  their  students. 

The  colleges  for  women  followed  the  gen- 
eral program  of  "acceleration"  in  one  way 
or  another.  While  the  young  women  were 
not  conscripted,  many  of  them  were  driv- 
en by  strong  desire  to  do  their  part  and  to 
do  it  as  speedily  as  possible.  Therefore,  be- 
cause of  real  need  and  also  because  of  much 
restlessness  among  the  students  themselves, 
many  of  the  colleges  for  women  made  it 
possible  for  their  students  to  complete  the 
A.  B.  course  in  three  years  instead  of  four. 

In  general,  the  plan  was  to  make  no  fur- 
ther changes  than  to  use  the  continuous 
year,  one  term  beginning  as  the  other  ended. 
With  this  method  of  acceleration  there  has 
naturally  been  dissatisfaction,  and  in  most 
colleges  where  it  was  adopted  there  has 
been  the  tendency  to  drop  off  the  summer 
course  since  V-E  Day. 

The  Three- Year  Plan 

My  own  college,  Vassar,  did  not  enter 
upon  the  common  plan  of  speed-up,  with 
the  continuing  year  and  heavier  work.  Our 
faculty  and  trustees,  with  the  hearty  ap- 
proval of  ninety  percent  of  the  students, 
embarked  upon  a  more  far-reaching  experi- 
ment: A  three-year  plan  involving  a 
lengthened  college  year  of  40  weeks  with 
three  terms  each  instead  of  the  two-term 
year  of  32  weeks.  Vacations  at  Christmas 
and  in  the  spring  come  at  the  end  of  each 
term  instead  of  wastefully  interrupting  each 
term,  and  there  is  a  complete  break  in  the 
summer  by  a  vacation  of  eight  or  nine 
weeks. 

This  is  not  an  "acceleration"  system  in 
general  for  it  does  not  involve  greater  pres- 
sure or  heavier  load  of  work  at  any  given 
time,  only  a  longer  year  and  a  less  wasteful 
distribution  of  vacations.  In  the  minds  of 
most  of  those  who  are  interested  in  this 
three-year  plan  its  value  lies  not  only  in  en- 
abling students  to  save  a  year  in  getting 
into  national  service,  in  securing  further 
training  for  whatever  their  life  work  may 
be,  but  in  serving  as  an  experiment  which 
may  guide  future  development  in  the  liberal 
arts  colleges. 

Postwar  Pressures 

Now  that  the  end  of  the  war  has  come, 
there  is  much  pressure  within  the  colleges 
and  outside  to  "return  to  normalcy."  This 
has  taken  the  form  in  general  of  return- 
ing to  the  old  calendar  with  the  four-year 
course  and  the  longer  vacations.  Is  this  the 
end  of  reconversion,  or  only  the  beginning? 

366 


C.  MILDRED  THOMPSON 

— By  a  distinguished  American  scholar, 
professor  of  history  at  Vassar  and  dean 
of  that  college,  who  was  the  only  woman 
representative  at  the  Allied  Conference 
on  Postwar  Education,  held  in  London 
in  the  spring  of  1944. 


In  education,  as  in  industry  and  politics,  war 
is  not  the  sole  cause  of  profound  change.  It 
is  a  speed-up  force,  but  certainly  not  the 
only  causative  factor  in  education  and  in 
society  whose  needs  the  college  must  serve. 
A  return  to  old  schedules  and  abandonment 
of  summer  terms  provide  no  answer  to 
many  of  the  real  problems  in  college  edu- 
cation which  were  appearing  long  before 
the  war  burst  upon  us. 

The  Future  of  Liberal  Arts 

The  chief  of  these  problems,  as  I  see  it,  it 
not  the  survival  or  the  non-survival  of  lib- 
eral arts  as  a  field  of  study,  though  there  is 
much  talk  and  loud  defense  of  the  Arts 
course.  The  question  is  not  primarily 
whether  liberal  arts  are  to  survive  against 
attack  and  infiltration  by  vocational 
studies.  There  is  no  clear  cut  boundary 
between  liberal  arts  and  vocational  studies. 

A  more  genuine  distinction  exists  be- 
tween liberal  arts  and  technical  studies,  or 
more  important  still,  between  general  edu- 
cation and  special  education.  The  report 
recently  published  by  the  Harvard  Com- 
mittee, "General  Education  in  a  Free  So- 
ciety," [see  page  376]  performs  a  valuable 
social  service  in  analyzing  more  carefully 
than  has  previously  been  done  this  very 
real  difference. 

I,  for  one,  do  not  anticipate  the  demise  of 
liberal  arts.  The  kind  of  study  which  we 
describe  in  this  way  has  survived  upheavals 
in  the  Western  world  for  more  than  a 
thousand  years.  The  chances  are  good 
that  it  may  survive  another  thousand  years. 
The  vitality  of  liberal  arts  study  will  de- 
pend not  upon  competition  with  other  kinds 
of  study,  but  upon  the  degree  of  adapt- 
ability which  the  colleges  of  liberal  arts  may 
show  in  meeting  the  new  needs  of  a  new 
society. 

There  were  certain  difficulties  in  the  pre- 
war college  which  needed  examination  and 
reform.  In  the  first  place,  the  summer 
vacation  was  too  long.  Three  months  of 
summer  in  addition  to  two  shorter  vaca- 
tions at  Christmas  and  in  the  spring — a 
total  of  twenty  weeks  of  vacation  a  year 
and  only  thirty-two  weeks  for  work,  were 
wasteful  and  not  really  developing  to  young 
people.  The  long  summer  was  in  most 
instances  passed  in  unconstructive  idle- 
ness. Any  teacher  knows  that  because  of 
the  slack  mental  activity  of  the  summer, 
the  fall  weeks  at  the  beginning  of  the  term 
must  be  used  to  recover  lost  ground. 


There  have  been  changes  in  American 
family  life  of  the  well-off  middle  class 
which,  more  than  any  other  group  in 
American  society  furnished  sons  and  daugh- 
ters to  make  up  the  population  of  the 
colleges.  For  some  years  past  these  young 
people  of  seventeen  or  eighteen  to  twenty- 
one  or  twenty-two  have  shown  that  they 
were  not  content  simply  to  go  to  the  coun- 
try or  the  mountains  or  the  seashore  for  re- 
union with  the  family  for  three  months. 
There  was  very  genuine  restlessness  among 
them.  They  were  driven  to  find  jobs,  any 
job,  some  of  which  were  useful  and  of 
educational  value  to  the  young  people,  but 
more  were  simply  escapes  from  boredom. 
Only  a  small  percent  of  young  men  and 
women,  healthy  enough  to  be  in  college, 
are  physically  in  need  of  the  long  period  of 
rest  and  relaxation  after  nine  broken 
months  of  work,  not  too  exacting  for  the 
most  part. 

The  Pleasant  Past 

The  four-year  college  course  with  a  term 
from  mid-September  to  early  June  furnish- 
ed a  leisurely  existence,  pleasant,  carefree, 
untroubled  by  thoughts  of  the  future  and  of 
what  lay  beyond  until  the  very  end  was  in 
sight,  a  happy  time  for  friendships  and  for 
all  of  the  activities  of  college  life.  All  of 
that  in  my  own  college  days  and  later,  was 
a  very  delightful  part  of  American  life  for 
those  privileged  to  enjoy  it.  And  it  was 
indeed  a  life  of  privilege,  available  to  the 
few,  for  there  were  in  the  total  population 
of  young  people  only  the  few  who  could 
afford  to  take  four  years  in  early  adulthood 
for  leisurely  preparation  before  beginning 
the  real  business  of  living. 

In  fact,  leisure  loomed  so  large  in  the 
plans  of  many  of  these  young  people  that 
some  colleges  developed  much  of  their 
academic  program  as  preparation  for  leis- 
ure time  activities.  Be  that  as  it  may  in 
times  gone  by,  the  question  now  is,  What 
kind  of  world  are  the  young  teen-agers  go- 
ing to  live  in?  Will  there  be  room  for 
those  to  whom  the  pursuit  of  leisure  consti- 
tutes the  chief  business  of  life?  It  has  been 
said  that  the  battle  of  Waterloo  was  won  on 
the  playing  fields  of  Eton,  but  will  anyone 
say  that  playing  fields  at  Eton  or  elsewhere 
won  the  battles  on  the  beaches  of  Anzio 
or  Normandy  or  in  the  jungles  of  Guadal- 
canal? 

The  Challenging  Present 

If  my  forecast  is  even  partially  correct, 
the  world  which  the  boys  and  girls  of  to- 
day must  face  will  be  a  sterner  world  than 
lay  before  the  older  ones  of  us  as  we 
emerged  from  college.  A  more  rigorous, 
more  purposeful  college  course  will  be 
needed  to  prepare  young  college  students 
for  the  life  they  will  live.  One  of  the  neces- 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


titics  ot  campus  reconversion  must  be  means 
to  help  students  get  a  sense  of  direction 
early,  not  late,  in  the  college  course;  and 
means  to  develop  their  best  efforts  towards 
equipping  themselves  to  march  forward  in 
their  chosen  direction,  to  march,  not  to 
dilly-dally  too  long  on  the  sidelines. 

Another  question  that  forms  part  of  the 
problem  of  any  real  reconversion  in  educa- 
tion is  time — not  in  any  one  year  but  in  the 
term  of  years  to  be  devoted  to  education  at 
the  college  stage.  I  have  said  that  I  think 
the  traditional  vacation  of  three  months  is 
too  long.  1  would  say  also  that  the  tra- 
ditional four-year  course  of  general  educa- 
tion is  too  long.  We  assume,  as  if  it  were 
axiomatic,  that  college  means  a  four-year 
period.  There  is  nothing  sacred  about  a 
four-year  span,  nothing  more  sacred  than 
custom.  This  long  custom  is  now  getting 
shaken  by  winds  from  different  directions. 

Along  comes  the  Chicago  plan  which 
divides  the  college  four-year  period  by 
placing  the  first  two  years  with  the  upper 
«chool  years  as  a  unit  and  leaving  the  last 
two  years  for  association  with  advanced 
studies  of  the  university.  It  is  essentially 
the  continental  European  system  of  lycee 
or  gymnasium  followed  by  the  university. 

This  is  one  method  by  which  education 
may  proceed,  but  it  abolishes  in  fact  the 
college  as  a  unit  in  the  whole  educational 
plan.  Our  tradition  in  America  has  fol- 
lowed the  English  tradition  which  develop- 
ed general  education  prior  to  or  apart  from 
special  advanced  studies  or  technical  educa- 
tion. There  is  much  to  be  said  for  the  value 
of  continuing  the  college  in  the  educational 
system  of  this  country.  It  has  proved  so- 
cially useful  .and  has  potentialities  of  fur- 
ther development  in  a  free  society  which  are 
not  yet  fully  realized. 

Writing  in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  as  long 
ago  as  1900,  a  distinguished  professor  of 
Latin  of  Harvard  College,  Clement  L. 
Smith,  then  president  of  the  American 
Philological  Society,  presented  with  cogent 
reasoning  the  cause  of  the  three-year  rather 
than  the  four-year  term  for  the  college 
course.  The  conditions  which  that  writer 
described  at  the  turn  of  the  century  are  the 
same  which  have  directed  my  own  thought 
to  the  same  conclusion. 

Improvement  in  secondary  schooling  now 
brings  students  to  college  advanced  at  least 
a  year  further  in  most  subjects  than  they 
were  some  years  ago.  But  more  import- 
ant still  is  the  impingement  of  technical  and 
special  demands  upon  the  end  of  the  course. 
Many  more  young  women  now  have  need 
of  further  training  after  the  undergraduate 
course  to  prepare  themselves  for  the  jobs 
or  professions  they  will  enter.  And  they  do 
enter  jobs  and  professions. 

One  of  the  trends  in  the  social  and  eco- 
nomic position  of  women  already  notice- 
able before  the  war  but  likely  to  be  speeded 
up  and  spread  to  include  a  wider  number  of 
young  women,  is  in  the  direction  of  occu- 
pation in  addition  to  the  generally  accept- 
ed or  desired  one  of  wife  and  mother.  This 
is  on  the  docket  of  the  future  for  most  of 
the  young  women  entered  in  bur  colleges. 

With  a  better  preparation  at  the  base  and 
more  demand  for  futher  study  and  prepara- 
tion at  the  top,  it  seems  to  me  that  we 


would  do  well  in  any  plan  ot  reconversion 
to  reserve  the  three  years,  but  three  years 
somewhat  lengthened  in  term,  for  the  gen- 
eral liberal  arts  course  instead  ot  the  long 
established  four-year  course. 

This  matter  of  the  three-year  liberal  arts 
course  is  not  a  revolutionary  idea  as  any- 
one will  know  who  is  acquainted  with  the 
English  system  in  which  the  three-year  res- 
idence is  the  commonest  term  used  at  both 
Oxford  and  Cambridge  for  the  A.  B.  course. 
Professor  Smith  of  Harvard,  in  the  article 
to  which  I  have  referred,  explained  that  the 
four-year  plan  instead  of  the  three-year  de- 
veloped in  America  in  the  early  days  on  ac- 
count of  the  inadequate  secondary  instruc- 
tion of  the  students  who  went  to  Harvard. 
The  fourth  year,  then,  was  actually  a  sub- 
first  year,  not  a  period  added  at  the  com- 
pletion of  three  years  of  study  at  college. 

The  Question  of  Maturity 

The  chief  objection  which  is  raised  to  the 
three-year  plan  in  any  process  of  reconver- 
sion is  that  real  education  from  the  liberal 
arts  course  would  be  seriously  curtailed  be- 
cause students  are  "too  immature."  Too  im- 
mature for  what?  The  end  of  the  college 
course  should  mark  no  serious  break  in  the 
course  of  life  which  should  pass  on  from 
one  stage  to  another  in  a  continuing  process. 
Insofar  as  education  is  real,  there  is  no  sharp 
break  except  in  physical  habitat  and  asso- 
ciations. In  the  stream  of  total  experi- 
ence there  is  no  more  break  than  there  is  in 
the  course  of  a  river  which  flows  along 
through  changing  scenes,  rounding  bends 
from  time  to  time,  but  flowing  on  from 
source  to  sea. 

Maturity,  social  and  intellectual,  after  all 
is  a  relative  stage  of  development  and  pro- 
ceeds rapidly  or  slowly  according  to  the 
demands  made  upon  the  young  person, 
(liven  a  highly  protected  existence  in  which 
the  young  person  is  called  upon  to  assume 
practically  no  responsibilities  for  personal 
life,  economic  or  social,  and  intellectual  ma- 
turity will  be  slow,  but  more  opportunity 
and  more  responsibility  to  face  one's  own 
problems  speed  up  the  maturing  process. 

In  my  own  experience  as  dean,  I  have 
seen  young  people  "grow  up"  more  than  a 
year  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  because 
of  some  very  genuine  experience  they  have 
had  to  meet.  This  observation  is  another 
reason  why  I  think  that  the  stage  of  de- 
velopment in  mental  and  emotional  growth 
with  which  a  young  person  faces  life  can 
be  developed  in  three  years  instead  of  four 
if  the  society  in  which  they  are  to  live  de- 
mands responsibility  and  participation  in 
life  instead  of  affording  protection  and 
the  prolongation  of  infancy. 

People  are  as  mature  as  society  demands 
that  they  be.  In  the  Renaissance  world 
young  people  were  grown  up  at  twelve  or 
thirteen.  In  our  workaday  America,  there 
are  several  million  young  woman  of  col- 
lege age  who  are  fully  responsible  for  their 
own  support  and  in  many  instances  are 
helping  to  support  a  family.  It  is  only  in 
the  highly  protected  social  groups  that  im- 
maturity and  irresponsibility  can  be  encour- 
aged through  the  twenty-first  or  twenty- 
second  year,  or  even  later.  I  am  aware  that 
many  young  people — and  older  ones,  too — 


do  not  want  to  grow  up.  But,  alter  all, 
Peter  Pans  are  not  very  attractive  in  real 
life,  and  certainly  not  useful.  Their  place 
is  on  the  stage,  played  by  Maude  Adams. 

But  I  do  not  think  this  matter  of  maturity 
is  the  crux  of  the  matter.  In  weighing  the 
advantages  of  the  three-year  or  four-year 
college  course  it  does  not  seem  to  me  that 
the  exact  quantity  and  quality  of  educa- 
tion are  measurable  by  three  years'  attain- 
ment or  by  four  years'  attainment. 

Rather,  the  problem  should  be -stated,  in 
a  different  way:  by  attempting  to  evaluate 
the  development  achieved  by  a  young  per- 
son from  three  years  of  a  liberal  arts  course 
and  one  year  of  additional  training,  study, 
experience  in  living,  or  whatever  it  be,  and 
the  development  of  that  same  young  per- 
son from  four  years  in  college,  as  at  pres- 
ent. It  is  my  surmise  that  the  first  arrange- 
ment would  be  greatly  to  the  advantage; of 
the  student,  equipping  him  far  better  for 
whatever  may  be  his  job  in  life.  It  would 
only  be  the  very  few  who  are  unduly  slow 
in  their  rate  of  development  who  could  not 
profit  by  a  reconverted  college  course,  such 
as  I  have  described,  in  a  three-year  span  of 


time. 


The  Impact  of  War 


After  the  first  World  War,  the  colleges 
did  little  or  nothing  to  try  to  take  stock 
of  their  experiences  or  to  plan  purposefully 
for  the  future.  In  the  1920's  and  1930's, 
college  education  for  both  men  and  women 
became  extremely  popular  and  the  colleges 
in  themselves  acquired  social  prestige  in  ad- 
dition to  whatever  intellectual  prestige  they 
long  may  have  had.  In  most  of  the  col- 
leges for  women  there  were  far  more  stu- 
ents  from  urban  and  metropolitan  areas  and 
far  more  than  formerly  of  the  socially  priv- 
ileged and  economically  affluent  groups 
who  had  previously  scorned  the  colleges.  In 
one  sense  this  was  all  to  the  good  as  a 
social  manifestation,  for  it  was  a  great  ad- 
vantage to  the  communities  over  the  coun- 
try to  have  women  of  social  leadership 
who  were  well  trained  and  well  equipped 
intellectually  to  contribute  from  their  train- 
ed minds  to  the  needs  of  their  commun- 
ities. But  it  was  not  an  unmixed  benefit. 

Now  with  the  advantage  of  hindsight,  it 
seems  as  if  the  colleges  should  have  been 
able  to  protect  themselves  (and  their 
students)  from  the  debit  which  accrued 
from  this  sudden  rise  in  prestige.  Stand- 
ards of  living  and  expenses  of  education 
rose  rapidly  for  other  needs  than  those  dis- 
tinctly intellectual  and  educational.  This 
was  the  era  when  the  colleges  assumed  all 
too  much  of  the  country  club  atmosphere. 
Between  1920  and  1930  at  Vassar,  for  in- 
stance, the  annual  charges  for  room, 
tuition  and  board  increased  from  $800  to 
$1200.  This  increase  of  50  percent  was  a 
common  phenomenon  among  the  colleges  in 
the  postwar  decade. 

Before  the  colleges  were  aware  of  what 
was  happening,  their  standards  of  living, 
their  modes  of  education,  and  their  intel- 
lectual aims  were  being  subjected  to  pres 
sure  from  those  who  too  often  stated  theii 
purpose  in  college  by  the  oft  heard  expres 
sion,  "Study  is  not  everything,"  meaning 
(Continued  on  page  380) 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


3«7 


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Press  Association,  Inc. 
Jobless  because  of  army  plane  cutbacks,  hundreds  of  Buffalo  workers  file  their  claims  for  unemployment  insurance  beneius 

Ten  Years  of  Social  Security 

A  close-up  of  its  philosophy  and  practice  in  spanning  hard  times  and  war  times. 
The  postwar  part  the  program  can  play  in  underpinning  the  American  way  of  life. 


NOW     WHEN     WE     ARE     ROUNDING     OUT     THE 

first  decade  of  the  social  security  program 
in  the  United  States,  it  is  a  good  time  to  re- 
examine  some  fundamental  assumptions 
made  in  setting  out  on  that  course  since  the 
bill  became  law  with  President  Roosevelt's 
signature  on  August  14,  1935.  And  to  do 
this  in  the  light  not  only  of  the  road  we 
have  come,  but  of  the  road  we  still  have  to 
travel. 

Clearly,  social  security  substitutes  hopes 
for  fears.  There  are  those  among  us  who 
trust  neither  human  nature  nor  democratic 
government;  and  who  ten  years  ago  be- 
lieved that  to  cut  down  fear  of  losing  a 
job  as  a  motive  force  among  men,  would 
lead  to  a  nation  of  loafers.  There  are 
those  of  us  who  do  trust  both  human 
nature  and  democracy  and  hence  believed  . 
that  it  is  hope,  not  fear,  that  leads  to  high 
endeavor. 

Now,  as  then,  what  you  and  I  and  Amer- 
icans generally  assume  about  man  and  his 
world  tends  to  set  our  approach  to  social 
security — an  approach  which  a  decade  of 
experience  should  modify  if  we  take  it  to 
heart. 

In  formulating  any  philosophy  of  social 
security  for  ourselves,  we  must  pet  our, 
bearings  by  starting  not  ten  but  500,000 
years  ago.  I  mean  this  seriously,  because 
such  a  philosophy  harks  back  to  those  age- 
old  assumptions  which  have  come  down  to 
us  concerning  the  nature  of  man.  Next, 
it  depends  on  the  relatively  modern  views 


ARTHUR  J.  ALTMEYER 

we  hold,  one  way  or  another,  about  the 
nature  of  human  society  and  the  nature  of 
government. 

If  we  get  that  far  and  our  heads  are 
still  above  water,  we  shall  have  to  clarify 
our  thinking  on  the  economic  order  in 
which  we  believe  human  beings  can  be 
happiest;  the  forces  we  count  on  to  make 
it  tick,  how  they  affect  one  another,  how 
and  whether  social  security  fits  into  the 
pattern.  And  finally,  for  practical  pur- 
poses, we  have  to  decide  what  fiscal  pol- 
icies are  likely  to  make  ends  meet. 

Let  us  begin  by  briefly  taking  these 
bearings  together. 

Some  Basic  Perspectives 

On  the  nature  of  man,  we  have  a  choice 
of  several  theories.  I  pin  my  faith  to  man's 
infinite  perfectibility — the  only  theory 
which  to  my  mind  has  kept  us  sane  in  a 
world  at  war.  Even  with  the  devastating 
and  terrible  things  men  have  done  to  each 
other  in  the  1940's  the  vast  majority  have 
not  sunk  to  the  lowest  levels  set  down  in 
recorded  history.  Rather,  the  outcome  has 
hung  on  matching  courage  and  force  with 
high  hopes  and  human  feeling.  Certainly 
the  GI  is  a  very  different  person  from  the 
warrior  of  ancient  times.  Insofar  as  we 
can  piece  together  the  story  written  first 
in  fossil  remains,  then  on  tablets  of  clay 
and  finally  on  paper,  mankind  has  prog- 
ressed. 

On  the  nature  of  human  society,  we  have 


to  make  up  our  minds  whether  the  impulse 
to  cooperate  is  stronger  than  the  urge  to 
combat.  Here  I  choose  the  affirmative, 
despite  two  world  wars  since  the  turn  of 
the  century.  The  United  Nations  have  dem- 
onstrated that  their  ability  to  cooperate  is 
strong  enough  not  only  to  survive  but  to 
unite  against  future  aggression  while  the 
fight  is  still  on. 

On  the  nature  of  government,  our  view 
here  in  the  United  States  was  projected  by- 
Rousseau,  Jefferson,  Paine  and  others,  when 
the  prevailing  theory  was  still  the  divine 
right  of  kings.  These -insurgents  of  175 
years  ago  said  in  essence:  "No,  each  man 
has  within  him  the  capacity  of  infinite  per- 
fectibility, and  government  has  developed 
out  of  a  social  compact  entered  into  volun- 
tarily by  ordinary  people  who  join  togethei 
for  a  common  purpose." 

Their  thesis  was  that  government  exists 
for  the  governed  and  can  endure  only  so 
long  as  it  serves  individuals  reasonably  well: 
that  to  survive,  a  democratic  society  must 
rely  on  hope  and  incentive,  rather  than  fear 
and  compulsion,  to  influence  the  conduct 
and  aspirations  of  its  citizens.  In  this  per- 
spective, social  security  has  a  place  beside 
the  civil  liberties  which  safeguard  our  free- 
dom. 

On  the  nature  of  our  economic  order,  my 
assumption  is  that  in  this  country  we  believe 
in  a  competitive  economy  with  differential 
rewards.  But  that  is  not  to  say  that  we 
want  one  in  which  some  people  get  more 


368 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


simply  because  other  people  get  less.  Over 
a  century  ago,  Saint-Simon  laid  down  the 
dictum:  From  each  according  to  his  ability 
and  to  each  according  to  his  need.  A  society 
successfully  built  on  that  foundation  would 
be  a  rather  fine  one  in  which  to  live.  Nor 
does  a  competitive  economy  necessarily 
have  to  reject  Saint-Simon. 

Progressive  taxation,  which  takes  from 
each  according  to  his  ability  to  pay,  is  fully 
accepted  as  equitable  in  the  USA.  Social 
security  itself  can  and,  in  this  country,  does 
pay  benefits  in  differing  amounts  to  take 
account  of  differences  in  lost  earnings.  Yet 
at  the  same  time  it  recognizes  the  actual 
or  presumptive  needs  of  beneficiaries. 

If  we  can  agree  on  the  kind  of  economic 
order  we  want,  we  still  have  the  difficult 
job  of  reckoning  with  the  forces  on  which 
its  success  depends.  From  their  output  of 
goods  and  services  must  come  a  people's 
standard  of  living.  Thus  we  must  consider 
the  nation's  productivity  in  deciding  what 
social  security  benefits  will  be  paid  and 
under  what  conditions.  Consider,  also,  in  a 
competitive  society  their  effect  on  wage 
rates,  on  mobility  of  workers,  on  the  busi- 
ness cycle  and  full  employment. 

Fiscal  Bearings 

Then  very  practically,  because  benefits 
cost  money,  we  must  consider  how  to  fi- 
nance social  security  within  the  whole 
framework  of  modern  government.  Here 
several  basic  questions  arise. 

Is  it  a  definite  goal  of  a  social  security 
system  to  redistribute  income?  If  so,  is 
this  to  be  done  vertically  or  horizontally,  or 
both?  When  this  term  is  used,  most  people 
think  of  the  vertical  process — as  between 
large  and  small  incomes — through  which 
common  public  services  are  sustained  by  a 
graduated  income  tax.  But  there  also  can 
be  horizontal  redistribution  among  people 
at  the  same  general  economic  level.  For 
example,  among  workers  who  are  earning 
and  those  who  are  not  because  they  lack 
jobs  or  are  disabled  or  old.  Social  secur- 
ity thus  has  an  obvious  bearing  on  the 
question  of  how  far,  and  in  what  direction, 
and  for  what  justification,  sharing  wealth 
shall  be  carried  on  in  a  modern  democ- 
racy. 

Next,  to  what  extent  should  contributions 
called  for  by  social  security  take  the  form 
of  incentive  taxation  and  be  employed  for 
purposes  other  than  to  obtain  funds  nec- 
essary to  meet  the  cost  of  benefits?  For 
example,  employers  generally  are  now  very 
strongly  in  favor  of  "experience  rating" 
under  state  unemployment  insurance  laws. 
They  maintain  that  if  an  employer's  pay- 
roll contributions  are  lowered  when  he  has 
a  record  of  steady  employment,  it  will  be  to 
his- interest  to  continue  that  record. 

Some  employers  would  say  that  the  main 
purpose  of  unemployment  insurance  is  not 
to  pay  benefits  to  people  who  are  invol- 
untarily unemployed,  but  thus  to  stabilize 
employment.  Regular  and  dependable 
wages  are  of  course  better  than  out-of-work 
benefits. 

Others  recognize  that  major  factors  which 
cause  unemployment  are  outside  the  con- 
trol of  employers  individually  or  as  a  group. 


They  hold  that  one  basic  purpose  of  an  in- 
surance program  in  the  interests  of  the 
community  as  a  whole  is  to  spread  the  bur- 
den between  inherently  good  "employment 
risks"  (such  as  the  public  utilities)  and  in- 
dustries that  are  subject  to  seasonal  and 
other  swings  in  employment  (such  as  build- 
ing construction). 

Whatever  our  views,  we  should,  of 
course,  be  sure  that  any  incentive  taxation 
can  and  does  actually  provide  an  effective 
spur  to  employment.  Even  more  import- 
ant, we  must  be  sure  that  no  secondary 
considerations  defeat  the  primary  purpose 
of  giving  workers  everywhere  adequate  pro- 


Federal    Security   Agency 
ARTHUR  J.  ALTMEYER 

— The  chairman  of  the  Social  Security 
Board  since  1937;  a  member  since  its 
inception  in  1935,  his  reappointment 
for  a  third  six-year  term  was  confirmed 
in  July  by  the  U.  S.  Senate. 

He  holds  four  degrees  from  the  Uni- 
versity, of  Wisconsin.  A  native  of  that 
state,  he  served  as  chief  statistician  and 
then  secretary  of  the  Wisconsin  Indus- 
trial Commision  throughout  the  '20's. 
He  was  second  assistant  secretary  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor  when  in 
1934  he  was  made  chairman  of  'an  inter- 
departmental Technical  Board.  This 
worked  with  President  Roosevelt's  Com- 
mittee on  Economic  Security,  directing 
the  studies  preparatory  to  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  Social  Security  Act. 

At  the  national  capital,  he  has  served 
also  as  a  member  of  the  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  National  Youth  Adminis- 
tration (1935),  of  the  War  Manpower 
Commission  (since  1942),  and  in  both 
decades  on  interdepartmental  commit- 
tees and  advisory  councils  to  coordinate 
health,  welfare,  and  kindred  activities. 

Chairman  Altmeyer's  leadership  has 
by  no  means  been  confined  to  the  USA. 
He  is  just  back  from  presiding  at  a  meet- 
ing in  Mexico  City  of  the  permanent 
committee  of  the  Inter-American  Con- 
ference on  Social  Security.  He  had  been 
chairman  in  turn  of  U.  S.  delegations 
to  this  conference  at  Santiago  de  Chile 
in  1942;  and  an  earlier  regional  confer- 
ence of  the  ILO  in  Havana  in  1939. 


tection.  We  must  make  sure,  for  example, 
that  competition  between  the  states  to  re- 
duce contributions  for  their  employers  does 
not  result  in  such  low  rates  that  the 
amount  of  benefits  is  inadequate  and  their 
duration  cut  short  when  hard  times  come. 
We  must  consider  also  how  such  benefits 
fit  into  what  is  usually  called  "compensa- 
tory spending" — how  they  help  maintain 
household  consumption  through  various 
phases  of  the  business  cycle  and  hence  pro- 
mote a  steady  stream  of  purchasing  power 
on  which  workers  and  business  alike,  and 
the  nation  as  a  whole,  must  depend. 

Basic  Objectives 

All  these  fundamental  questions  must 
be  borne  in  mind  when,  we  are  asked 
what  we  are  aiming  at  through  social  se- 
curity. My  answer  would  be,  we  are  aim- 
ing at  a  mimimum  level  of  well-being  for 
the  people  of  this  nation.  Because  we  live 
in  a  money  economy,  that  means  the  min- 
imum of  income  and  services  essential  to 
decent  human  existence. 

What  is  sufficient  for  that  decent  level 
varies  from  person  to  person,  from  com- 
munity to  community,  from  nation  to  na- 
tion. It  varies  with  the  relationship  of  pop- 
ulation to  national  resources,  with  the  abil- 
ity of  a  nation  to  maintain  a  sufficient  out- 
put of  goods  and  services.  If  the  United 
States  were  an  overpopulated  country  with 
meager  resources,  our  idea  of  a  decent  level 
of  human  existence  would  be  very  different 
from  what  it  is  today. 

As  a  corollary — or  as  a  modification  of 
this  fundamental  concept  of  a  minimum  of 
income  and  services  for  all — social  security 
involves  the  principle  that  persons  similar- 
ly situated  shall  be  treated  alike.  In  pub- 
lic assistance,  this  means  that  people  with 
equal  needs  shall  receive  equal  assistance; 
that  needy  children  in  a  particular  family 
should  receive  neither  more  nor  less  than 
those  in  any  other  family  or  any  other  com- 
munity or  state — whose  needs  are  the  same. 

This  principle  also  encompasses  the  idea 
that  people  with  the  same  wage  history,  the 
same  wage  loss,  and  the  same  record  of 
contributions  shall  receive  the  same  amount 
of  social  insurance  benefits.  To  illustrate: 
Under  the  federal  old  age  and  survivor  in- 
surance system,  an  old  mill  worker  who  has 
worked  for  thirty  years  at  from  $20  to  $30 
a  week  in  Rhode  Island  gets  exactly  the 
same  benefit  when  he  retires  as  any  other 
wage  earner  who  has  worked  as  long,  at 
like  wages,  in  any  other  covered  job  any- 
where in  the  country — whether  in  a  fac- 
tory or  store  or  office  or  mine;  whether  in 
North  or  South,  East  or  West. 

Under  the  federal-state  unemployment 
compensation  systems,  on  the  other  hand, 
an  unemployed  worker  in  one  state,  where 
benefit  standards  are  high,  may  be  eligible 
for  two  or  three  times  as  much  in  the  ag- 
gregate if  he  remains  unemployed,  as  a 
worker  with  exactly  the  same  record  of 
past  employment  and  past  earnings  who 
happens  to  live  in  a  state  where  benefit 
standards  are  low. 

However,  the  principle  of  maintaining  a 
minimum  level  of  well-being  need  not  ex- 
clude differentials  above  that  minimum, 
which  take  into  account  differences  both 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


369 


Federal   Security  Agency  photos 
A  worker  in  covered  employment  inquires  about  his  old  age  insurance  account 


in  wage  loss  and  in  social  insurance  con- 
tributions on  behalf  of  the  persons  entitled 
to  benefit.  The  argument  can  be  made 
that  wage  earners  who  have  been  able  to 
achieve  higher  earnings  build  up  greater 
obligations  and  that  their  wants  are  en- 
hanced. Thus,  both  payroll  deductions  and 
old  age  insurance  benefits  of  the  $20-a- 
week  worker  are  lower  than  those  of  one 
who  has  averaged  twice  that,  and  still  low- 
er than  those  of  the  worker  who  has  cus- 
tomarily brought  home  $50  a  week  in  his 
pay  envelope. 

But  because  this  is  social  insurance,  there 
is  a  minimum  benefit  below  which  no  in- 
sured worker  can  fall.  Also  a  maximum 
benefit,  based  on  |3,000  a  year  in  covered 
employment,  the  highest  income  (or  por- 
tion of  an  income)  from  which  payroll 
deductions  are  made. 

Rights  to  Social  Security 

We  say  that  social  insurance  benefits 
are  paid  as  a  matter  of  right.  What  does 
this  mean?  We  are  really  talking  about 
rights  enforceable  through  due  process  of 
law.  But  while  these  rights  presume  defi- 
nite procedures  to  qualify  for  benefits,  the 
benefits  themselves  may  be  conditioned  on 
many  things. 

The  federal  Social  Security  Act  provides 
two  kinds  of  programs — public  assistance 
and  social  insurance.  In  the  one,  rights  are 
conditioned  on  need;  in  the  other,  on  wage 
loss.  Yet  they  are  of  the  same  kind,  al- 
though people  sometimes  hold  that  those 
arising  out  of  contributions  paid  by  a  per- 
son, or  on  his  behalf,  are  the  more  valid. 
I  do  not  believe  that  such  a  distinction  can 
be  made.  We  do  not  say  that  the  right  of. 
parents  to  send  a  youngster  to  public  school 
depends  on  whether  or  not  they  pay  di- 
rect taxes. 

But  contributions  do  affect  the  attitudes 
of  beneficiaries,  of  legislators  and  the  public, 
generally.  In  our  kind  of  economic  so- 
ciety, the  belief  prevails  that  people  should 


not  only  get  what  they  earn  but  pay  for 
what  they  get.  It  follows  that  the  closer  the 
connection  between  premiums  and  benefits, 
the  more  clearly  are  social  security  rights 
recognized.  This  explains  the  stigma  often 
attached  to  the  receipt  of  public  assist- 
ance. Often  the  applicant  himself  feels  that 
somehow  or  other  he  has  failed  to  make  the 
grade. 

Given  our  competitive  system,  I  don't 
know  how  we  can  avoid  this  dilemma. 
However,  there  is  growing  realization  that 
an  individual's  need  is  usually  due  not  to 
his  own  inadequacy,  but  to  his  economic 
and  social  environment,  to  bad  luck  or  other 
fortuitous  circumstances. 

To  me,  it  seems  impossible  to  draw  hard 
and  fast  lines  between  social  insurance  and 
public  assistance.  When  people  say  that 
social  insurance  is  something  you  get  be- 
cause you  have  paid  for  it,  they  forget 
that  no  social  insurance  program  provides 
precisely  what  you  have  paid  for.  Social  in- 
surance benefits  are  weighted  in  favor  of 
the  low  wage  earner,  in  favor  of  the  short- 
time,  intermittent  wage  earner,  in  favor  of 
persons  with  dependents. 

Moreover,  it  is  universally  true  that  the 
structure  of  any  social  insurance  system 
must  be  erected  on  the  base  of  presumptive 
social  needs  rather  than  of  exact  private 
equities.  The  system  cannot  ignore  individ- 
ual equity  but  the  primary  consideration  is 
social  adequacy. 

Human  Equations 

People  say,  also,  that  social  insurance  is 
governed  by  objective  provisions;  that  it 
does  not  require  "snooping  around  and  pry- 
ing into"  personal  matters  such  as  come  up 
in  administering  public  assistance.  Such  a 
distinction,  too,  is  not  valid. 

Take  questions  necessary  in  determining 
dependents'  benefits  under  old  age  and  sur- 
vivors insurance:  whether  the  wage  earner's 
wife  or  children  are  living  with  him; 
whether  or  not  aged  parents  were  wholly 


'or 

I 

se 
id 

IW 

ey 

E 

i 


dependent  on   a  deceased   worker.     Surely 
these  are  personal  questions. 

Or  take  questions  that  must  be  asked 
under  an  unemployment  compensation  act 
to  make  sure  that  claimants  for  benefits 
are  genuinely  unemployed  and  had  good 
cause  to  quit  their  last  job;  whether  or  not 
they  refuse  to  accept  suitable  work; 
whether  they  are  available  for  work. 

By  way  of  more  detailed  illustration,  take 
those  last  two  questions  which  come  up  ir 
infinite  variety  when  workers  claim  unem- 
ployment benefits.  Here  is  Mrs.  Jones,  who 
when  cutbacks  come,  loses  her  job  on 
day  shift  in  a  big  plant  in  Detroit.  She  has 
three  children,  and  protests  she  cannot  gel 
anyone  to  stay  with  them  at  night, 
she  says  she  cannot  take  a  third-shift  job 
offered  in  another  plant.  That  calls  for 
night  work  which,  as  she  sees  it,  isn't  "suit- 
able" under  the  circumstances,  but  she 
"available"  during  the  hours  she  has  al- 
ways worked. 

Someone  in  the  local  office  must  appraise 
both  Mrs.  Jones'  household  situation  and 
her  work  history.  Perhaps  she  is  a  widow 
and  has  long  supported  her  children;  they 
depend  wholly  on  her  earnings.  Should  she 
be  ruled  "unavailable"  for  work  because  she 
feels  she  can't  take  the  night  job?  Or 
should  she  get,  for  at  least  a  time,  the  bene 
fits  to  which  her  past  wage  record  would 
entitle  her;  and  thus  have  a  chance  to  look 
for  day  work  which  will  permit  her  both  to 
earn  and  to  fulfill  her  responsibilities? 

Or  perhaps  day  work  is  available  but  only 
as  a  scrubwoman,  making  no  use  of  the 
mother's  skills.  She  says  the  job  would  be 
too  hard  for  her  physically,  and  points  to 
its  meager  wage.  Against  this  she  weighs 
the  money  value  of  the  laundry,  sewing, 
careful  marketing  and  other  services  she 
could  perform  for  her  family.  All  in  all, 
if  unemployment  benefits  can't  be  paid  her, 
she  concludes  she  would  do  better  to  devote 
herself  to  her  home  and  apply  for  aid  to  her 
dependent  children. 

Does  Mrs.  Jones  refuse  "suitable  work" 
if  she  turns  down  the  scrubwoman's  job? 

Such  factors  as  these  and  many  others 
must  be  sifted  and  evaluated  by  an  unem- 
ployment compensation  agency  in  deter- 
mining whether  or  not  an  insured  worker 
is  able  to  work,  available  for  work,  has  not 
refused  suitable  work-  Surely  these,  too,  are 
personal  questions! 

With  the  demobilization  of  our  armed 
forces  and  the  dismantling  of  war  produc- 
tion, such  questions  are  bound  to  multiply. 
Great  changes  will  come  over  the  labor  mar- 
ket. Available  postwar  jobs  will  be  very 
different  from  wartime  jobs.  Questions  will 
come  up  of  reconverting  machine  oper- 
ators into  ditch  diggers  and  dishwashers. 
Further,  should  trained  personnel  be  asked 
to  make  violent  vocational  shifts?  Is- it 
reasonable  to  expect  claimants,  in  view  of 
home  ownership  or  other  personal  con- 
siderations, to  pull  up  stakes  and  move 
their  families  from  one  industrial  area  to 
another? 

Insurance  and  Assistance 

In  the  years  of  transition  immediately 
ahead,  both  social  insurance  and  public  as-, 
sistance  are  bound  to  confront  not  only  such 


370 


SURVEY    GRAPHIC 


difficult  judgments  on  personal  situations 
but  mass  strains  on  their  resources  and 
flexibility. 

It  is  good,  therefore,  to  report  that  public 
assistance  is  moving  toward  greater  sim- 
plicity, objectivity  and  adequacy  than  in  the 
past.  Benefits  are  no  longer  paid  in  kind, 
such  as  grocery  orders  and  bushels  of  coal, 
but  in  cash.  The  recipient  therefore  has 
money,  as  other  people  do,  to  spend  as  he 
thinks  best.  If  an  applicant  disagrees  with 
the  action  taken  in  his  case,  he  has  a  right 
to  a  hearing.  The  Social  Security  Act  re- 
quires that  the  personal  information  he 
gives  the  public  assistance  agency  be  held 
confidential.  Many  states  are  abolishing 
what  is  known  as  "relatives'  responsibil- 
ity", that  is,  an  old  legal  requirement  that 
aid  cannot  be  given  to  a  needy  person  who 
has  relatives  considered  able  to  help  him, 
even  though  in  fact  they  fail  to  do  so. 

Such  developments  are  rubbing  out  some 
of  the  old  distinctions  between  public  assist- 
ance and  social  insurance  so  far  as  kinds  of 
benefits  and  administrative  procedures  go. 
What  are  the  children's  allowances  that 
Canada  has  just  begun  to  pay  to  all  fam- 
ilies with  children — out  of  general  revenues 
and  without  a  showing  of  need?  Are  they 
public  assistance  or  social  insurance  or 
something  else? 

I  am  not  arguing  that  we  should  abolish 
public  assistance  and  turn  everything  into 
social  insurance;  much  less  that  we  should 
abolish  social  insurance  and  turn  everything 
into  public  assistance.  We  should  go  on 
adapting  these  programs  to  achieve  the  com- 
mon objective  of  social  security — a  mini- 
mum level  of  well-being.  If  we  do  that, 
their  future  will  take  care  of  itself.  The 
program  which  proves  more  effective,  more 
in  harmony  with  the  conscience  of  the 
[icople,  will  become  dominant. 

In  the  meantime — in  peace  years  as  in 
war  years — it  is  vitally  important  to  proceed 
on  the  assumption  that  social  insurance 
should  be  our  first  line  of  domestic  defense 
against  want  and  fear.  Its  practical  and 
hopeful  values  are  time-tested  and  world- 
tested.  Social  insurance  has  the  unique 
advantage  that  it  automatically  relates  ben- 
efits to  loss  of  earnings,  automatically  pro- 
tects benefit  rights,  automatically  provides 
the  funds  to  pay  benefits  and  automatically 
controls  costs. 

Public  assistance  is  our  essential  second 
line  of  defense  against  misery  and  defeat 
among '  people  who  lack  social  insurance 
protection — or  whose  needs  transcend  the 
benefits  that  an  insurance  system  provides. 

Shortcomings:  1945 
How  far  we  have  achieved  social  security 
in  ten  years  can  be  tested  only  by  examin- 
ing the  outcome  in  terms  of  the  number 
of  people  who  fall  below  the  minimum 
level  of  well-being.  In  this  country,  no 
set  amount  of  income  can  represent  that 
minimum  as  yardstick.  Any  hope  of  ever 
arriving  at  a  single  fixed  standard  in  money 
or  in  commodities  is  an  administrative 
mirage.  Only  by  actual  acquaintance  with 
family  circumstances  can  we  determine  just 
how  effective  our  social  security  program 
is  or  is  not.  Therefore,  in  old  age  and  sur- 
vivors insurance  we  have  interviewed  the 


benehcianes  to  hnd  out  just  what  other 
income  they  have  and  whether  any  have 
had  to  ask  for  aid  from  friends  or  relatives 
or  public  welfare  departments.  These  in- 
terviews show  that  while  the  majority  of 
them  have  savings  or  other  resources  in  ad- 
dition to  their  benefits,  most  are  being 
pinched  by  the  rising  costs  of  living.  This 
is  particularly  true  of  those  with  the  small- 
est benefits,  who  are  least  likely  to  have 
other  resources.  About  one  beneficiary  in 
ten  has  had  to  ask  for  public  aid  to  piece 
out  his  insurance  benefits. 

Some  general  tests  of  adequacy  can  also 
be  applied: 

1.  Does  the  number  of  people  insured 
under  the  various  programs  include  all  who 
should  be  protected? 

At  present  it  does  not.  Our  most  com- 
prehensive program,  the  federal  system  of 
old  age  and  survivors  insurance,  covers  only 
about  threfe  fifths  of  the  jobs  in  the  country. 
The  federal-state  unemployment  compensa- 
tion program  covers  even  less. 

2.  Taking  account  of  wage  levels  and 
other  factors,  are  we  satisfied  that  the  bene- 
fit amounts  provided  under  the  two  exist- 
ing forms  of  social  insurance  are  adequate? 

I  would  say,  emphatically  No.  Neither 
in  old  age  or  unemployment  insurance. 

In  unemployment  insurance,  about  half  of 
all  the  unemployed  workers  who  drew  ben- 
efits in  the  rather  good  year  1941  used  up 
all  their  benefit  rights  before  they  again  had 
jobs.  Since  that  time,  and  particularly  in 
their  1945  legislative  sessions,  the  majority 
of  the  states  have  increased  benefit  dura- 
tion and  raised  maximum  benefit  amounts 
in  recognition  of  higher  levels  of  earnings 
and  costs  of  living.  Only  one,  however — 
the  state  of  Washington — has  achieved  in 
both  respects  two  standards  recently  pro- 


posed by  President  Truman  as  necessary  to 
close  a  gap  in  our  reconversion  program: 

As  much  as  26  weeks  of  benefits  for  a 
qualified  worker  who  suffers  that  much 
unemployment  in  a  year; 

A  maximum  of  at  least  $25  a  week,  in- 
cluding dependents'  allowances,  if  any,  for 
workers  whose  past  earnings  entitle  them 
to  the  maximum  amount.  In  all  states,  of 
course,  individual  benefit  amounts  would 
still  be  geared  to  the  individual  worker's 
past  earnings. 

3.  What  are  the  great  gaps  in  our  pres- 
ent social  insurance  program. 

They  are  the  twin  lack  of  protection 
against  wage  loss  resulting  from  physical 
disability  and  against  the  cost  of  medical 
care.  The  two .  together  constitute  the 
Number  1  cause  of  human  need  in  the 
United  States  except  in  a  period  of  deep  de- 
pression like  the  early  Thirties — such  as  we 
expect  never  again  to  tolerate. 

In  public  assistance  it  is  so  clear, that  we 
are  not  meeting  vast  human  needs  that  there 
can  be  no  argument.  Among  the  states  the 
average  assistance  payment  to  a  needy  old 
person  runs  from  $1 1  to  $47  a  month.  Pub- 
lic assistance  is  given  to  help  make  up  the 
deficiency  between  anything  a  needy  per- 
son himself  has  and  what  he  requires  for 
subsistence.^  One  might  therefore  guess  that 
the  $11  average  occurs  in  rich  states  where 
people  have  accumulated  more  of  their  own 
and  therefore  have  less  need  for  assistance 
to  supplement  what  they  themselves  can 
fall  back  on  or  what  their  relatives  can 
provide.  But,  generally,  the  poorer  the 
state  and  the  greater  the  presumptive  need 
among  its  people,  the  lower  is  the  aver- 
age amount  of  public  assistance. 

The  probability  is  that  at  least  one  third 
(Continued  on  page  383) 


Many  fatherless  homes,  like  this  one,  are  safeguarded  by  Aid  to  Dependent  Children 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


371 


Better  Health  for  Country  Folks 

Local  differences  color  two  interesting  experiments  in  getting  "doctoring"  to 
those  who  most  need  it — the  medically  forgotten  people  of  farm  and  village. 

/;  In  a  Georgia  Cotton  County 


I     WATCHED    A    STREAM     OF    NORTH    GEORGIA 

farmers  walk  into  an  office  on  Main  Street 
in  Monroe,  county  seat  of  Walton  County, 
dig  into  their  wallets  and  put  down  money 
to  buy  what  none  of  them  ever  had  had 
before — assurance  of  medical  care  for  them- 
selves and  their  families.  Medical  care 
means  services  of  doctor,  dentist,  hospital, 
and  druggist.  The  cost,  on  a  prepaid  basis, 
is  $50  a  year  for  a  family;  and  that  goes 
whether  the  family  consists  of  one  or  twelve 
or  more  members,  whether  services  come  to 
$20  or  $200. 

This  medical  care  is  made  possible 
through  a  health  association  in  which  mem- 
bers pool  their  funds  much  after  the  fashion 
that  country  folk  used  to  pool  their  labor 
for  "corn  huskin's"  and  "house  raisin's." 

Walton  County  in  the  North  Georgia 
Piedmont  is  a  land  of  red  hills  %nd  cotton. 
They  raise  good  cotton,  more  to  the  acre 
than  any  other  county  in  the  state.  And  they 
raise  good  people.  Five  governors  have 
called  the  county  home.  The  stately  homes 
of  two  of  them  face  each  other  across  a 
wide,  tree-shaded  street  in  Monroe. 

Two  Kinds  of  Erosion 

Good  progress  has  been  made  in  the 
county  against  the  washing  of  the  red  Pied- 
mont earth  and  the  gullying  caused  by  soil 
erosion,  but  against  the  gullying  of  the 
good  human  stock,  that  other  kind  of 
erosion,  progress  is  only  beginning. 

In  1942  babies  died  in  Walton  County 
at  the  rate  of  68.3  per  1,000  live  births, 
against  a  rate  of  49.3  for  the  state  of 
Georgia  and  40.4  for  the  United  States  as 
a  whole.  The  same  year  mothers  died  in 
childbirth  in  Walton  County  at  the  rate  of 
8.8  per  1,000  live  births,  4.1  for  the  state, 
and  2.6  for  the  country  as  a  whole. 

The  discrepancy  between  raising  good 
cotton  and  losing  good  babies,  Walton 
County  people  believe,  is  due  in  consider- 
able part  to  the  dearth  of  health  service 
and  medical  care  available  to  rural  families. 
They  know,  too,  that  this  matter  of  medical 
care  will  face  them  more  and  more  as  men 
come  back  from  fighting.  To  produce  the 
food  this  country  must  raise,  farm  regions 
must  cease  to  be  medically  bankrupt. 

That's  the  reason  for  this  guinea  pig  ex- 
periment in  which  doctors,  dentists,  drug- 
gists, local  farm  people,  and  agricultural 
agencies  are  cooperating.  It  has  a  twofold 
purpose:  to  meet  the  current  medical  needs 
of  the  members  of  the  association;  and  to 
find  the  answers  to  important  questions 
looking  toward  the  future. 

They  are  trying  to  find  out,  for  instance, 
how  much  medical  care  a  group  of  a 
thousand  families  must  have;  how  nearly 
fifty  dollars  a  family  will  provide  for  it; 

372 


KATHERINE  GLOVER 

how  to  develop  a  satisfactory  basis  of  co- 
operation with  physicians  and  other  pro- 
fessional groups. 

The  Georgia  county  experiment  is  now 
in  its  third  year.  It  grew  out  of  the  request 
of  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture  to  State  and 
County  Land  Use  Planning  Committees  for 
recommendations  of  measures  to  help  farm- 
ers stand  up  under  their  load — during  and 
after  the  war.  Health  care  for  farm  fam- 
ilies was  one  of  the  measures  most  fre- 
quently suggested.  So  the  Interbureau  Com- 
mittee on  Postwar  Programs  of  the  Depart- ' 
ment  of  Agriculture  decided  upon  a  few 
scattered  experiments,  and  grants  were 
made  from  funds  of  the  Farm  Security  Ad- 
ministration to  enable  low  income  farm 
families  to  participate.  Programs  were  set 
up  in  Nevada  County,  Arkansas;  in  New- 
ton County,  Mississippi;  in  Cass  and 
Wheeler  Counties,  Texas;  in  Hamilton 
County,  Nebraska;  and  in  Walton  County, 
Georgia. 

Walton  was  chosen  not  only  because  it  is 
a  typical  Piedmont  county,  but  also  be- 
cause its  people  have  shown  themselves 
hospitable  to  new  ideas.  The  county  might 
be  one  of  a  hundred  to  a  thousand  others 
scattered  over  the  country.  Fifty  miles  away 
in  one  direction  lies  Atlanta  with  its  Coca- 
Cola  and  other  industrial  wealth,  which  has 
given  it  fine  hospitals  and  doctors.  In 
another  direction,  twenty-five  miles  away, 
is  Athens  with  the  resources  of  the  state 
university.  Yet  "po"  health"  has  bored  into 
the  farm  population  worse  than  boll  weevil 
once  did  into  cotton. 

In  spite  of  the  county's  yield  of  cotton, 
average  annual  cash  incomes  after  farm 
operating  costs  are  deducted  fall  below  $200. 
Individually,  the  2,286  farm  families  have 
slim  chances  of  getting  the  medical  care 
they  need.  As  an  organized  group  their 
chances  are  a  thousand  times  better — the 
Walton  County  Agricultural  Health  Asso- 
ciation is  predicated  on  a  membership  of  a 
thousand  families.  Memberships  on  the 
basis  of  $50  a  family  create  a  fund  of 
$50,000.  It  gives  them  a  combined  strength 
which  eliminates  the  hazards  of  medical 

— Whenever  Katherine  Glover,  who  was 
born  in  the  South,  goes  home  for  a  visit, 
she  finds  something  new  astir  to  report 
to  readers  of  Survey  Graphic.  A  year  ago 
she  gave  a  vivid  account  of  Muscle 
Shoals  at  war.  Now  it  is  a  county  strug- 
gling with  one  of  the  grave  problems  on 
America's  postwar  doorstep. 

Miss  Glover  is  chief  information 
officer,  Community  War  Services,  in  the 
Federal  Security  Agency. 


care  for  members  of  the  association.  It  takes 
away  the  hazards  for  doctors,  dentists,  drug- 
gists, who  might  or  might  not  get  paid. 

How  the  Plan  Operates 

During  the  first  year  the  association  had 
a  membership  of  881  families.  Not  all  could 
afford  to  pay  $50.  Fees,  consequently,  were 
based  on  6  percent  of  the  previous  year's 
net  cash  income,  with  $6  set  as  the  mini- 
mum fee.  Where  family  income  would  not 
permit  the  full  $50,  the  deficit  was  made 
up  from  the  FSA  grant.  Minimum  fees  in 
die  second  and  third  year  were  raised  to 
$15.  Any  farm  family  is  eligible  to  join— 
die  association  is  not  solely  for  low  income 
families.  There  has  been  some  reduction  in 
the  number  of  members  with  the  increased 
fee,  but  the  members  who  have  continued 
are  more  than  ever  firm  in  their  enthusiasm. 
An  incident  that  came  to  my  attention 
shows  how  the  financial  end  works.  An 
eight-year-old  boy  in  one  of  the  farm  fam- 
ilies belonging  to  the  association  had  an 
accident,  of  a  kind  not  uncommon  on  farms. 
While  helping  haul  home  a  load  of  logs  he 
had  fallen  off  the  wagon  and  been  TUB 
over.  One  leg  was  seriously  fractured. 

He  was  rushed  to  the  newly  opened 
county  hospital.  The  leg  was  X-rayed,  the 
bones  put  in  place  with  metal  plates  and  the 
leg  set  in  a  cast.  The  boy  spent  five  days  in 
the  hospital  and  the  treatment,  including 
X-rays,  surgery,  anesthetic,  and  hospital  care 
totaled  slightly  more  than  $55. 

The  boy's  family  had  paid  $25  into  the 
health  association.  This  single  accident  had 
run  up  costs  more  than  twice  what  the 
family  paid  and  in  the  end  may  amount  to 
double  the  full  $50  fee.  But  out  of  a  thou- 
sand members  some  may  use  the  medical 
service  not  at  all  during  the  year,  others 
only  a  minor  amount.  The  law  of  averages 
evens  up  <he  account. 

The  prompt  and  complete  care  the  farm 
boy  received,  in  contrast  to  the  inadequate 
treatment  or  neglect  only  too  frequent  in 
such  cases  in  rural  areas,  is  a  side  of  the 
story  not  to  be  estimated  in  money. 

The  advantage  of  this  Walton  County 
experiment  is  that  it  has  the  home-grown 
flavor  of  North  Georgia  sorghum.  More- 
over, it  is  as  good  for  the  doctors  as  it  is 
for  the  farmers.  Some  people  on  the  out- 
side might  label  it  with  the  goblin  term, 
"socialized  medicine,"  but  to  those  who  are 
participating,  it  seems  just  plain  horse  sense. 
No  strange  doctors  have  been  imported  into 
the  county  and  paid  a  salary.  The  familiar 
family  doctor  goes  his  rounds  the  same  as 
ever,  only  he  has  fewer  lOU's  hanging  on 
his  peg.  His  fees  are  paid  by  the  associa- 
tion instead  of  directly  by  the  patient. 
These  farm  families  know  that  when 

SURVEY    GRAPHIC 


someone  is  sick  they  can  call  the  doctor 
and  be  sure  he  will  come,  or  if  there  is  a 
toothache  it  is  taken  care  of  without  dread 
of  the  dentist's  bill. 

All  the  doctors  but  one  in  the  county  are 
cooperating  members  of  the  health  asso- 
ciation. The  Georgia  State  Medical  Asso- 
ciation gave  the  plan  its  blessing  at  the 
outset  and  then  members  of  the  county 
medical  society  assured  active  participation. 

The  association  is  incorporated  and  is  an 
out  and  out  local  organization.  A  board  of 
directors  is  elected  from  the  farmer  mem- 
bers and  a  paid  manager  and  assistant  are 
in  charge  of  the  business  details.  When  the 
fees  are  collected,  the  total  sum  is  appor- 
tioned to  the  different  services  and  each 
allotment  divided  into  twelve  monthly  por- 
tions. 

Doctors',  dentists',  druggists',  and  hos- 
pital bills  are  rendered  monthly  and  paid 
monthly,  according  to  the  amount  of  money 
in  the  allotted  funds.  Some  months  bills 
exceed  the  sum  available,  for  instance  dur- 
ing the  winter  when  flu  cases  run  high.  In 
other  months,  as  in  the  summer  when  sick- 
ness usually  drops,  there  may  be  a  surplus 
of  funds  or  at  least  enough  for  full  pay- 
ment. The  score  is  evened  in  this  way. 
When  the  funds  are  insufficient,  each  mem- 
ber doctor,  dentist,  druggist  takes  his  pro- 
portionate share  on  a  percentage  basis. 

For  the  1942-43  fiscal  year,  the  total  bill 
for  physicians,  surgeons,  specialists,  hos- 
pitals, dentists,  and  druggists  amounted  to 
$45,710.75  and  the  amount  paid  was  $36,- 
256.21,  or  an  over-all  of  more  than  79 
percent.  Physicians  were  paid  at  the  rate 
of  73  percent  plus,  considerably  more  than 
the  rate  at  which  doctors'  bills  in  this  sec- 
tion were  usually  paid.  Surgeons  and  spe- 
cialists were  paid  at  the  rate  of  61  percent; 
hospital  bills,  as  approved,  were  paid  in 
full;  dentists  at  the  rate  of  98  percent  plus. 

As  the  Members  See  It 

The  day  I  looked  in  on  the  association, 
one  old  Negro  woman,  a  sharecropper  on  a 
cotton  farm,  who  lives  alone,  dug  into  a 
pocket  of  her  worn  coat  and  laid  down 
fifteen  dollars  in  soiled  bills  and  change.  As 
she  stored  away  her  membership  card  in  the 
same  pocket  there  was  a  look  of  pride  in 
her  rheumy  old  eyes.  "Praise  God,"  she 
said,  "I  didn't  need  it  last  year  and  God 
willin'  maybe  I  won't  this  year,  but  I'm 
joinin'  jes'  the  same.  It's  a  sight  er  com- 
fort to  know  I  kin  git  doctorin'  if  I  needs 
it." 

They  were  having  a  meeting  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  association  in  Monroe  that  day. 
One  stocky,  apple-cheeked  farmer  in  his 
town  clothes  and  black  store  hat  was  sorely 
troubled  because  he  had  a  sick  wife  at  home 
and  feared  he  ought  not  to  stay  away  long 
enough  to  attend  the  meeting.  "We  sure 
don't  want  this  thing  to  go  dead,"  were  his 
parting  words  to  the  manager. 

From  what  I  could  see  there  was  little 
chance  of  the  association  going  dead.  They 
have  started  something  that  appears  to  be 
striking  strong,  sure  roots  in  the  local  soil. 
Nobody  claims  they  have  yet  found  all  the 
answers  to  an  admittedly  complex  problem, 
but  the  early  results  of  the  experiment  are 
encouraging. 


There  are  three  doctors  in  Monroe  and 
four  in  other  sections  of  the  county  cooper- 
ating with  the  health  association.  With 
two  younger  physicians  in  the  armed  forces, 
the  local  practitioners  average  well  over 
sixty  years  of  age.  They  have  a  heavy  job. 
One  of  the  country  doctors,  who  is  un- 
tempered  in  his  enthusiasm  for  the  health 
association  plan,  admits  to  a  patient  load  of 
6,000.  A  doctor  from  another  section  of 
the  country  was  attracted  to  the  county 
because  of  the  health  experiment. 

The  yearly  membership  fee  of  the  health 
association  covers  practically  all  possible 
medical  contingencies  for  the  farmer  and 
his  family:  doctors'  services;  hospitalization 
(up  to  fourteen  days);  services  of  surgeon 
or  specialist;  limited  dental  care;  and  most 
of  the  drugs  prescribed.  The  County  Public 
Health  Department,  working  closely  with 
the  association,  provides  nursing  services 
and  immunization  against  typhoid,  diph- 
theria, smallpox,  and  rabies. 

Membership  in  the  association  gives  a 
family,  as  the  old  Negro  sharecropper  said, 
a  sense  of  comfort  and  security.  In  the  old 
days  before  a  tenant  could  get  medical  care 
or  hospitalization  his  landlord  frequently 
had  to  stand  sponsor  for  his  credit.  Now 
his  membership"  card  is  all  the  guarantee 
needed.  Landlords  are  urging  tenants  to 
join  the  association  both  for  their  own  good 
and  because  they  become  better  farmers. 

As  the  Doctors  See  It 

With  the  beginning  of  the  second  year 
of  the  association,  the  doctors,  with  the 
cooperating  dentists,  druggists,  and  hos- 
pital officials,  jointly  issued  a  letter  to  the 
farm  families  of  the  county,  in  which  they 
acknowledged  the  success  of  the  program, 
endorsed  it,  and  expressed  their  willingness 
to  continue  their  help. 

One  of  the  doctors,  asked  to  comment, 
said  unreservedly:  "This  is  the  finest  thing 
that  has  ever  come  to  Walton  County,  al- 
though there  are,  of  course,  some  problems 


and  difficulties  that  have  to  be  ironed  out 
as  we  go  along."  He  went  on:  "Society  is 
undergoing  a  convulsion,  a  revolution,  and 
medical  care  is  part  of  that  revolution.  We 
realize  that  something  different  has  to  be 
done.  Democracy  of  health  opportunity  it 
part  of  the  genuine  democracy  we  are 
pledged  to  achieve." 

Another  doctor  whose  whole  practice  is 
rural  pointed  out  that  the  benefits  of  the 
association  reach  far  beyond  the  immediate 
returns  to  the  farm  families.  "It  will  mean 
much  better  health  standards  generally  and 
will  reflect  in  a  higher  economic  level  for 
the  county." 

A  frank,  alert  dentist  in  Monroe  summed 
up  his  opinion:  "As  a  taxpayer  I  think  it's 
terrible.  As  a  dentist  I  don't  like  it — it's 
too  close  to  socialized  medicine.  But  for  the 
children,  it's  one  of  the  finest  things  that 
ever  happened."  And  he  added:  "I  get  a 
real  thrill  when  a  farmer  comes  into  my 
office  and  brings  his  children  for  preventive 
care.  That's  going  to  mean  a  lot  as  the 
years  go  by." 

On  his  reservation  as  a  taxpayer,  I 
queried  him  whether,  without  some  such 
provision  for  medical  care,  similar  or  great- 
er tax  costs  may  not  have  to  be  paid  out 
of  another  tax  pocket — more  people  to  be 
maintained  in  institutions,  for  instance.  And 
I  asked  if  poor  health,  by  pulling  down 
the  whole  productive  and  economic  level, 
does  not  add  to  the  general  tax  burden. 

The  dentist,  fair-minded  as  well  as  frank, 
admitted  this  might  well  be  so. 

I  went  into  the  leading  general  store  in 
Monroe  on  a  Saturday  afternoon  and 
watched  the  brisk  trade  pouring  in — mainly 
the  farm  folk  come  to  buy  shirts  and  shoes 
and  yard  goods.  The  proprietor  of  the 
store  is  chairman  of  the  county  hospital 
and  one  of  the  staunchest  supporters  of  the 
health  program.  He  commented  that  peo- 
ple in  the  county  are  getting  hospital  care 
who  have  never  had  it  before  and  that  the 
doctors  and  dentists  are  better  off. 


A  periodic  check-up  is  given  members  of  the  Walton  County  Health  Association 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


373 


As  he  left  to  wait  on  a  customer  his  part- 
ing words  were:  "Come  back  in  a  few 
years  and  you'll  see  a  big  difference  in  the 
people.  They  are  already  the  best  farmers 
in  the  country,  one  day  they'll  be  the 
healthiest." 

Hopeful  Accomplishments 

Several  hopeful  developments  already 
have  resulted  from  die  stimulus  of  the 
healdi  association.  Two  nurses  and  a  nurse- 
midwife  have  been  added  to  the  staff  of 
the  excellent  County  Health  Department. 
Through  well-conducted  prenatal  clinics, 
a  frontal  attack  is  being  made  on  infant 
and  maternal  casualties. 

There  is  a  new  thirty-six  bed  hospital, 
modern  and  well  equipped,  housed  in  two 
buildings  of  an  industrial  school  no  longer 
in  use.  A  building  formerly  used  for  a 
National  Youth  Administration  project  was 
moved  up  to  serve  as  a  ward  for  Negro 
patients — the  first  time  they  have  had  hos- 
pital facilities  in  the  county. 

Much  already  has  been  accomplished. 
Many  chronic  and  long  neglected  ills  have 
been  smoked  out  of  hiding  to  receive  atten- 
tion. Men  and  women  of  fifty  have  been 
to  a  dentist  for  the  first  time.  But  far- 
sighted  people  in  the  county  look  forward 
to  a  time  when  emphasis  will  shift  from 
cure  to  prevention.  They  hope,  too,  that 


in  time  the  association  may  achieve  a  com- 
pletely self-supporting  basis — a  hope  that 
may  not  be  realized,  however,  until  general 
economic  standards  are  raised. 

Facts  have  shown  that  rural  people  can- 
not compete  with  city  dwellers  for  the 
services  of  good  doctors  and  medical  fa- 
cilities. Even  with  money  in  their  pockets, 
farmers  are  faced  with  such  difficulties  as 
the  unequal  distribution  of  doctors  and  the 
unwillingness  of  younger  medical  men  to 
settle  in  rural  areas.  The  country  doctor 
practices  in  a  medical  desert,  cut  off  from 
his  fellows,  from  clinics  and  laboratories, 
and  all  the  advantages  of  city  life. 

To  bring  medical  care  for  rural  people 
up  to  anything  like  that  enjoyed  by  people 
in  cities,  many  more  rural  hospitals  are 
needed,  more  health  centers,  and  increased 
public  health  measures.  Some  of  the  same 
mobility  effective  under  conditions  of  war 
needs  to  be  brought  into  play:  traveling 
medical  and  dental  clinics,  child  health  and 
immunization  clinics  to  penetrate  to  the 
remotest  RFD  routes.  With  the  postwar  ex- 
pansion of  opportunity  for  professional 
training,  medical  scholarships  should  be 
offered  to  boys  born  on  farms  to  induce 
them  to  enter  the  field  of.  medicine,  and 
fellowships  made  available  to  rural  doctors 
for  refresher  courses. 

Neglect  of  the  health  of  our  rural  popu- 


lation will  weaken  the  nation  at  its  most 
vital  spot,  for  the  farm  areas  are  our  popu- 
lation nurseries.  Not  only  does  half  our 
population  live  in  rural  areas  but  farm 
population  is  increasing  at  the  rate  of  36 
percent,  rural  nonfarm  population  at  the 
rate  of  16  percent,  while  urban  population 
(discounting  migration  into  cities)  is  de- 
clining at  the  rate  of  24  percent.  Since  cities 
draw  their  new  blood  from  the  rural  areas, 
it  is  important  to  the  whole  nation  that  we 
have  a  healthy  rural  population. 

Draft  examinations  have  shown  up  some 
accusing  figures.  In  a  recent  study  made  by 
selective  service,  based  on  42,273  white  and 
Negro  registrants  representing  nine  occupa- 
tional groups,  the  highest  number  of  re- 
jections was  among  farmers. 

The  problem  of  parity  of  medical  care 
and  health  facilities  for  the  rural  population, 
tying  into  the  whole  question  of  medical 
care  for  low  income  families  and  over-all 
extension  of  social  security,  will  be  upon 
our  postwar  doorstep.  More  progressive 
members  of  the  medical  profession  know 
that  changes  are  bound  to  come.  Nor  will 
the  horse-and-buggy  dieory  of  benevolence 
fit  the  social  streamlining  of  this  latter  day. 
For  that  reason,  the  momentum  of  this 
experiment  in  Georgia  and  the  gains 
achieved  are  significant  far  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  a  Piedmont  county. 


//.  In  the  Mountains  of  New  Mexico 


FOR  YEARS  WE  HAVE  TENDED  TO  THINK  OF 

Taos  village,  New  Mexico,  as  a  picturesque 
place,  especially  alluring  to  tourists.  Taos 
County,  a  sort  of  top-of-the-world  region 
averaging  7,500  feet  up  in  the  air,  is  full  of 
magnificent  mountain  scenery.  Its  in- 
habitants, Spanish-Americans,  with  a  scat- 
tering of  Anglo-Americans  and  Pueblo 
Indians,  add  an  extra  touch  of  color.  That 
most  of  them  were  poverty-stricken  and 
unhealthy,  tourists  somehow  overlooked. 

The  people  are  rural  in  occupation  and 
in  habits.  They  are  preponderantly  com- 
munal— almost  all  of  them  reside  in  com- 
munities rather  than  on"  individual  farms, 
and  it  long  has  been  their  custom  to  hold 
grazing  lands  in  common.  But  their  agri- 
culture and  livestock-raising  incline  to  pro- 
duce bare  subsistence  only.  Submarginal 
farmers  exist  in  large  proportion,  deriving 
their  main  cash  income  from  work  as 
migratory  or  ranch  labor. 

Enter  their  simple  adobe  homes,  look 
over  their  modest  holdings,  and  the  facts 
are  apparent.  Many  of  the  homes  are 
scrupulously  clean,  but  there  is  little  or 
nothing  in  them  that  we  would  associate 
with  a  normal  standard  .of  living.  Many  arc- 
not  even  clean,  and  diseases  of  filth  and 
malnutrition  abound.  There  is  a  general 
lack  of  sanitary  water  supply,  flytight  priv- 
ies, and  home  screening. 

Until  recently,  69  percent  of  the  people 
have  died  without  the  attention  of  a 
physician.  More  than  one  baby  in  ten  died 
before  the  end  of  its  first  year;  and  one 
third  of  the  children  never  reached  the  age 
of  eighteen.  Isolation,  language,  culture,  and 


T.   SWANN   HARDING 

poverty  have  long  cut  them  off  trom  ade- 
quate medical  care. 

But  since  June  1('42  the  Taos  County 
Cooperative  Health  Association  has  been 
changing  things.  Created  by  the  people  and 
doctors  of  the  county,  it  was  a  natural 
outgrowth  of  the  small,  FSA-sponsored 
trustee  plan  of  medical  and  -dental  care  for 
FSA  borrowers  started  in  April  1940,  with 
some  earlier  aid  by  the  extension  division 
of  the  University  of  New  Mexico. 

Three  Clinics  and  Their  Staff 

FSA  and  the  Interbureau  Committee  on 
Postwar  Programs  of  the  Department  of 
Agriculture  are  running  five  county  experi- 
ments in  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  Texas, 
Nebraska  and,  as  Miss  Glover  relates  in  the 
preceding  article,  in  Georgia.  The  Taos 
County  experiment  is  somewhat  different. 
It  has  been  built  up  around  three  equipped 
clinics,  or  medical  centers,  well  located 
geographically  in  Taos  village,  in  Questa  in 

— Although  T.  Swann  Harding  is  editor 
of  USD  A,  published  for  employes  of  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  and  an  in- 
formation specialist  of  the  department, 
his  account  of  the  Taos  experiment  is 
rooted  in  personal  devotion  to  the  cause 
of'  better  medical  care. 

In  addition  to  articles  on  a  wide 
variety  of  subjects,  Mr.  Harding  has 
published  six  books,  among  them  "Fads, 
Frauds  and  Physicians,"  (1930). 


the  north,  and  in  Penasco  in  the  south,  with 
subclinics,  open  one  day  weekly,  in  Costilla 
and  in  Dixon.  These  clinics,  along  with 
the  station  wagons  also  used  as  ambulances, 
enable  the  association  pretty  well  to  cover 
this  mountain  county.  Certain  Santa  Fe  and 
Albuquerque  specialists  serve  as  needed. 

Another  unique  feature  of  the  plan  is  that 
the  entire  medical,  dental,  and  nursing  staff 
is  salaried.  The  medical  director  receives 
$5,200  a  year,  certainly  above  average  for 
rural  practitioners.  Another  doctor  is  en- 
gaged part  time  at  $3,000  a  year,  and  there 
are  two  Mexican  internes,  graduates  of  the 
University  of  Mexico  medical  school,  who 
work  full  time  under  the  doctors. 

Though  one  local  physician  has  been 
opposed,  as  a  whole  the  medical  profession 
has  cooperated  well.  This  may  be  because 
the  Taos  Association  drew  in  few  if  any 
of  the  small  percentage  who  could  pay  for 
medical  care.  The  druggists  of  Taos  re- 
sented the  association  buying  and  dispensing 
too  many  drugs,  and  more  had  to  be  pre- 
scribed through  the  local  pharmacists. 

A  full  time  dentist,  aided  by  a  part  time 
referral  dentist,  does  such  emergency  work 
as  is  needed  on  teeth  which  are  affecting 
the  general  health  of  patients.  There  are 
four  capable  and  enthusiastic  nurses. 

Since  all  Taos  is  rural,  essentially  all  its 
inhabitants  are  eligible  to  join  the  associa- 
tion, provided  their  annual  incomes  do  not 
exceed  a  ceiling  which  was  first  $1,200  and 
is  now  about  $1,500.  These  are  very  high 
incomes  in  this  county,  where  two  thirds 
of  the  people  have  a  gross  annual  income 
of  $250  or  less.  The  service  provided  is 


374 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Collier   for    OWI 
Patients  wait  their  turn  for  the  modern  medical   care  now  available    to   them   through   the   Taos    County   Cooperative    Health   Association 


essentially  an  over-all  medical  coverage 
(with  a  very  few  limitations)  and  such 
dentistry  as  has  been  indicated. 

Rented  quarters  are  used  for  the  ad- 
ministrative office  and  the  clinic  in  Taos. 
A  building,  now  outgrown,  was  erected  for 
clinic  purposes  in  Penasco.  In  Questa,  a 
beautiful  dwelling  was  purchased  for  $3,000 
and  transformed  into  a  clinic  and  home 
for  the  resident  nurse. 

Contractual  arrangements  are  maintained 
with  the  Holy  Cross  Hospital  at  Taos  and 
the  Embudo  Presbyterian  Hospital  just  be- 
low the  southern  county  line.  Cooperative 
arrangements  have  been  worked  out  with 
the  Thomas  P.  Martin  Hospital  which  the 
Indian  Service  maintains  at  Taos  Pueblo; 
this  involves  the  use  of  some  beds  and 
interchange  of  personnel  as  needed. 

Doctors  do  not  visit  patients  save  in  grave 
emergencies,  but  the  nurses  are  always  at 
hand  to  serve  and  visit  them.  Though  the 
people  do  not  hold  back  from  taking  part 
in  the  plan  because  it  is  government- 
assisted,  their  reluctance  to  adopt  new 
methods  is  great  and  highly  persuasive  sales 
talks  must  be  given  all  the  time  to  retain 
old  members  and  get  new  ones. 

Today,  members  pay  comparatively  little 
of  the  total  cost  of  the  plan,  which  has 
a  budget  now  in  the  neighborhood  of 
$72,500  for  the  current  fiscal  year.  Of  this 
an  FSA  grant  covers  $50,000,  the  bulk  of 
which  must  be  used  for  medical  care,  a 
part  being  reserved  to  improve  the  rural 
sanitation  of  Taos  County.  It  is  very  un- 
likely that  the  people  could  pay  the  full  cost 
of  the  plan  for  many  years. 

The  association  can  draw  on  FSA  for 
consultant  and  medical  advisory  services. 
The  New  Mexico  State  Department  of 
Health  has  supplied  it  with  biologicals,  con- 


sultant services  in  nursing  and  preventive 
clinics,  and  has  aided  in  conducting  demon- 
stration clinics.  The  state  Department  of 
Public  Welfare  assists  in  referral  of  asso- 
ciation members  for  eye  service,  and  for 
admissions  to  hospitals  for  the  tubercular 
and  for  crippled  children.  Surgery  is  in- 
cluded in  the  coverage. 

The  U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  and  the 
Children's  Bureau  have  extended  consultant 
service  in  public  health  nursing.  The  Proc- 
tor Eye  Clinic  accepts  association  members 
for  eye  service,  and  the  Catholic  Church 
has  assisted  in  the  promotion  and  education 
of  association  membership.  The  staff  has 
been  so  fully  engaged  therapeutically  that 
it  has  not  had  time  to  do  a  real  job  of 
preventive  medicine  and  lay  medical  edu- 
cation. 

Accomplishments — and  Needs 

Ordinary  drugs  and  dressings  are  fur- 
nished to  patients  by  the  association,  though 
eyeglasses  and  other  medical  appliances  are 
not  included.  The  nurses  and  doctors  do  an 
excellent  job  of  bringing  the  newer  knowl- 
edge of  nutrition  to  the  attention  of  their 
clients  and  of  promoting  better  eating 
habits.  This  is  carried  out  by  personal  visits, 
through  the  schools,  the  garden,  poultry 
and  stock  programs,  and  by  increasing  the 
supplies  of  milk  and  vitamin  concentrates. 

The  medical  director  is  a  kindly  old  rural 
practitioner  who  has  known  the  people  for 
years.  His  approach  is  gentle  and  friendly. 
The  nurses  have,  to  a  woman,  come  to  the 
county  from  choice.  Though  they  could 
earn  much  more  elsewhere,  the  idealistic 
nature  of  this  experiment  appeals  to  them. 

Their  job  is  no  easy  one.  It  means  pound- 
ing many  miles  over  rough  mountain  roads, 
in  senile  cars  and  station  wagons  which 


frequently  break  down.  It  means  fighting 
blizzards,  carrying  extra  food,  clothing,  and 
even  fuel  wood  in  case  they  get  stuck.  It 
means  digging  into  snowdrifts  with  a 
shovel  and  learning  Spanish  by  a  basic 
vocabulary  system. 

In  families  from  which  a  frightened 
patient  went  to  the  hospital  for  the  first 
time,  leaving  relatives  in  tears,  resistance 
is  overcome.  Cured  patients  later  return 
voluntarily  to  the  hospitals  for  other  treat- 
ments, and  so  do  the  rest  of  the  family. 

One  looks  at  the  meager  equipment  in 
the  branch  clinics,  the  archaic  foot-power 
dental  drills  which  the  nurse  treadles  as  she 
helps  make  fillings,  the  overworked,  75: 
year-old  medical  director,  the  broken-down 
automobiles,  and  the  indefatigable  nurses, 
and  wonders  why  even  more  subsidy  should 
not  be  poured  into  this  experiment. 

In  a  sense  the  Taos  County  Cooperative 
Health  Association  is  tending  to  drain  the 
county's  medical  personnel  and  equipment 
away  from  those  who  can  pay  much  to 
those  who  can  pay  little.  But  that  is  only 
because  the  county  never  was  equipped  or 
staffed  to  care  properly  for  all  its  inhabi- 
tants. Though  well  supplied  with  hospitals, 
it  needs  more  doctors,  more  nurses,  and 
better  medical  equipment.  The  association 
has  shown  that,  far  from  deteriorating  the 
quality  of  medical  service,  regular  salaries 
seem  to  spur  medical,  dental,  and  nursing- 
staffs  on  to  greater  industry  and  more  com- 
passionate service.  It  is  showing  how  over- 
all medical  care  can  be  supplied  to  an  entire 
rural  county  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand 
people  economically  and  effectively.  The 
subsidy  is  an  investment  in  social  research. 

Taos  remains  picturesque,  but  it  is  also 
becoming  modern  in  the  best  sense  of  that 
much  abused  word. 


SEPTEMBER     1945 


375 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


Harvard's  Sixteen  Courses 


HARRY  HANSEN 


THE  TWO  DECADES  BETWEEN  THE  GREAT  WARS 

have  been  notable  for  the  skirmishes  and 
battles  over  education.  Sometimes  innova- 
tions have  come  so  unexpectedly  that  they 
have  provoked  astonishment  and  resent- 
ment. At  other  times  arguments  have 
moved  back  and  forth  over  familiar  ground 
without  appreciable  progress  either  way. 

But  among  teachers  of  all  camps  there  has 
been  growing  uneasiness  over  the  results  of 
educational  methods,  and  the  question  has 
been  asked  whether  the  colleges  were  turn- 
ing out  as  good  American  citizens  as  they 
were  training  American  engineers.  Especi- 
ally concerned  were  the  conservatives,  who 
still  held  on  to  the  vestiges  of  a  classical 
curriculum  against  the  growing  encroach- 
ments of  vocational  specialization,  and  their 
concern  became  greater  as  they  saw  the 
schools  of  European  nations  turned  into 
agencies  of  political  indoctrination  by  mi- 
nority parties  that  seized  power  by  ruth- 
less means. 

Robert  Maynard  Hutchins  came  out  so 
boldly  for  two  changes  that  he  shocked 
many  who  were  sympathetic;  he  demanded 
that  the  burden  of  elementary  teaching 
should  be  borne  by  the  secondary  school 
and  the  college  should  be  freed  for  more 
advanced  work  in  shorter  time;  he  also 
asked  an  extension  of  cultural  courses  so 
that  no  specialist  could  get  a  degree  with- 
out them.  His  specific  proposals  were  so 
drastic  that  his  policy  was  called  a  return 
to  monasticism. 

When  compared  with  Harvard,  Mr. 
Hutchins  was  radical  and  Harvard  was  con- 
servative, yet  at  long  last  Harvard  has 
recognized  many  of  the  conditions  that 
troubled  Hutchins. 

It  has  pondered  and  condemned  the 
effects  of  concentration  on  one  subject  and 
specialization;  the  irresponsibility  involved 
in  the  elective  system  that  Charles  W. 
Eliot  introduced  in  order  to  free  the  in- 
dividual student  from  traditional  fetters; 
it  has  studied  the  relation  of  the  secondary 
school  to  the  college;  it  has  investigated 
the  larger  subject  of  whether  students  ready 
to  enter  their  professions  were  also  ready 
to  enter  American  life  as  responsible  citi- 
zens. 

The  Search  for  a  Golden  Mean 

The  report  that  the  Harvard  Committee 
headed  by  Paul  H.  Buck  calls  "General 
Education  in  a  Free  Society"  (Harvard  Uni- 
versity Press;  $2),  tells  how  the  conclu- 
sion was  reached  that  the  university  must 
intensify  its  effort  not  only  to  make  men 
proficient  in  their  specialty  but  aware  of 
their  responsibilities  in  their  common  citi- 
zenship. 


The  report  is  both  a  concession  and  a 
compromise,  but  hardly  pioneering,  for 
some  of  its  aims  have  already  been  realized 
at  Columbia  and  elsewhere. 

The  committee  of  authors  tries  hard  to 
find  a  golden  mean  in  educational  methods. 
They  recognize  the  claims  of  tradition  and 
the  demands  of  modern  life  and  declare 
that  one  can  gain  from  the  other.  The 
long  history  of  man's  struggle  for  intellec- 
tual freedom  is  found  in  the  writings  of 
the  past,  but  the  living  ideas  in  them  must 
animate  the  present. 

The  nineteenth  century  saw  the  colleges 
break  from  religious  direction;  many  re- 
tain chapel  as  a  compulsory  matter,  but 
the  teaching  of  morals  went  out  with  dog- 
ma. Science  and  pragmatism  made  experi- 
ence and  precise  observation  basic  in 
reaching  conclusions. 

But  Harvard  believes  that  education  can- 
not be  devoted  wholly  to  tradition  or  to 
experiment,  "to  the  belief  that  the  ideal 
is  enough  in  itself  or  the  view  that  means 
are  valuable  apart  from  the  ideal."  It  con- 
siders pragmatism  as  characteristically 
American  and  believes  that  it  works  with 
religious  education  and  education  in  the 
great  books  toward  the  ideal  of  belief  in  the 
dignity  of  man  and  recognition  of  his  duty 
to  society.  "The  true  task  of  education 
is  therefore  so  to  reconcile  the  sense  of 
pattern  and  direction  deriving  from  heri- 
tage with  the  sense  of  experiment  and  in- 
novation deriving  from  science,  that  they 
may  exist  fruitfully  together.  .  .  ." 

The  Place  of  the  Social  Sciences 

The  Harvard  Committee  is  not  in  open 
opposition  to  the  theories  of  William  James 
and  John  Dewey.  It  accepts  them  as  part 
of  the  scientific  attitude,  and  as  suited  to 
the  experimental  character  of  American  so- 
ciety. But  it  believes  them  insufficient  for 
the  fully  educated  man,  for  there  are  mat- 
ters not  susceptible  of  scientific  proof  that 
have  great  value — for  instance,  "the  pre- 
supposition that  democracy  is  meaningful 
and  right."  In  the  same  manner  Harvard 
adopts  from  the  humanists  the  belief  in  the 
dignity  of  man,  without  the  limitations  of 
humanism,  "which  are  those  of  pride  and 
arise  from  making  man  the  measure  of  all 
things." 

Harvard  cannot  reject  modern  methods 
and  aims;  likewise  it  cannot  accept  educa- 
tion without  direction.  The  aim  is  still  the 
same  that  it  was  when  the  church  dom- 
inated and  taught  love  of  God  and  love 
of  one's  neighbor,  today  carried  over  into 
the  dignity  of  the  free  man  and  his  duty 
to  his  fellows. 

Harvard  wants  to  compromise  the  issues 


between  traditionalism  and  modernism 
stressing  their  areas  of  agreement  rather 
than  difference.  The  observer  who  ha* 
watched  the  battle  might  say  that  this  it 
necessary  if  any  tradition  is  to  survive,  for 
the  action  goes  increasingly  in  favor  of  the 
moderns.  It  is  necessary  to  point  out  where 
tradition  can  serve  die  modern  man  to  make 
him  a  just  and  reasoning  human  being. 

This  is  where  Harvard's  acceptance  of 
the  social  sciences  as  a  cultural  agent  comes 
in.  The  only  thing  that  has  kept  the  so- 
cial sciences  from  being  recognized  as  hav- 
ing moral  ends  is  their  complete  divorce 
from  dogma.  Yet  the  study  of  human  re- 
lationships means  an  effort  to  find  what  is 
best  in  them  and  what,  therefore,  offers 
the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number 


tee 
m- 


The  Harvard  Program 

It  seems  to  take  the  Harvard  Committ 
a  long  time  to  get  down  to  specific  reco: 
mendations  for  teaching  the  basic  ideas  of 
culture,  civilization,  and  the  democratic 
life,  but  that  is  because  it  is  making  the 
situation  clear  to  many  besides  the  presi- 
dent of  the  university  to  whom  the  report 
is  "respectfully  submitted."  To  outline 
an  "intellectual  experience  common  to  all 
Harvard  students,"  that  will  not  only  be  re- 
quired but  desired,  is  not  an  easy  task. 
Harvard  does  not  intend  to  risk  being  ac- 
cused of  indoctrination. 

It  is  proposed  that  of  the  sixteen  coursei 
required  for  the  bachelor's  degree,  six  shall 
deal  with  general  education.    One  is  to  be 
in  the  humanities,  one  in  the  social  scien 
and  one  in  the  sciences,  including  math 
matics.     Three  further  courses  in  gener; 
education  are  to  be  introduced. 

Under    the    humanities    the    Committee 
proposes  the  study  of  "Great  Texts  of  Li 
erature,"    a    concession    to   the    pioneerin 
that  John  Erskine  did  at  Columbia,  whic 
in   its   extreme   form,    has   led   to  the   i: 
tensive  study  of  great  books  at  Chicago  an 
St.  John's.     The  Committee  does  not  i 
tend  to  say  how  the  books  shall  be  reai 
or  taught,  for  "there  is  no  one  best  wa' 
of  introducing  people  to  Homer,  or  Pla 
or  Dante.     Freedom  for  the  instructor 
essential." 

Harvard   suggests   that  the   great   bool 
may  be  chosen  from  a  list  possibly  inclu 
ing  Homer,  one  or  two  Greek   tragedi 
Plato,    the    Bible,    Virgil,    Dante,    Shak 
peare,  Milton  and  Tolstoy,  and  I  pay  hu 
ble  tribute  to  the  memory  of  Richard  Gree: 
Moulton  of  the  University  of  Chicago  wh 
course  in  "world  bibles,"  as  he  called  the 
embraced  both  the  texts  and  the  aims 
the  present  suggestion  before  Erskine,  A 
ler  or  Hutchins. 


(All  boo\s  ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be.  postpaid) 

376 


government,  through  a  variety  of  public 
bodies  topped  by  a  central  planning  agency. 

This  planning  should  formulate  major 
economic  and  social  goals,  develop  methods, 
and  constantly  inventory  how  well  these 
methods  are  working.  A  "compensatory 
economy,"  with  the  government  correcting 
maladjustments  and  arbitrating  group  con- 
flicts, would  strengthen  American  de- 
mocracy and  preserve  the  best  values  of 
private  enterprise.  We  need  not  go  so  far 
as  the  more  severely  "guided  economy"  of 
Great  Britain,  much  less  the  "state  social- 
ism" of  the  USSR. 

Theories  are  necessary.  They,  form  the 
traditions,  principles,  and  rationalizations 
on  which  we  act.  While  shortsighted  men 


The  Committee  is  not  sure  just  how  much 
literature,  philosophy,  and  the  fine  arts  is 
to  be  included  in  the  course,  but  when  it 
describes  the  social  sciences  it  is  interested 
in  making  the  student  aware  of  the  prog- 
ress of  social  responsibility  and  the  mean- 
ing to  him  of  democracy  in  America.  Har- 
vard wants  the  student  to  know  the  nature 
of  his  heritage  as  a  free  man,  but  it  shrinks 
from  such  a  tide  as  "the  evolution  of  free 
society,"  because  it  "carries  with  it  impli- 
cations of  indoctrination." 

Harvard  would  not  tolerate  an  attempt 
"to  convince  students  of  the  eternal  perfec- 
tion of  existing  ideas  and  institutions."  But 
it  does  want  to  show  how  Western  culture 
has  evolved,  and  it  leans  on  some  of  the 
books  that  Chicago  and  St.  John's  have 
lumped  together  in  required  reading — in- 
cluding writings  by  Aquinas,  Machiavelli, 
Luther,  Bodin,  Locke,  Montesquieu,  Rous- 
seau, Adam  Smith,  Bentham,  and  Mill.  Ob- 
viously this  means  not  new  readings  but  a 
new  orientation,  for  some  of  these  authors 
have  long  been  studied  in  history  courses, 
others  in  political  economy. 

The  proposal  to  have  a  course  to  which 
the  title  American  Democracy  "might"  be 
given,  suggests  Harvard  will  have  a  hard 
struggle  to  avoid  indoctrination.  It  out- 
lines a  most  commenda,ble  course,  and  in 
suggesting  three  books  for  an  "approach" 
shows  how  thoroughly  aware  it  is  of  the 
need  of  making  American  democracy  work. 
For  although  Tocqueville  and  James 
Bryce  are  old  stagers,  Gunnar  Myrdal's 
"An  American  Dilemma"  has  an  immediacy 
for  young  Americans  that  cannot  be  sur- 
passed. 

When  I  had  finished  reading  "General 
Education  in  a  Free  Society"  I  felt  that 
I  had  heard  a  course  of  lectures  on  edu- 
cational history,  methods,  and  aims.  It  was 
a  "refresher"  for  me,  since  I  read  as  a  lay- 
man not  as  a  teacher.  As  a  layman,  I  have 
been  more  deeply  concerned  with  physical 
matters — overcrowding  in  school  rooms,  im- 
proper preparation  for  college,  emphasis  on 
degrees  rather  than  on  culture.  The  fa- 
cilities for  vocational  instruction  have 
seemed  to  me  to  be  compatible  with  the 
highest  interests  of  the  nation.  It  would 
be  a  calamity  indeed  if  culture  and  civilized 
thinkine  could  not  be  handed  down  by  the 
universities,  and  it  will  be  helpful  when 
their  influence  is  extended  to  specialists. 
But  the  vocations  and  the  specialized 
courses  we  must  have,  nevertheless.  It  is 
also  my  belief  that  the  specialist  cannot 
wholly  escape  some  cultural  influences. 
They  are  implicit  even  in  scientific  ideals. 

TIME  FOR  PLANNING,  by  Lewis  L.  Lorwin. 
Harper.  #3. 

THIS   COLLECTION   OF    SEVENTEEN   ESSAYS,   ALL 

written  since  1932,  is  unified  by  the  theme 
of  "a  social-economic  theory  and  program 
for  the  twentieth  century." 

As  to  theory,  the  author  believes  that  we 
should  aim  for  the  highest  standards  of  liv- 
ing for  all  that  modern  technology  can  pro- 
vide; that  a  pure  price  economy  falls  short 
because  of  self-interest  and  lack  of  coordina- 
tion; and  that  purposeful  action  in  the  gen- 
eral interest  requires  increasingly  Strong  Copyright  1945  Newspaper  Institute  of  America 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 
377 


tell  us  that  letting  democracy  drift  is  the 
only  alternative  to  serfdom,  Dr.  Lorwin 
with  an  unassuming  scholarship  and  calm 
eloquence  upon  which  we  all  should  draw 
proves  that  making  democracy  work  is  the 
only  alternative  to  disaster. 

The  only  real  question  now  is,  as  the 
author  says,  "Who  should  plan  and  how 
and'  for  whom?"  This  brings  us  to  pro- 
gram, and  it  is  here  that  the  book  falls 
short.  Its  description  of  the  generalized  and 
fairly  similar  postwar  plans  of  special 
groups  reflects  the  very  fractionalism 
against  which  Dr.  Lorwin  rebels. 

During  this  war,  we  have  set  goals  and 
integrated  the  policies  of  government,  busi- 
ness, and  labor  toward  economic  stabiliza- 


Young  Mother  Delighted 
With  Writing  Success 

"After  taking  the  N.I.A.  course,  the  first  article  submitted  to  a  top- 
flight woman's  magazine,  resulted  in  its  prompt  acceptance.  Despite 
my  domestic  duties,  including  the  rearing  of  a  small  daughter,  I  have 
found  time  to  write  a  dozen  stories,  all  of  which  have  been  accepted. 
All  potential  writers  should  sign  up  with  N.I.A.!" — Marcia  Audrey 
Garden,  2302  West  Main  Street,  Richmond  20,  Va. 

WHAT  MAKES  WRITING  ABILITY  GROW? 

For  a  number  of  years  the  Newspaper  Institute  of  America  has   been   giving  free   Writing 
Aptitude  Tests  to  men  and  women  with  literary  ambitions. 

Sometimes  it  seems  half  the  people  in  America  who  are  fired  with  the  desire  to  write  have 
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tion,  full  utilization  of  our  enormous  re- 
sources, and  more  equitable  distribution  of 
consumer  goods  than  ever  before.  Practical 
postwar  planning  must  stem  from  appraisal 
of  such  agencies  as  the  War  Production 
Board,  the  Office  of  War  Mobilization,  and 
so  on — for  whether  we  retain  or  modify 
these  devices,  they  constitute  the  experience 
on  which  we  must  draw  in  going  forward 
to  Dr.  Lorwin's  purposeful  economy.  Yet 
of  these  he  says  little. 

Further,  the  over-all  formulation  of  na- 
tional economic  policy  on  a  popular  base 
can  flow  from  only  one  body — the  Congress. 
This  in  turn  depends  upon  popular  grasp  of 
issues  and  registration  of  popular  will 
through  the  political  process.  Dr.  Lorwin's 
scant  treatment  of  these  items  suggests  the 
troublesome  fact  that  while  planning  is 
politics,  planners  seem  not  to  be  politicians. 
The  author's  handling  of  planning  for 
world  reconstruction  is  more  concrete  and 
therefore  extremely  valuable. 

We  in  America  have  almost  no  postwar 
economic  program.  Dr.  Lorwin's  awareness 
of  urgency  makes  his  book  one  of  the  best. 
That  one  of  the  best  neglects  to  advance 
more  precise  suggestions  for  getting  started, 
strikes  a  solemn  note  of  warning  of  our  un- 
preparedness. 

LEON   H.    KEYSERLING 
Washington,  D.  C. 

AN  UNCOMMON  MAN:  Henry  Wallace 
and  60  Million  Jobs,  by  Frank  Kingdon. 
Readers'  Press.  $1. 


ployment"  policy,  along  with  an  illuminat- 
ing presentation  ot  this  discussion  in  rela- 
tion to  specific  American  problems. 

As  a  farmer,  as  an  admirer  of  Henry 
Wallace,  and  as  one  who  perhaps  fits  into 
Dr.  Kingdon's  definition  of  an  American 
liberal,  I  liked  this  book  and  learned  much 
from  it.  However,  I  wonder  how  those 
who  do  not  look  upon  the  future  as  I  do 
will  react  to  so  "all  out"  an  account.  If  they 
are  persuaded,  I  am  of  the  opinion  it  will 
be  not  so  much  because  of  the  logic  of  Dr. 
Kingdon's  argument  as  because  of  his  sense 
of  compassion  and  wholehearted  belief  in 
people  and  in  America's  capacity  constantly 
to  develop  a  better  society. 

P.  ALSTON  WARING 
Co-author  of  "Roots  in  the  Earth" 
Neu1  Hope,  Pa. 


INTERDEPENDENT  WORLD 

(Continued  from  page  361) 


(In 


THIS     IS     NO    COLD    AND     OBJECTIVE    ANALYSIS 

of  the  problem  of  full  employment  or  of 
Henry  Wallace  as  the  chief  advocate  of  an 
American  society  built  upon  "security  and 
liberty."  Dr.  Kingdon  is  an  enthusiastic  be- 
liever in  the  possibilities  of  achieving  an 
economy  of  abundance,  and  it  is  not  at  all 
strange  that  he  should  regard  Henry  Wal- 
lace highly. 

However,  since  Mr.  Wallace  is  decidedly 
a  controversial  figure  in  the  American  scene 
today  a  book  lacking  objectivity  regarding 
its  essential  theme  is  apt  to  carry  less  weight 
than  it  should.  And  this  book  should  carry 
weight.  It  is  about  an  important  subject, 
and  it  is  written  in  a  clear  and  direct  style. 

Dr.  Kingdon  is  concerned  with  two  of 
the  most  insistent  problems  before  the 
American  people,  problems  which  are  ever- 
recurrent  in  a  free  society,  especially  in  pe- 
riods of  transition:  Can  we  achieve  security 
for  all  citizens  and  maintain  liberty?  And 
does  government  exist  primarily  to  protect 
property  or  to  serve  the  general  welfare? 
These  are  old  problems.  They  have  been 
debated  throughout  our  history.  Dr.  King- 
don deals  with  the  current  aspect  of  these 
questions  and  in  approaching  them  is  ob- 
viously on  the  side  of  those  who  put  human 
values  first. 

For  those  who  are  not  familiar  with  Mr. 
Wallace's  speeches,  and  who  wish  to  know 
more  about  the  matter  we  have  come  to 
label  "sixty  million  jobs"  and  its  relation  to 
world  trade,  private  business,  government 
planning,  politics,  and  the  controversy  over 
security  versus  liberty,  this  book  will  serve 
as  an  excellent  summary.  Moreover,  here  h 
as  clear  an  account  as  one  could  wish  in 
layman's  terms  of  the  Beveridge  "full  em- 
answenng  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC) 
378 


were  among  the  most  interested  observers 
in  San  Francisco,  and  their  advice  was 
sought  and  listened  to  with  reference  to 
this  problem  of  maintaining  the  Interna- 
tional Labor  Organization  in  the  new 
world  structure  and  fitting  it  into  the  Or- 
ganization of  the  United  Nations.  It 
not  too  much  to  say  in  this  connection  that 
the  opposition  of  Soviet  Russia  to  anything 
connected  with  Geneva  was  an  unfortunate 
and  finally  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  the 
formal  recognition  of  the  International  La- 
bor Organization  within  the  structure. 

In  the  above  discussion  I  have  not  drawn 
upon  the  record  of  the  Conference,  but 
have  based  my  conclusions  solely  upon  per- 
sonal observations.  It  is,  however,  my  con- 
viction that  the  International  Labor  Or- 
ganization can  and  will  be  brought  within 
the  orbit  of  the  new  system  and  that  its 
relationship  with  the  Economic  and  Social 
Council  may  prove  helpful  instead  of  creat- 
ing difficulties  of  authority  and  prestige.  The 
ILO  will  hold  its  conference  in  Paris  in 
October.  Both  time  and  place  are  well 
chosen. 


Specialized  Agencies 

Among  the  chief  specialized  agencies 
alongside  the  ILO  will  be  the  financial 
bodies  created  at  the  Bretton  Woods  Con- 
ference— the  International  Monetary  Fund 
and  the  International  Bank  for  Reconstruc- 
tion and  Development.  The  Senate  rati- 
fication of  the  Bretton  Woods  Agreement 
will  undoubtedly  result  in  the  early  estab- 
lishment of  these  bodies,  because  the 
United  States  is  the  largest  contributor  and 
guarantor. 

The  same  is  true  to  a  less  degree  of  the 
Food  and  Agriculture  Organization  which 
is  to  deal  with  long  range  problems  in 
contrast  with  UNRRA,  the  organization  for 
postwar  relief.  The  Educational  and  Cul- 
tural Organization  is  now  being  negotiat- 
ed on  a  plan  which  has  already  been  pub- 
lished, and  the  organizing  conference  meets 
in  London  this  August. 

These  and  the  other  specialized  agen- 
cies to  be  created  in  the  near  future  will 
be  the  workshops  of  the  Economic  and 


Social  Council  for  the  actual  conduct  of 
international  affairs  outside  the  realm  of 
politics.  There  were  two  main  reasons 
why  the  constitutions  of  these  bodies  do 
not  form  an  integral  part  of  the  Charter., 

The  first  is  that  only  highly  qualified 
specialists  know  what  is  needed  in  each 
field  and  therefore  the  planning  of  the 
organization  must  be  left  largely  to  them. 

The  second  reason  is  a  political  one,  the 
reluctance  of  President  Roosevelt  to  over- 
burden the  Charter  with  provision  for  so 
many  activities. 

When  the  planning  for  the  international 
community  was  begun  some  three  years 
ago,  no  one  could  have  foreseen  that  the 
United  States  would  willingly  accept  mem- 
bership in  an  international  organization 
with  so  wide  a  scope  as  that  envisaged  in 
the  Charter.  Therefore,  from  the  stand- 
point of  practical  politics,  bodies  like  the 
Food  and  Agriculture  Organization  and 
the  Bretton  Woods  financial  arrangements 
were  worked  out  separately. 

But  this  very  fact  makes  all  the  more 
important  the  role  of  the  Economic  and 
Social  Council  because,  without  its  co- 
ordination of  the  programs  of  the  various 
specialized  agencies,  there  would  he  con- 
fusion and  overlapping  of  functions.  This 
will  place  a  heavy  responsibility  upon  the 
Council  because  there  is  hardly  any  ac- 
tivity in  the  economic  'and  social  field 
which  does  not  overlap  with  others. 
Therefore  it  is  well  that  the  final  decision 
rests  with  the  Assembly,  which  has  the 
control  of  the  budget. 

A  Completely  New  Provision 

We  now  come  to  a  provision  of  the 
Charter  which  is  absolutely  unique  in  in- 
ternational conventions — the  recognition  by 
this  aggregation  of  governments  of  non- 
governmental bodies.  Article  71  reads  as 
follows: 

"The  Economic  and  Social  Council  may 
make  suitable  arrangements  for  consulta- 
tion with  non-governmental  organizations 
which  are  concerned  with  matters  within 
its  competence.  Such  arrangements  may 
be  made  with  international  organizations 
and,  where  appropriate,  with  national  or- 
ganizations after  consultation  with  the 
Member  of  the  United  Nations  concerned." 

This  provision  was  inserted  at  the  in- 
sistence of  the  consultants  of  the  American 
delegates,  especially  those  of  two  widely 
varying  elements  in  that  body,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  business  and  of  education. 

The  representatives  of  business  included 
agriculture,  manufacturing,  commerce,  and 
labor.  They  had  in  mind  the  need  for 
the  recognition  of  a  body  like  the  Inter- 
national Chamber  of  Commerce  which, 
founded  after  the  first  World  War,  fur- 
nished an  important  forum  for  the  business 
world  to  deal  with  its  own  special  prob- 
lems, and  to  bring  their  united  influence 
to  bear  upon  government  policies. 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  Interna- 
tional Chamber  of  Commerce  tended  at 
times  to  ignore  the  economic  work  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  with  a  consequent  les- 
sening of  the  influence  of  both  bodies.  The 
opportunity  is  now  at  hand  to  rectify  this 


situation  and  ultimately  to  secure  for  in- 
ternational trade  some  of  the  same  kind 
of  oversight  which  is  planned  for  inter- 
national finance. 

Everyone  knows  that  money  is  but  a 
symbol  of  goods  and  services,  but  the  sym- 
bol has  received  more  attention  than  the 
things  for  which  it  stands.  The  Charter 
now  provides  a  means  for  rectifying  this 
situation  in  the  only  way  in  which  it  can 
be  done,  by  the  plans  of  the  world 
of  business  unhampered  by  governmental 
bureaucracy. 

The  International  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce is  now  meeting  in  London,  and 
one  of  its  first  tasks  will  be  to  plan  for 
the  place  which  it  can  occupy  alongside 


government  bodies  in  the  Organization  of 
the  United  Nations. 

The  contribution  of  the  consultants  in 
the  American  delegation  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  international  economic  relations 
was  fully  matched  by  its  contribution  to 
that  in  the  field  of  education.  The  Dum- 
barton Oaks  plan  had  avoided  including 
any  definite  mention  of  educational  or  cul- 
tural problems.  This  was  in  line  with  the 
reluctance  of  the  founders  of  the  League 
of  Nations  to  make  provision  in  it  for  the 
development  of  international  understand- 
ing. In  both  cases  the  reluctance  was  not 
due  to  any  opposition  to  the  furtherance 
of  cultural  relations,  but  to  an  insistence 
that  educational  and  intellectual  matters 


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'The  crying 
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•MOTHERHOOD 

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Associate   Psychiatrist 
Massachusetts  General  Hospital 


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(In 


should  be  left  to  each  nation  to  work  out 
according  to  its  own  traditions  and  needs. 

The  jealousy  of  outside  interference  in 
educational  matters  is  nowhere  stronger 
than  in  the  United  States  where  even  fed- 
eral aid  meets  with  opposition  out  of  fear 
of  centralization.  The  members  of  Con- 
gress on  the  American  delegation  were 
therefore  opposed  to  any  mention  of  the 
word  education  in  the  Charter,  and  it  was 
only  inserted  there  at  the  insistence  of  the 
entire  body  of  consultants  under  the  com- 
promise formula  of  "educational  and  cul- 
tural cooperation." 

There  is,  of  course,  no  serious  proposal 
anywhere  to  inject  international  control  of 
education  in  any  country.  What  is  pro- 
posed is  simply  a  cooperative  effort  to  se- 
cure a  better  understanding,  by  the  civilized 
peoples,  of  the  world  in  which  we  live. 

Broader  Horizons 

The  need  for  this  enlargement  of  our 
horizon  is  especially  brought  home  to  us 
in  connection  with  the  reeducation  of  Ger- 
many. The  conference  in  London  on  in- 
ternational education,  called  for  Novem- 
ber, is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
ministers  of  education  of  the  occupied 
countries  have  been  living  and  working 
together  in  London  throughout  the  war 
years,  and  bring  the  advantage  of  this  ex- 
perience to  the  plans  for  international  edu- 
cation in  the  United  Nations. 

The  Organization  on  Intellectual  Coop- 
eration of  the  League  of  Nations,  with  its 
headquarters  in  Paris,  was  always  ham- 
pered by  the  abstention  of  both  Great  Bri- 
tain and  the  United  States  from  any  for- 
mal connection  with  it.  In  both  countries 
the  cooperation  was  unofficial. 

The  creation  of  a  Division  of  Cultural 
Relations  in  the  State  Department  a  few 
years  ago  was  at  first  directed  towards 
Latin  America  and  then  enlarged  to  deal 
with  the  problems  of  China,  but  its  pro- 
gram was  never  properly  directed  to  the 
problem  of  international  cultural  relations 
as  a  whole.  During  the  war  years  its  ac- 
tivities were  inevitably  lessened. 

There  will  be  need  for  a  thorough  re- 
casting of  the  whole  structure  of  the  State 
Department  in  this  regard,  but  it  would 
be  a  calamity  if  there  were  not  full  recog- 
nition of  the  unofficial  organizations  in  the 
intellectual  and  cultural  fields.  This  is 
fully  recognized  by  men  like  Dr.  George 
F.  Zook,  president  of  the  American  Coun- 
cil on  Education,  and  his  collaborators.  It 
is  well,  however,  that  this  report  should 
end  on  a  warning  note,  for  nowhere  is  there 
greater  need  for  private  initiative  and  free- 
dom of  thought  than  in  the  field  of  thought 
itself. 

The  Committee  of  the  San  Francisco 
Conference  on  economic  and  social  matters 
held  some  forty  meetings  at  which  all  the 
nations  present  took  an  active  part.  Chap- 
ters 9  and  10  of  the  Charter,  which  reflect 
their  achievement,  combine,  in  the  words 
of  the  Report  to  the  President,  "the  wis- 
dom of  experience  with  the  wisdom  of 
hope."  It  will  depend  chiefly  upon  a 
democracy  like  ours  to  make  sure  that  that 
promise  is  realized. 
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380 


RECONVERSION  ON  CAMPUS 

(Continued  from  page  367) 


of  course,  study  is  nothing.  Financial  com- 
petence rather  than  ability  and  desire  to  use 
educational  opportunity  necessarily  assumed 
a  larger  role  in  college  admission  tests.  *In 
any  process  of  reconversion  in  the  society  of 
post-World  War  II,  a  chief  concern  should 
be  to  reduce  the  cost  of  education  as  much 
as  possible,  so  as  to  widen  the  range  of 
those  to  whom  it  may  be  made  available. 
Because  of  the  very  genuine  contribution 
to  the  war  effort  made  by  college  women, 
it  is  likely  that  these  institutions  will  have 
a  new  period  of  great  popularity.  At  the 
present  time,  practically  every  college  for 
women  that  I  know  of  has  crowded  appli- 
cation lists,  with  students  clamoring  for 
admission  in  unprecedented  numbers.  A 
similar  condition  may  be  expected  in  the 
men's  colleges  as  servicemen  return  to  ci- 
vilian life.  It  is  now  the  time  for  college 
authorities  to  plan  for  the  future  in  order 
to  determine  not  how  the  college  may  hold 
its  encouraging  popularity,  but  how  it  can 
make  its  maximum  contribution  to  the 
needs  of  this  country  in  the  years  to  come. 

The  Responsibility  of  the  Colleges 

Changes  we '  may  expect.  They  will 
come  upon  us  even  if  we  sit  still  and  do 
nothing.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  the 
college  faculty  and  college  officers  should 
try  to  direct  the  course  of  these  changes 
instead  of  being  helplessly  at  the  mercy  of 
forces  we  do  not  try  to  understand.  For  an 
educational  institution  in  particular  it  is  ob- 
vious wisdom  to  plan  our  society  instead  of 
blindly  accepting  what  comes  and  then  try- 
ing to  make  the  best  of  it. 

The  obligation  to  analyze  with  as  much 
intelligence  as  we  possess  the  social  forces 
directing  American  life  at  present  is  a  job 
which  belongs  most  particularly  to  the  col- 
leges for  women.  These  colleges  have  not 
had  to  mark  time  during  the  war.  Actually 
their  opportunities  have  been  enlarged  and 
made  more  favorable. 

For  some  years  to  come,  the  colleges  for 
men  will  have  special  problems  in  trying 
to  adapt  themselves  to  the  needs  of  the 
thousands  of  returning  young  veterans. 
There  will  be  comparatively  few  women 
returning  to  college  or  entering  college  from 
war  service.  The  path  of  the  college  for 
women,  then,  is  relatively  clear.  If  we  have 
the  will  and  the  intelligence  to  state  our 
aims  and  plan  our  direction,  we  can  follow 
our  own  course.  We  shall  slip  backward 
and  lose  the  gains  made  in  women's  educa- 
tion for  many  years  past  if  we  simply  accept 
the  way  of  least  resistance,  or  try  to  turn 
back  to  the  point  where  we  were  in  1941. 

Nothing  can  be  more  harmful  or  more 
stultifying  in  education  (as  in  politics  and 
industry)  than  an  attempt  to  "return  to  nor- 
malcy" because  we  liked  the  past  and 
shrink  from  the  effort  of  trying  to  plan  for 
the  future.  Preparation  of  young  people 
for  the  building  of  a  very  much  better 
America  is  the  responsibility  which  the  col- 
leges must  not  shirk. 

In  setting  forth  here  only  the  items  of 
GRAPHIC,) 


reconversion  which  have  to  do  primarily 
with  external  arrangement  of  time  I  realize 
that  these  are  not  the  only  matters  to  be 
considered  nor  are  they  the  most  import- 
ant matters.  But  other  more  fundamental 
points  at  issue  are  another  story.  It  is  not 
only  the  time  to  be  consumed  but  the  meth- 
od and  content  of  education  in  our  liberal 
arts  studies  that  must  be  reexamined  in 
order  to  enable  students  to  make  their  max- 
imum contribution  to  society.  Nothing 
less  can  justify  the  privileges  colleges  en- 
joy as  institutions  favored  by  public  good 
will  and  by  exemption  from  taxation. 
Nothing  less  than  the  best  the  colleges  can 
offer  should  be  tolerated  in  the  new  task 
of  reconversion  which  is  already  upon  us. 


RIGHT '  OFF    THE     PRESS 


JOSEPH     McCABES     NEW     BOOK 


TRAIL-BLAZERS 

(Continued  from  page  365) 


the  league  started  early  in  1942  on  its  own 
brand  of  war  work. 

The  somewhat  learned  pamphlets  gave 
way  to  page-long  broadsides  printed  in  large 
letters  on  bright  colored  paper  and  distrib- 
uted by  the  thousands.  In  Hamilton  Coun- 
ty, Tennessee,  last  spring  a  broadside  and 
a  booklet  on  Dumbarton  Oaks  were  left 
in  every  doctor's  and  dentist's  waiting 
room  and  wrapped  in  every  package  in 
two  department  stores  and  two  bookstores. 
In  Louisville  in  July,  85,000  broadsides  were 
distributed — one  for  every  five  citizens  in 
the  city. 

Window  displays  blossomed  out  all  over 
the  country,  from  the  village  store  to  Lord 
and  Taylor's  Fifth  Avenue  space.  The  ra- 
dio was  pressed  into  service. 

The  method  of  "directed  conversation" 
was  explored  and  leaguers  found  that  by 
talking,  just  talking  to  the  people  with 
whom  they  came  in  contact  —  the  sales- 
girl at  the  glove  counter,  the  seatmate  on 
the  bus,  the  man  who  came  to  lay  new 
linoleum,  anybody — public  opinion  could 
be  influenced.  Particularly  in  smaller  com- 
munities this  informal  face-to-face  work 
turned  out  to  be  a  potent  educational  force. 

Also  the  league  began  to  take  issues  di- 
rectly to  the  voters  in  order  to  find  out 
where  the  emotional  block  was  and  try 
to  erase  it.  Twice  within  the  last  year  the 
St.  Louis  league,  for  instance,  has  can- 
vassed every  voter  in  one  ward  explaining 
the  issues  at  stake,  answering  questions,  and 
urging  him  to  be  sure  to  vote.  Before 
the  San  Francisco  Conference,  the  National 
League  prepared  a  questionnaire  to  be  tak- 
en from  door  to  door  or  used  in  street 
interviews  to  stimulate  people  to  think 
about  peace  and  what  makes  it.  In  Law- 
rence, Kan.,  the  league  polled  the  whole 
town  about  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  agree- 
ments. When  the  results  showed  the  com- 
munity to  be  overwhelmingly  international- 
ist in  sentiment,  the  fact  was  made  known 
to  legislators,  newspapers,  congressmen  and 
representatives  to  the  Conference. 

However,  the  device  which  has  seemed 
to  be  most  effective  is  the  discussion  group. 
The  older  type  "study  group"  in  which 
members  learned  more  and  more  about  a 
given  phase  of  government  became  a  dis- 
cussion group  whose  members  were  trained 
to  lead  the  new  groups  that  were  being 


Outlines  of  World's  Great  'Isms 

An  Exposition  of  the  Creeds  that  Appeal  to  the  Modern  World 

Joseph  McCabe's  new  60,000-word  book,  "Outlines  of  the  World's  Great  "Isms,"  is 
complete  and  gives  91  titles  in  alphabetical  order,  which  makes  it  a  little  encyclopedia. 
Here's  the  full  list  of  "Isms"  covered  by  Joseph  McCabe  in  this  large  book  (5'/2  x  8'/2 
inches  in  size) : 


Agnosticism 

Altruism 

Anarchism 

Anti-Semitism 

Asceticism 

Atheism 

Authoritarianism 

Behaviorism 

Bolshevism 

Buddhism 

Capitalism 

Catholicism 

Christianism 

Christian  Scientism 

Clericalism 

Collectivism 

Communism 

Confucianism 

Congregationalism 

Darwinism 

Deism 

Determinism 

Dialectical  Materialism 


Dualism 

Epicureanism 

Ethicism 

Evolutionism 

Fascism 

Feminism 

Fundamentalism 

Hedonism 

Hinduism 

Holism 

Humanism 

Idealism 

Imperialism 

Indeterminism 

Individualism 

Intellectualism 

Intuitionalism 

Judaism 

Liberalism 

Mathusianism 

Materialism 

Mechanicism 


Mendelism 

Menshevism 

Methodism 

Militarism 

Modernism 

Mohammedanism 

Monism 

Mysticism 

Nationalism 

Naturalism 

Nazism 

Nietzscheanism 

Obscurantism 

Occultism 

Pacifism 

Pantheism 

Patriotism 

Positivism 

Pragmatism 

Protestantism 

Puritanism 

Radicalism 

Rationalism 


Realism 

Satanism 

Secularism 

Sensualism 

Shintoism 

Skepticism 

Socialism 

Sovietism 

Spiritualism 

Stoicism 

Supernaturalism 

Syndicalism 

Theism 

Taoism 

Theosophism 

Totalitarianism 

Transcendentalism 

Ultramontanism 

Unitarianism 

Universalism 

Utilitarianism 

Vitalism 

Zionism 


The  above  91  Isms  are  covered  with  more  than  mere  definitions.  McCabe  offers  an  article  under  each  of  his  91  heading*. 
That's  why  this  book  is  a  little  encyclopedia  instead  of  a  dictionary.  In  a  statement  accompanying  his  Ms.,  Joseph  McCabe 
wrote: 

"I  worked  hard  to  make  this  book  a  'must'  with  all  persons  who  seek  to  understand  the  important  currents  of 
thought  that  are  influencing  our  generation.  I  consider  this  book  one  of  the  most  important  I've  ever  done.  In  writing  it. 
I  kept  my  audience  always  in  mind — the  Man  in  the  Street  who  wants  the  truth  in  simple,  candid  speech.  I  hope  this 
volume  will  reach  a  wide  audience.  If  we  are  to  rebuild  this  sorry  world  we  will  have  to  get  our  facts  straight.  That  b 
the  foundation  on  which  we  must  build.  'Outlines  of  the  World's  Great  'Isms'  gives  the  intelligent  reader  the  facts,  first 
and  always,  for  I  approached  this  big  field  in  a  thoroughly  objective  mood." 

This  60,000-word,  96-page  book  (5/2  x  8/2  inches  in  size)  costs  75c  per  copy,  prepaid.  Address  orders  to: 


E,  HALDEMAN-JULIUS 


BOX  1558 


GIRARD,  KANSAS 


formed.  The  National  League  has  no  idea 
how  many  of  these  groups  are  in  existence, 
but  it  does  know  that  5,000  discussion  lead- 
ers have  been  trained  and  that  the  sale  of  I 
publications  to  be  used  by  them  has  tripled 
in  the  past  year. 

Discussion  has  been  found  to  have  a  habit 
of  multiplying.  One  group  spawns  other 
groups.  Like  this,  for  instance.  An  Ohio 
league  member  led  a  discussion  before  a 
woman's  club.  One  of  those  present  got  a 
league  discussion  leader  for  her  church 
group.  A  member  of  that  group  asked  the 
leader  to  her  mothers'  club,  and  someone 
there  took  her  to  a  P.  T.  A.  meeting. 
Sixteen  members  of  the  P.  T.  A.  arranged 
discussion  meetings  in  their  own  homes. 
What  happened  after  that  I  don't  know, 
but  no  doubt  something  did. 

This  discussion  campaign  is  particularly 
aimed  at  the  men  and  women  who  cannot 
leave  the  children  to  go  downtown  to  a  big 
meeting,  but  who  can  slip  over  to  a  neigh- 
bor's for  an  hour  after  the  children  are  in 
bed.  It  is  designed  to  give  people  a  chance 
to  make  up  their  own  minds  about  govern- 
mental policy  by  threshing  out  their  ideas 
together  as  their  forefathers  did  around  fire- 
place or  pot-bellied  stove. 

During  its  quarter-century  of  existence 
the  league  has  had  its  share  in  legislative 
achievements.  Besides  those  already  men- 
tioned, one  should  certainly  list  the  Lame 
Duck  amendment  and  the  long  fight  to 
keep  Muscle  Shoals  as  a  yardstick.  Pure 
food,  drugs,  and  cosmetics,  extension  of  civil 
service,  Social  Security,  Reciprocal  Trade 
Agreements  are  other  long  time  interests. 
(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC) 

381 


BIG  opportunities  and  jobs 
waiting  for  those  who  speak 
Spanish.  Millions  of  dollars  be- 
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On  state  and  local  levels  the  record  is  also 
lustrous. 

In  view  of  the  past  achievements,  it  is 
especially  interesting  to  note  that  the  more 
broadly  based  program  of  mass  education 
is  showing  results  in  proportion  to  the 
stepped-up  energy  which  has  gone  into  it. 
There  is,  of  course,  no  way  of  measuring 
how  much  effect  its  Second  Chance  cam- 
paign had  upon  the  events  in  San  Francisco 
or  the  favorable  vote  in  the  Senate.  But  in 
some  other  recent  activities  the  league  is 
known  to  have  furnished  both  the  initiating 
force  and  the  steady  drive. 

Georgia's  abolition  of  the  poll  tax,  for 
instance,  was  publicly  credited  to  the 
league's  six-year  program  of  educational 
(Continued  on  page  383) 


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ADOPTION  AGENCY  wants  professional  trained 
case  worker  for  study  department,  child  placing 
experience  desirable;  ability,  either  latent  or  de- 
veloped, -to  relate  as  a  case  worker  to  young 
babies  and  to  use  knowledge  about  infant  develop- 
ment -discriminatingly.  Salary  $1800  to  $2400. 
Write  Miss  Julia  Ann  Bishop,  Director  of  Case 
Work,  Children's  Home  Society  of  Virginia,  Box 
554,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


CASE  WORKER:  Woman,  in  Jewish  multiple  case 
work  agency,  upstate  New  York.  Graduate  or 
equivalent  experience  considered.  8208  Survey. 


WANTED:  Red  Cross  Home  Service  Secretary. 
Case  Worker  with  Red  Cross  experience  and  exec- 
utive experience  or  ability  preferred.  Small  agency. 
Working  conditions  and  salary  good.  Write 
Bristol  Family  Welfare  Association,  Bristol,  Con- 
necticut. 


CASE  WORKERS  with  training  and  experience  for 
positions  with  Home  Service  Department  of 
American  Red  Cross.  Opportunity  for  case  work 
with  discharged  servicemen.  Midwestern  City, 
population  over  200,000.  Salary  good.  8202 
Survey. 


BOYS'  WORKER  for  new  settlement  house  in  mid- 
dle west.  Good  salary  and  opportunity  'for  ad- 
vancement. 8205  Survey. 


YOUNG  SOCIAL  WORKER,  trained,  interested 
in  executive  work  in  middle  western  family  and 
children's  agency.  Good  pay  and  interesting  job. 
8206  Survey. 


QUALIFIED  DIRECTOR  for  a  Jewish  child-caring 
agency  maintaining  a  foster  home  program.  Male 
or  female.  Write  details  of  training  and  experi- 
ence to  Mr.  Harry  D.  Cohan,  c/o  Hebrew 
Women's  Home  for  Children,  185  Westbourne 
Parkway,  Hartford  5,  Connecticut. 


WANTED  IMMEDIATELY  a  trained,  experienced 
Children's  Case  Work  Supervisor  and  3 
trained,  experienced  capable  Senior  Case  Workers ; 
must  be  persons  of  unquestioned  good  health, 
character  and  habits,  and  able  to  furnish  refer- 
ences. Good_  salary,  permanent  employment,  and 
an  opportunity  to  do  a  real  Case  Work  job  with 
a  State-wide,  non-sectarian  Child  Placing  Agency. 
Apply  to  the  Children's  Home  Society  of  Florida, 
403  Consolidated  Building,  Jacksonville,  Florida. 


CASEWORKER— Catholic  family  or  child  welfare 
caseworker,-  salary  range  $1920  to  $2340.  Must 
have  graduate  training.  8178  Survey. 


WANTED :  Supervisors  and  case  workers  with 
training  and  experience  for  work  with"  the  armed' 
forces,  ex-servicemen,  and.  their  .dependents.  Ex- 
cellent salaries.  Apply  Home  Service,  American 
Red  Cross,  161  Massachusetts  Avenue,  Boston  15, 
Mass. 


GROUP/WORKERS  (2)  working  with  boys  and 
girls  in  club  and  activity  program,  also  social 
recreation.  Jewish'  Community  'Centre,  New  York 
City.  State  fully  education,  experience,  references 
and  salary  expected.  8185  Survey. 


CHRISTODORA 
HOUSE 


601    East  Ninth  Street 
New  York 


A  Residence  Club  for  men  and 
women,  providing  an  atmo- 
sphere particularly  acceptable 
to  social  workers,  educators, 
students,  professional  people 
generally. 

All  outside  rooms  . .  .  meals  optional 
Write  for  folder 


COOPERATIVE  COMMUNITY 


MORE  MEMBERS  WANTED  to  plan  together  our 
own  self-reliant  independent  cooperative  commu- 
nity. Introduce  yourself  fully  in  first  letter.  8144 
Survey. 


•POWHATAN"  INDIAN  PIPE 


SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIX 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 


WE  OFFER  EMPLOYERS  AND  CANDIDATES 
in  all  fields  of  social  work  everywhere  an  en- 
tirely new,  unique  medium  for  finding  just  the 
right  person  or  position.  Because  screening  tech- 
niques have  been  streamlined,  and  placement  fees 
reduced  to  a  flat  $25.00,  the  widest  selection 
current  conditions  permit  is  attracted.  Why  leave 
any  stones  unturned?  Perhaps  the  very  person 
you  would  most  like  to  get  in  touch  with  is  also 
reading  this  ad.  Write  for  details.  Central 
Registry  Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus 
9,  Ohio. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 


ASSISTANT  DIRECTOR,  male,  now  employed  in 
Orphanage,  considering  change.  Many  years  ex- 
perience administration,  child  program  manage- 
ment, finest  experience,  wil  Itravel.  8198  Survey. 


SUPERINTENDENT,  institution,  or  agency.  Man, 
now  (10  years)  administration  large  public  child 
care  program,  10  years  private  social  agency  of 
exceptional  standards.  Academic  background  in 
psychiatric  social  work.  Special  interest  in  mod- 

,  ern  •  standards  institutional  care,  adoption,  guar- 
dianship, foster  care.  Religion — Catholic.  $4,600 
tot$5,000  or  maintenance  equivalent.  8211  Survey. 


RESIDENT  DIRECTOR— Children's  work.  Ad- 
ministrative ability,  long  years  of  experience.  Un- 
derstanding modern  child  care.  Case  work  back- 
ground. Excellent  references.  8212  Survey; 


MAN  with  long  executive  experience  in  boys'  work 
•  desires  location  in   New  England.     Available   Oc- 
tober 1st.     8189  Survey. 


WOMAN  EXECUTIVE,  available  October  1st  to 
head  Home  for  Dependent  Children.  Long  ex- 
perience in  institutional  administration;  health 
programs;  diet1;  case  work;  problem  children; 
community  contacts,  etc.  8204  Survey. 


SUPERVISOR-WORKER,  trained,  experienced, 
skilled  in  simplifying  case  work,  would  help  es- 

.  tablish  effective  family  program,  not  encroaching 
other  community  agencies.  Executive  experience 
but  may  consider  special  lead  or  Intake  service 

•.with  some   supervision.     8200   Survey. 


(7»,  answering   advertisements--:  please   mention.  SURVEY    GKAPHICJ 

382 


EXECUTIVE  DIRECTOR  AND  MATRON  (Jew- 
ish couple),  experienced  in  Homes  for  Aged,  In- 
firm and  kindred  services.  Excellent  background 
and  references.  8209  Survey. 


TRAIL-BLAZERS 

(Continued  from  page  381) 


work.  Said  the  editor  of  the  Atlanta  Jour- 
nal: "When  the  Georgia  league  announced 
its  stand  there  were  no  loud  huzzahs  from 
the  press  or  the  populace  and  no  support 
whatever  from  politicians  and  office  holders. 
We  had  just  made  up  our  minds  that  the 
poll  tax  was  part  and  parcel  of  our  south- 
ern heritage  and  nothing  could  or  should 
he  done  about  it." 

In  the  same  way  the  Missouri  league  was 
so  active  first  in  securing  a  constitutional 
convention,  then  in  following  and  influenc- 
ing the  work  of  the  year-long  session,  and 
finally  in  getting  the  new  and  greatly  im- 
proved charter  adopted,  that  the  charter 
was  said  by  the  president  of  the  Missouri 
Committee  for  the  New  Constitution  to  be 
"a  triumph  for  the  League  of  Women 
Voters." 

The  Milwaukee  league  made  a  study  of 
local  housing  conditions,  interested  other  or- 
ganizations and  helped  to  organize  a  joint 
action  committee  which  finally  pushed 
through  an  ordinance  to  set  up  a  housing 
authority — in  a  town  which  had  been  in- 
different to  its  housing  problem-  .  .  .  The 
Middletown  (Conn.)  league  secured  a  se- 
cret ballot  in  the  election  of  the  school 
board.  .  .  .  The  Superior  (Wis.)  league 
engineered  a  shift  to  a  council-manager 
form  of  government.  .  .  .  The  Cincinnati 
league  saw  to  it  that  ninth  grade  students 
in  that  city  learn  about  their  municipal 
government  at  firsthand.  .  .  . 

And  so  one  might  go  on  through  a  long 
list  of  recent  league  jobs  over  the  country. 
Anna  Lord  Strauss,  now  president  of  the 
National  League,  remarked  not  long  ago, 
"The  times  are  ripe  for  bringing  renewed 
vitality  into  our  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment." One  of  the  factors  in  this  renewed 
vitality,  if  it  comes,  will  be  the  trail-blazing 
and  the  experimentation  which  have  gone 
on  in  the  league. 


SOCIAL   SECURITY 

(Continued  from  page  371) 


of  the  families  receiving  public  assistance 
in  the  USA  are  getting  less  than  the  amount 
certified  as  necessary  for  them  by  the  work- 
ers in  the  state  agencies  administering  the 
program.  The  situation  is  not  the  fault 
of  the  caseworker  or  of  the  state  legisla- 
ture— except,  perhaps,  in  one  or  two  in- 
stances. It  is  due  to  a  state's  economic  in- 
capacity to  provide  adequate  assistance  un- 
less it  receives  supplementary  federal  aid. 

What  of  the  coverage  of  welfare  services 
throughout  the  country?  In  spite  of  wide- 
spread gains  in  the  1730's  in  both  public 
and  private  fields,  these  are,  by  and  large, 
still  undeveloped — not  merely  services,  for 
people  who  need  cash  assistance,  but  •serv- 
ices that  would  b>;  helpful  to  those  not'  in 
financial  straits^  .  , 

In  determining  whether  the  minimum 
level  of  well-being.  cart-he  maintained,  we 
should  take  into  account  not  only  social 
security  benefits  and  'welfare  services,  but 
also  such  individual  resources  as  home  own- 


SCHOOL  OF  NURSING  of  Yale  University 

A   Projection  for  the  College  Woman 

An    intensiTe    and    basic    experience    in   the   Tarious   branches   of    nursing    is 
offered    during    the    thirty    months'    course    which    leads    to    the    degree"    of 

MASTER   OF   NURSING 

A    Bachelor*g    degree    in    art*,    iciance    or    philosophy    from    a    college    of 
approved  standing  is  required  for  admission. 

For  Catalogue  and  Informa,ion  addr«.:      Tie  Dean.  YALE  SCHOOL   OF  NURSING 
New    Haven,    Connecticut 


ership,   private   insurance,   other   forms   of 
savings,  self-help  and  mutual  aid. 

Certainly  it  is  unfortunate  if  people  are 
obliged  to  draw  on  relatives'  resources  at 
the  sacrifice  of  other  members  of  the 
family  group.  But  what  are  families  for  if 
not  for  the  help  their  members  give  one 
another?  The  greatest  satisfaction  in  life 
is  to  share  things  with  those  we  love. 
Perhaps  that  idea  is  old-fashioned;  certain- 
ly it  can  be  misused.  If  I  were  a  state 
welfare  administrator  I  should  push  for 
abolition  of  "relatives'  responsibility"  in  the 
public  assistance  law.  But  at  the  same 
time  I  would  encourage  caseworkers  not  to 
overlook  the  values  which  members  of  a 
family  gain  in  helping  one  another  when 
they  can. 

Accomplishments:  1935-1945 

Despite  shortcomings  in  meeting  our  ob- 
jectives of  a  minimum  level  of  well-being 
the  country  over,  we  shall  have  reason 
to  be  happy  if  we  make  as  much  progress 
toward  social  security  in  the  next  ten  years 
as  we  have  in  the  last  ten.  Here  is'  the 
record: 


Old  age  and  survivors  insurance.  Here 
and  now  at  the  close  of  this  first  decade  we 
have  a  national  system  under  which  some 
forty  million  persons  are  insured.  That  is, 
they  have  not  only  credit  toward  retirement 
benefits  at  the  close  of  their  working  life 
but,  if  they  should  die  today,  monthly  beneT 
fits  or  a  lump  sum  would  be  paid  to  sur- 
vivors designated  in  the  act.  Their  sur- 
vivors insurance  alone  represents  $50,000,- 
000,000  in  family  insurance  protection. 

More  than  thirty  million  additional  per- 
sons have,  some  credits  towards  acquiring 
insured  status  under  the  system. 

Meanwhile,  benefits  totaling  more  than 
$23,000,000  a  month  are  already  payable 
to  some  1,300,000  people  on  the  benefit 
rolls — to  aged  workers,  their  aged  wives  or 
widows;  to  aged  parents  hitherto  wholly  de- 
(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

383 


pendent  on  a  deceased  worker  without 
widow  or  child;  to  children  of  retired  or  de- 
ceased workers-;  and  to  widows,  irrespec- 
tive of  age,  who  have  a  child  of  the  in- 
sured in  their  care. 

Federal-state  system  of  unemployment 
compensation.  In  operation  throughout  the 
nation,  under  this  system  about  thirty-six 
million  workers  have  wage  credits  that 
qualify  them  for  benefits  at  state  stand- 
ards if  they  are  thrown  out  of  work  in-' 
voluntarily  and  cannot  get  another  job. 
;  Today,  in  the  face  of  the  uncertainties  of 
the  reconversion  period,  there  is  almost 
$7,000,000,000  in  state  accounts  in  the  na- 
tional Unemployment  Trust  Fund — a  back- 
log such  as  the  country  has  never  before 
had  :when  grave  economic  changes  were 
in  process. 

Public  Assistance.  The  Social  Security 
Act  has  stimulated  comprehensive  programs 
of  old  age  assistance,  aid  to  the  blind, 
and'  aid  to  dependent  children  in  all  or 
nearly  all  states.  The  social  insurance  sys- 
tem itself  is  too  new  to  have  affected  most 
people  now  old  and  in  need,  but  more  than 
two  million  of  them — one  in  five  of  the 
total  aged  population — are  getting  public 
assistance  (old  age  pensions)  on  the  basis 
of  need.  Aid  is  being  given  under  the 
act  to  more  than  50,000  blind  persons;  and 
(in  more  than  a  quarter  million  families) 
to  about  650,000  children  who  have  been 
deprived  of  parental  support  and  care  by 
the  death,  incapacity  or  continued  absence 
from  home  of  one  or  both  parents. 


•  Overall.  The  outstanding  achievement  of 
the  program  cannot  be  measured  in  statis- 
tics. This  is  the  common  understanding  it 
has  spread  of  the  strategic  importance  of  a 
social  security  system  to  democracy,  to  eco- 
nomic progress — even  to  lasting  peace. 

Dire  predictions  that  the  program  would 
lead  to  "regimentation,"  to  Prus^ianism  or 
communism — or  what  have  you — failed  to 


Unibersitp  of  Cfjtcago 

School  of  Social    ferine*  Abmuiist  -aiion 


ACADEMIC  YEAR   1945-46 

Autumn  Quarter  begins  October  2,  1945 
Winter  Quarter  begins  January  2,  1946 
Spring  Quarter  begins  March  25,  1946 

SUMMER  QUARTER,  1946 

(Dates  to  be  announced  later) 


ANNOUNCEMENTS 

Giving   complete   program    and    requirements 

for  admission  will  be  sent  on  request. 


SMITH  COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Opens  Late  June,  1946 

The  course  provides  two  years  of  academic  credits 
including  theory,  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 
The  urgent  demand  for  qualified  social  workers  in 
civilian  and  war-related  social  agencies  offers  a  wide 
variety  of  opportunities  for  graduates. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 
Contents  for  September,  1945 

Racial  Attitudes  of  Negro  Clients  Olga  Verin 

The  Relative  Amenability  of  Dull  and  Bright  Children 
to  Child  Guidance  Treatment  Jean  M.  Cooley 

Treatability  of  Children  of  Alcoholic  Parents 

Marcia  Holden 

Some  Differences  between  Neurotic  Delinquents  and 
Other  Neurotic  Children  Margery  Stern 

For  further  information  write  to 
THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


SOCIAL   SECURITY 

(Continued  from  page  383) 


materialize.  So  too,  have  those  advance 
fears  that  social  security  would  sap  our 
moral  stamina  and  turn  us  into  a  nation  of 
loafers.  To  the  contrary,  the  war  years 
have  demonstrated  that  Americans  want  to 
work  and  will  work  when  they  have  a 
chance.  Here  are  three  samples  of  the  evi- 
dence in  the  case: 

For  every  aged  worker  who  is  drawing 
retirement  benefits,  there  are  two  who  are 
eligible  but  choose  to  work  rather  than  take 
their  payments. 

Public  assistance  rolls  declined  as  defense 
and  war  jobs  opened  up.  After  a  long  de- 
pression, people  rose  to  the  chance  to  earn 
in  ways  that  not  only  relieved  them  from 
leaning  on  relatives  or  friends,  but  made 
public  support  unnecessary. 

The  few  persons  drawing  unemployment 
benefits  in  wartime  have  been  predominant- 
ly the  old,  the  disabled  and  the  unskilled — 
last  hired,  first  fired,  and  hard  to  place 
even  when  labor  is  short. 

There  were  rather  natural  misgivings,  ten 
years  ago,  about  the  problems  involved 
in  administering  a  social  security  scheme 
in  so  vast  and  various  a  country  as  ours. 
These  misgivings,  also,  have  been  dissipated 
by  actual  experience.  To  illustrate,  the  So- 
cial Security  Board  has  been  able  to  keep 
detailed,  accurate  records  of  workers'  tax- 
able wages  in  some  eighty  million  social 
security  accounts — and  this  at  an  average 


account  cost  of  around  17  cents  a  year. 
Carefully  selected  and  trained,  federal,  state 
and  local  staffs,  working  under  personnel 
merit  systems,  have  overcome  initial  lack  of 
experience  and  achieved  a  countrywide 
reputation  for  impartial  and  efficient  admin- 
istration. 

As  a  people,  we  have  come  to  realize,  in 
the  words  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt  used  in 
the  economic  crisis  of  1933,  that  what  we 
have  most  to  fear  is  fear  itself.  That  was 
two  years  before  he  initiated  a  social  se- 
curity system  which  has  substituted  hope 
and  confidence  for  fear,  and  has  helped  us 
to  have  and  to  hold,  individually  and  col- 
lectively, the  independence  and  freedom  we 
cherish. 

The  Decade  Ahead 


In  the  United  States,  as  in  all  other  coun- 
tries that  have  developed  social  legislation, 
the  first  step  has  been  to  recognize  the  needs 
of  particular  groups  whose  special  plight 
has  won  wide  public  attention — the  blind, 
the  aged,  widows  and  orphans,  and  so  on. 
A  law  is  passed  to  deal  with  a  particular 
group,  and  in  time  there  come  to  be  several 
measures  dealing  with  various  parts  of  a 
problem.  Next  comes  a  time — which  1 
think  we  are  now  entering — when  we  can 
draw  aside  and  try  to  look  at  our  experience 
as  a  whole  over  a  ten-year  span;  to  iron  out 
discrepancies,  strengthen  weak  spots,  and 
fill  in  gaps.  Facing  the  postwar  world,  not 
only  this  country  but  others  are  going 
through  such  stock-taking. 

General  recommendations  for  strengthen- 
(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

584 


ing  and  rounding  out  the  social  security  pro 
gram  in  the  United  States  have  been  made 
by  the  Social  Security  Board  to  Congress. 
These  call  for  extending  social  insurance 
to  protect  all  gainfully  employed  persons 
everywhere — and  their  dependents.  They 
call  for  covering  the  other  major  risks  of  in 
voluntary  wage  loss  to  which  a  worker  is 
liable — those  from  sickness  and  disability  no 
less  than  unemployment  and  old  age.  They 
call  for  insurance  against  costs  of  medical 
care. 

They  call,  also,  for  expanding  federal- 
state  public  assistance  programs  to  meet 
the  needs  not  merely  of  the  special  groups 
now  covered,  but  of  any  person  who  lacks 
die  basic  minimum  for  subsistence.  And 
they  hew  to  the  line  that  insurance  bene 
fits  and  assistance  payments  alike,  shall  b? 
more  adequate;  that  inequities  in  the  pro 
tection  available  to  persons  whose  circum- 
stances are  similar  but  who  live  in  different 
parts  of  the  country,  can  and  should  be  re- 
moved. 

I  am  optimistic  enough  to  believe  that 
progress  in  this  second  decade  of  social  se- 
curity in  the  United  States  will  at  least 
equal  the  progress  we  have  made  in  the 
first.  But  I  am  also  confident  that  when 
these  next  ten  years  have  rolled  by,  we  shall 
still  be  talking  about  the  inadequacy  of 
the  program  in  achieving  minimum  well 
being. 

Social  security  will  always  be  a  goal, 
never  a  finished  thing,  because  human  as- 
pirations are  infinitely  expansible — just  as 
human  nature  is  infinitely  perfectible. 


:ontinued  from  other  side 


retail  price,  and  frequently  much  leas.  (A  small 
charge  is  added  to  cover  postage  and  other  mailing 
expenses.) 

As  a  member  you  receive  a  careful  pre-publica- 
tion  report  about  each  book-of-the-month  (and  at 
the  same  time  reports  about  all  other  important 
new  books).  If  you  want  the  book-of-the-month, 
you  let  it  come.  If  not,  you  specify  some  other 
book  you  want,  or  simply  write,  "Send  me  noth- 


ing." With  every  two  books-of-the-month  you  buy 
you  receive,  free,  a  book  dividend.  Brave  Men  is 
an  example.  Last  year  the  retail  value  of  books 
given  to  Club  members  was  over  £9,000,000. 

Your  only  obligation  as  a  member  is  to  buy  no 
fewer  than  four  books-of-the-month  in  any  twelve- 
month period,  and  you  can  cancel  your  subscrip- 
tion any  time  after  doing  so.  (Prices  are  slightly 
higher  in  Canada.) 


a 


FREE 


BRAVE  MEN 

BY  ERNIE  PYLE 

"This  book  for  thousands  and  thousands  of  us, 
who  have  sons  or  friends'  sons  in  this  war,  will 
be  the  source  book  of  what  happened  to  them, 
as  they  saw  it.  This  is  the  first-hand  reporting 
which  will  never  be  equaled  by  stories  told 
afterwards."  —  Henry  Seidel  Canby.  Here  is 
what  your  own  boy  would  tell,  what  all  fhe 
boys  would  tell,  of  what  they  have  seen  and  en- 
dured, if  they  only  could  write  as  Ernie  did. 


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COMBINED  PRICE  TO  MEMBERS  $3.00 

UP  FRONT 

by  Bill  Mauldin 

Here  is  war  as  the  G.I.s  see  it.  Sergeant  Bill  Mauldin, 
the  G.I.s'  favorite  cartoonist,  comes  home  after  five 
years  of  war  to  find  himself  famous.  His  book — over 
a  hundred  cartoons  with  running  text  —  has  been 
greeted  throughout  the  country  with  the  same  spon- 
taneous enthusiasm  accorded  Ernie  Pyle's  Brave  Men. 

OffMv 

THE  WORLD,  THE  FLESH 
AND  FATHER  SMITH 

by  Bruce  Marshall 

Bruce  Marshall  wrote  that  delightful  book,  Father 
Malacbfs  Miracle.  Now  he  has  written  an  equally 
delicious  story  of  a  Catholic  priest  in  Scotland.  "It  is 
asperged  with  cleansing  mirth,"  Christopher  Morley 
says,  "the  sly  mischief  that  has  as  much  fun  in  smil- 
ing at  itself  as  at  anyone  else." 


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Why   the   hell    couldnt 

you   have   been  bom    a 

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A  FREE  COPY 

TO  NEW  MEMBERS 

BRAVE  MEN 

BY  ERNIE  PYLE 

"The  first-hand  reporting  of  this 
war  which  will  never  be  equalled 
by  stories  told  afterwards." 


OCTOBER    IQ45 


SURVEV 


3O  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


GRAPHIC 


RECONVERSION  IS  NOT  ENOUGH 

As  Millions  of  Wage  Earners  and  Veterans  Shift  from  War  to  Peace 

WILLIAM  HABER  HELEN  HALL  PHILIP  MURRAY 

BEULAH  AMIDON  BRADLEY  BUELL  JOHN  N.  ANDREWS 

Will   Congress   Clean  House?  by  Hillier  Krieghbaum 
The  Charter— and  Control  of  Atomic  Energy  by  James  T.  Shotwell 


0 


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organized     to    promote     the     common     welfare 


PUBLISHERS  OF  SURVEY  GRAPHIC  AND  SURVEY  MIDMONTHLY      •       112  EAST  19  STREET      •      NEW  YORK  3,  N.  Y. 


OFFICERS 

RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  President 
ACNES  BROWN  LEACH,  Vice  President 
JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  Fin  PmUent 
PAUL  KELLOGC,  Editor 
ANN  REED  BRENNER,  S.rrelary 


DOROTHY  L.  BERNHARD 
JACOB  BILLIKOPF 
NELLIE  LEE  BOK 
EVA  RILLS  EASTMAN 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS:  Joseph  P.  Chamberlain,  Chairman 


EARL  C.  HARRISON 
SIDNEY  HILLMAN 
FRED  K.  HOEHLER 
BLANCHE  ITTLESON 
ALVIN  JOHNSON 


W.  W.  LANCASTER 
WILLIAM  M.  LEISERSON 
THOMAS  I.  PARKINSON 
JUSTINE  WISE  POLIER 
WILLIAM  ROSKNWALD 


BEARDSLEY  RUML 
EDWARD  L.  RYERSON 
LOWELL  SHUMWAY 
HAROLD  H.   SWIFT 
OHDWAY  TEAD 


Dear  SURVEY  Reader: 


LET  ME  INVITE  YOU  to  join  Survey  Associates.    This  fall 
is  bringing  us  assignments  as  stiff  as  any  in  wartime;  and  if 
we  are  to   do   justice  to  them  we  must  recruit  new  members. 

With  victory  in  two  hemispheres,  this  final  quarter  of  1945 
should  prove  to  be  a  first  lap  in  domestic  revival  and  enduring 
peace;  but  we  are  all  conscious  how  beset  the  transition  is  with 
tremendous  readjustments.  These  strike  home  in  the  very  fields  in 
which  our  work  of  inquiry  and  interpretation  has  enlisted  imagina- 
tion and  support. 

By  way  of  illustration,  let  me  trace  a  sequence  which  began  in 
1929. 

—  Six  months  before  the  market  crash,  we  brought  out  (at 
the  suggestion  of  the  late  Justice  Brandeis)  a  Graphic  special  on 
UNEMPLOYMENT  AND  WAYS  OUT. 

—  Two  years  ago,  with  Stuart  Chase  as  special  editor,  we  is- 
sued our  8th  CALLING  AMERICA  number:—  FROM  WAR 
TO  WORK,  in  which  labor  and  business  leaders,  social  workers 
and  economists,  explored  "Full  Employment  and  how  to  get  it." 

—  Last  March,  Survey  Graphic  carried  one  of  the  first  por- 
trayals (by  Leon  Keyserling)  of  "The  Full  Employment  Act  of 
1945"  —  today  a  keystone  in  the  President's  program  to  outflank 
postwar  unemployment. 

—  And  in  this  comes  a  sheaf  of  articles  on  the  situation 
confronting  service  men  and  discharged  war  workers  —  led  off 
by  Prof.  William  Haber  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  adviser 
to  the  Office  of  War  Mobilization  and  Reconversion;  who  draws 
on  expert  forecasts  of  what  may  be  looked  for  in  late  1945  and 
1946  —  if  things  are  allowed  to  drift. 

Or  as  a  double-barreled  example,  take  two  series  in  1945:— 

A  Graphic  series  edited  by  Beulah  Amidon,  with  Waldemar 
Kaempffert,  science  editor  of  The  New  York  Times,  as  consultant, 
has  dealt  with  the  human  implications  of  wartime  advances  rang- 
ing from  penicillin  to  stratosphere  flying.  The  latest,  on  "The 
Atomic  Bombshell"  (September)  by  Prof.  S.  Colum  Gilfillan  of 
the  University  of  Chicago. 


For  Your  Convenience  .  .  . 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  Inc. 

112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Enroll  me  as  a  $10  Cooperating  Member  of  Survey  Associates. 

D  Check  enclosed  D  Expect   remittance  on    

Name 


Address 


A  membership  includes  a  joint  subscription  'to  Survey  Graphic 
and  Survey  Midmonthly  for  the  12  months  the  membership^  runs. 
We  shall  be  glad  to  send  the  balance  of  your  present  subscription 
to  a  friend  of  your  choice  or  to  a  military  hospital  library. 


Another  Graphic  series  is  by  James  T.  Shotwell,  historian  of 
World  War  I  and  a  chief  consultant  at  the  Golden  Gate  Confer- 
ence. In  this  number  he  comes  to  grips  with  forebodings 
that  atomic  energy  has  knocked  the  United  Nations  into  a  cocked 
hat — not  by  minimizing  it  but  by  analyzing  the  powers  of  control 
inherent  in  the  San  Francisco  Charter.  More,  he  is  the  first  to 
show  how  this  new  force  let  loose  in  the  world  will  enhance  the 
status  of  the  small  powers  and  the  Assembly. 

Kindred  illustrations  can  be  cited  in  Survey  Midmonthly: 

...  In  November,  a  sheaf  of  articles  on  veteran  needs,  based 
on  field  work  appraising  Washington  policies  as  they  pan  out 
at  the  local  level  (see  "The  Veteran  Returns  to  Dayton,  Ohio" 
— Midmonthly,  July). 

...  In  October,  a  forward-looking  special  on  private  health 
agencies  edited  by  Bradley  Buell,  and  based  on  a  canvass  by 
the  National  Health  Council  (See  FITNESS  FOR  FREEDOM, 
a  Graphic  wartime  special  number,  six  weeks  after  Pearl 
Harbor). 

In  December,  comes  a  Graphic  sheaf  on  voluntary  plans  of 
health  insurance,  edited  by  Michael  M.  Davis,  who  has  long 
pioneered  this  field  for  us. 

LOOKED  AT  ANOTHER  WAY,  this  fall  quarter  of  1945 
rounds  out  four  war  years.  It  has  been  the  understanding  and 
the  support  of  members  of  Survey  Associates  that  has  seen  us 
through  them.  This  holds  for  special  numbers  of  Survey 
Midmonthly  which  have  reinforced  social  agencies  the  country 
over.  Holds  for  adventures  in  stretching  understanding  among  half 
a  million  readers  in  the  CALLING  AMERICA  series  of  Survey 
Graphic— of  which  the  BRITISH  AND  OURSELVES,  last  May, 
was  the  10th  since  Munich.  Let  me  quote  Ambassador  Winant: 

".  .  .  What  a  fine  job  it  is.  I  can  well  understand  the  work 
and  conferences,  and  the  editorial  effort  to  keep  apace  of 
events,  which  went  into  it;  and  I  am  certain  that  it  will  do 
much  good  ...  as  evidence  of  the  serious  endeavor  of  re- 
sponsible Americans  to  understand  and  interpret  the  relations 
between  nations.  .  .  ." 

Our  month  in,  month  out  work  has  gone  ahead  with  a  staff 
telescoped  by  war  service  abroad,  and  our  printers  shorthanded; 
with  paper  quotas  and  higher  costs;  and  with  momentous  events 
upsetting  long  range  plans  and  close  drawn  budgets.  Altogether 
the  war  years  have  put  to  the  test  this  cooperative  working  scheme 
of  ours. 

The  outcome  of  a  year  of  inveterate  hazards  now  hangs  in  the 
balance.  May  we  count  you  in? 

Sincerely, 


EDITOR 


FOOD 


FAMINE 


The  Challenge  of  Erosion 


Ward  Shepard 

Here  is  a  revolutionary  plan  for 
meeting  the  most  gigantic  and 
complex  economic  task  confront- 
ing men— the  task  of  reconstruct- 
ing the  world's  broken-down  soils 
and  river  systems.  Mr.  Shepard 
describes  soil  erosion  as  the  most 
insidious  and  fatally  destructive 
scourge  of  civilization,  explains 
how  it  came  about,  and  suggests 
how  it  can  be  overcome  by. na- 
tional-and  international  action. 

$3.00 


Illustrated 


MACMILLAN 


MAKING 
YOUR   WISHES 
COME    TRUE. 


One  wish  has  been  fulfilled.  Won  by 
3}^  years  of  deadly  struggle.  With 
God's  help,  we  have  prevailed. 

Now  we  have  a  chance  to  make  an- 
other wish  come  true.  For  most  of  us, 
the  outlook  is  a  bright  one.  If  we  will 
simply  use  the  brains,  the  will,  the 
energy,  the  enterprise ...  the  materials 
and  resources  .  .  .  with  which  we  won 
our  war,  we  can't  fail  to  win  the  peace 
and  to  make  this  the  richest,  happiest 
land  the  world  has  known. 

Your  wishes  have  been  wrapped  in 
that  bright  outlook.  Your  wish  for  a 
cottage  by  a  lake.  For  your  boy's  col- 
lege education.  For  a  trip  you  long  to 
take.  For  a  "cushion"  against  emer- 
gencies and  unforeseen  needs. 

You  can  make  those  wishes  come 
true  by  buying  bonds  today  . . .  buying 
them  regularly  .  .  .  and  holding  on  to 
them  in  spite  of  all  temptation. 

There's  no  safer,  surer  investment  in 
the  world.  You  can  count  on  getting 
back  $4  for  every  $3  you  put  in  E 
Bonds — as  surely  as  you  can  count  on 
being  a  day  older  tomorrow. 

So  why  not  be  patriotic  and  smart 
at  the  same  time? 


FULFILL   YOUR  WISH- 
BUY  EXTRA  BONDS  IN 

THE  GREAT  VICTORY  LOAN! 

Inserted  by 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publishers  of  Survey  Graphic 
and  Survey   Midmonthly 

This  is  an  official  U.  S.  Treasury 

advertisement — prepared  under  auspices 

of  Treasury  Department  and  War 

Advertising  Council 


A  Constructive  Theory 
of  Neurosis 


OUR 
INN 


Bf  K.MUK  HORNIX,  i 


OUR 

INNER 

CONFLICTS 

by 
Karen  Homey,  M.D. 


Author  of  The  Neurotic  Person- 
ality in  our  Time,  New  Ways  in 
Psychoanalysis  and  Self- Analysis 

Karen  Horney's  books,  notable 
for  original  thinking  and  clear  ex- 
pression, are  very  widely  read 
and  discussed.  In  Our  Inner  Con- 
flicts she  breaks  new  ground. 
Here  is  a  book  Vhtch  should 
benefit  all  of  us  who  want  to 
know  ourselves.  It  goes  beyond 
the  range  of  merely  technical 
matters  or  abstract  theory.  Most 
of  us  who  live  in  these  difficult 
times  are  caught  in  some  of  the 
conflicts  here  described  and  need 
all  the  help  we  can  get.  Though 
the  author  makes  it  clear  that 
severe  neuroses  belong  in  the 
hands  of  experts,  she  expresses 
her  conviction  that  with  persistent 
efforts  we  can  ourselves  go  a  long 
way  toward  disentangling  our  own 
conflicts.  Thus  conflicts  can  be 
resolved,  she  says,  by  changing 
the  conditions  within  the  person- 
ality that  brought  them  into 
being.  $3.00 

At  all  bookstores 

W.  W,  Norton  &  Company 

70  Fifth  Avenue  New  York  1 1 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  October.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  10.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC.  Composed  and  printed 
bv  union  labor  at.  the  Hughes  Printing  Company.  Kant  Stroudsburg.  !'»..  U.  S.  A.  Publication  Office.  34  No.  Crystal  Street.  1/ast  Stroudsburg,  Pa,  tdllonal 
Mid  business  office.  112  East  18  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y.  Price  this  Issue  3D  cents;  $3  a  year;  Foreign  postage  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cent*. 
filtered  as  seoond  class  matter  on  June  22,  1840  at  tie  post  office  at  East  Stroudsburg.  Pa.,  under  the  Act  of  March  3.  1879.  Acceptano*  for  maillot  at  a 
s]*dal  rate  ol  postase  Brorlded  for  In  Section  IMS,  Act  of  Oototwr  S.  1917,  authorized  December  21,  1921. 


'e  -timed  Me  c0wer 


The  peak  of  the  Bell  System's 
telephone  shortage  was  in  August. 
Then  we  had  about  2,100,000  un- 
filled orders  for  service. 

More  orders  are  received  every 
day,  but  now  we  are  installing 
telephones  faster  than  the  new 
orders  come  in.  We  will  get 
700,000  telephones  from  July  to 
December  31  this  year,  and 
700,000  more  in  the  first  three 
months  of  1946. 


Western  Electric,  our  manu- 
facturing company,  is  setting  up 
every  machine  it  has  that  will 
make  telephone  equipment. 

In  the  next  12  months  we  ex- 
pect to  install  more  telephones 
than  there  were  in  all  of  France 
and  Belgium  before  the  war. 

Even  that  will  not  give  service 
to  every  one  who  wants  it  in  that 
time.  There  are  places  where  we 
have  complicated  switchboards  to 


install — even  places  where  we 
must  build  new  buildings  for  the 
new  switchboards. 

But  we  are  on  our  way  to  give 
service  to  all  who  want  it — on 
our  way  to  restore  Bell  System 
standards  of  service  and  raise 
them  even  higher. 

We  are  turning  our  facilities 
back  to  civilian  service  just  as 
fast  as  we  turned  them  to  the 
instant  needs  of  war. 


BELL    TELEPHONE    SYSTEM 


Among  Ourselves 


OUR    MASTHEAD    TURNS    OUT    TO    BE    A    CASUALTY 

of  reconversion.  Ten  years  ago,  Victor  Wey- 
bright  became  managing  editor  of  Survey 
Graphic.  He  has  been  on  leave  these  last 
three  years,  a  key  executive  in  the  Office  of 
War  Information,  London. 

In  December  he  returns  as  editorial  direc- 
tor and  vice-president  of  Penguin  Books,  Inc. 
— an  independent  American  incarnation  of  the 
extraordinary  adventure  of  the  Lane  brothers 
with  nine-pence  titles  and  their  newer  Pelican 
Books  in  the  non-fiction  field. 

Among  his  associates  in  the  new  program 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  will  be,  as  presi- 
dent and  managing  director,  Dr.  Kurt  Enoch, 
co-founder  of  the  Albatross  Modern  Continen- 
tal Library;  as  counsel,  Morris  L.  Ernst;  and 
as  initial  members  of  an  editorial  advisory 
board,  Judge  Jerome  Frank  and  Prof.  Eduard 
C.  Lindeman. 

ON   HIS   TRIP   TO   THIS   COUNTRY  LAST   FALL,   VW 

initiated  the  10th  of  our  CALLING  AMER- 
ICA series  of  Survey  Graphic  specials — "The 
British  and  Ourselves"  (May  1945).  His  telling 
muster  of  overseas  manuscripts  and  features 
was  his  last  service  to  us.  His  first  goes  back 
to  1927.  He  had  grown  up  in  the  redlands  of 
Maryland,  where  Gypsies  got  their  travel- 
wagons.  Later  a  resident  at  Hull-House,  he 
came  across  their  modern  counterparts  winter- 
ing in  Chicago  and  projected  a  colorful  Graphic 
special  on  "New  World  Gypsy  Trails."  Nine 
years  followed  as  an  editor  of  Adventure  (the 
Butterick  Company). 

His  first  assignments  for  us  in  1935  linked 
his  penchant  for  social  discovery  with  deft 
writing.  "When  Chickens  Come  Home  to 
Roost" — etched  the  homely  backgrounds  of  the 
case  that  threw  out  the  NRA.  "Pullman  Port- 
ers on  Parade"  was  the  first  full  length  por- 
trayal of  the  rise  of  a  great  union. 

His  outstanding  contribution  was  in  han- 
dling our  first  CALLING  AMERICA  num- 
bers (beginning  in  1939) — especially  "The 
Americas:  South  and  North"  (1941). 

There  was  a  glint  of  paradox  that  the  au- 
thor of  "Spangled  Banner,"  his  early  biog- 
raphy of  the  writer  of  our  national  anthem, 
should  prove  one  of  our  most  engaging  emis 
saries  to  Britain  in  the  '40's.  Here  his  talent 
for  interplay  among  universities  and  agencies, 
travelers  and  organizations,  set  a  pattern  of 
cultural  relations  that  will  leave  its  impress 
on  American  embassies  in  the  future. 


In  September  Survey  Midmonthly 

These    Jobs    Beg    for    Workers 

Louise   C.    Odencrantz 

Job   and   Pay   Study 

Hester   Graham   Stall 

Social    Dividends  from   Public  Housing 

lay   Rnmney  and  Sara  Shtttnan 

The   Handicapped    Are   Employable 

Marcia  Dane 

Community   Evolution  Chester   D.  Snell 

Service   to  Mental   Hospitals 

Elizabeth    Janet   Gray 


VOL.  XXXIV  CONTENTS 

Survey  Graphic  for  October  1945 

Cover:  The  Call  to  Wor/^;  Photo  ]rom  European 
Frontispiece:  The  "V"  That  Does  Not  Stand  for  Victory 


No.  10 


Reconversion  Is  Not  Enough   

"Lest  We  Forget":  Photographs   

Empty  Pay  Envelopes — and  Peace 

An  Economic  Bill  of  Rights   

"Sixty  Million  Jobs"— If  [The  Wallace  book] 
As  Uniforms  Are  Shed  [The  Baruch  report] 

The  Veteran  Goes  to  College   

Control  of  Atomic  Energy   

Will  Congress   Clean   House? 

When  Doctors  Disagree  

Letters  and   Life    

Three  Views  of  the  Japanese    


WILLIAM  HABER 

HELEN  HALL 

PHILIP  MURRAY 

BEULAH  AMIDON 

BRADLEY  BUELL 

.  .  .  JOHN  N.  ANDREWS 

.  .  JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 

HILLIER   KRIEGHBAUM 

.  .  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


HARRY  HANSEN 


389 
392 
394 
397 
400 
401 
402 
407 
409 
412 
414 
414 


Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,   Inc.    AH  rights  reserved. 


SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC. 

Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  J».;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  VALUER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERNHARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  LEE  BOK,  JOSEPH 
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TEAD. 

Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

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FORMER  ATTORNEY  GENERAL  FRANCIS  BIDDLE 
has  been  appointed  American  judge  on  the 
international  tribunal  to  try  Axis  war  crimin- 
als (with  Judge  John  J.  Parker  of  the  Fourth 
Circuit  Court  of  Appeals  as  alternate). 

Mr.  Biddle  has  been  a  warm  friend  of 
Survey  Associates  for  a  long  time,  both  before 
and  since  his  active  participation  in  its  plan- 
ning as  a  member  of  the  board  of  directors 
1936-39. 

Readers  will  remember  Clinch  Calkins'  in- 
timate and  yet  penetrating  sketch  of  our 
wartime  attorney  general  in  Survey  Graphic 
for  October  1942. 

THE   COUNTRY  LOST  ONE  OF    ITS   GREATEST  SOCIAL 

educators  and  crusaders  when  Msgr.  John  A. 
Ryan  died  in  September  at  the  age  of  76.  His 
absorption  in  social  questions  was  life-long. 
His  doctoral  dissertation  (1906),  "A  Living 
Wage:  Its  Ethical  and  Economic  Aspects,"  be- 
came an  epochal  book — it  broke  the  path  for 
the  minimum  wage  in  this  country.  Monsignor 
Ryan  framed  the  minimum  law  for  his  home 
state,  Minnesota — a  law  which  became  a 
pattern  for  other  states  to  follow. 

The  Survey  leaned  on  his  wisdom  through- 


out his  many  years  of  social  pioneering  for 
the  general  welfare — as  professor  of  moral 
theojogy  and  industrial  and  social  ethics  at 
St.  Paul  Seminary,  the  Catholic  University, 
and  Trinity  College,  and  as  director  of  the 
social  action  department  of  the  National  Cath- 
olic Welfare  Council. 

In  Monsignor  Ryan's  last  contribution  ti 
Survey  Graphic  (November  1941,  a  special 
number  on  industrial  relations  and  defense), 
he  gave  as  the  supreme  rule  of  political  con- 
duct the  directing  of  all  the  country's  efforts 
toward  the  common  good.  His  definition  of 
the  common  good  was  characteristic — "the 
welfare  of  the  community  as  a  whole  and  in 
all  its  parts;  not  only  the  general  welfare  but 
the  well-being  of  classes,  families  and  indi- 
viduals." 

When  his  autobiography  "Social  Doctrine 
in  Action"  was  published  in  1941,  Leon 
Whipple  wrote  of  it  in  our  pages: 

"Social  workers  will  find  this  book  rich 
in  inspiration:  it  is  their  own  story,  too. 
Those  who  are  ignorant  of  the  Catholic  con- 
tribution will  be  informed;  those  unaware  of 
how  progress  has  been  won  will  be  chal- 
lenged." 


387 


THE  "V"  THAT  DOES  NOT  STAND  FOR  VICTORY 


SU  RVEV 


PHIC 


Reconversion  Is  Not  Enough 

Why  do  we  face  large  scale  unemployment  through  1946?  Facts 
and  forecasts  —  and  the   President's   program  of   prevention. 


WITH     THE    WAR     OVER     AND     VICTORY     WON, 

Americans  can  look  back  on  the  amazing 
capacity 'of  our  people  and  our  democratic 
institutions  to  make  adjustments  and  to 
make  them  fast — in  putting  our  strength  to 
work  across  two  oceans. 

What  happens  to  ourselves  in  the  change- 
over from  war  to  peace  hangs  on  our 
capacity  to  do  its  like  again — fast — and  to 
do  it  at  home.  For  with  the  war  over,  a 
new  victory  must  be  won  as  contracts  for 
munitions  and  ships  are  cancelled,  troop 
movements  to  Asia  pared  down,  and  pro- 
duction cuts  and  plant  layoffs  rip  the  fabric 
of  wartime  employment.  Impressive  plans 
for  a  slow  change-over  and  "orderly  transi- 
tion" had  to  be  shelved.  The  one-front  war 
in  the  Pacific  was  over  before  we  could  get 
any  large  scale  'reconversion  under  way. 

With  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the 
Japanese,  a  host  of  problems,  economic, 
fiscal,  social,  international,  dive-bombed  at 
us  in  one  fell  swoop.  And  in  early  Septem- 
ber, President  Truman  drew  together,  in 
the  skein  of  his  first  peacetime  message  to 
Congress,  the  strands  of  what  might  be 
called  a  new  national  defense. 

Today,  every  boatload  of  homecoming 
veterans  registers  our  success  in  mustering 
manpower,  twelve  million  strong,  into  our 
armed  forces,  to  be  equipped  and  deployed 
on  the  fighting  fronts.  At  the  same  time, 
over  seven  million  new  workers  "above 
normal"  poured  into  mills  and  factories, 
mines  and  transport,  offices  and  shops.  The 
most  mobile  labor  force  in  all  the  world — 
with  its  heritage  of  spirit  from  our  fron- 
uering  epoch — moved  or  was  moved  as  the 
shifting  needs  of  our  rapidly  expanding 
war  plant  required.  Boom  towns  which 
sprang  up  over  night,  old  industrial  centers 
which  burst  their  bounds,  grappled  with 
problems  of  housing,  congestion,  child  care, 
so  production  might  go  forward  in  high. 

With  the  result  that  the  value  of  pur 
current  national  output  was  boosted  again 
and  again.  Only  a  few  short  years  ago  the 
National  Resources  Planning  Board  ven- 
tured to  set  our  national  income  objective 
as  at  least  $100  billion  annually.  By  mid- 


WILLIAM  HABER 

1945,  we  produced  at  a  rate  of  $200  billion 
a  year.  American  labor,  management  and 
agriculture,  working  with  government, 
nearly  doubled  production  goals  which  had 
been  called  fantastic  in  1940.  With  the 
further  result  that  everyone  who  wished  a 
job  could  get  one.  In  civilian  life,  full  em- 
ployment became  a  reality  plus;  and  in 
spite  of  substantial  price  advances,  lifted 
standards  of  living  for  uncounted  Amer- 
ican families. 

In    mid-August,    as    our    national    gear:, 

— By  the  adviser  on  manpower  and  labor 
relations  to  the  director  of  the  Office  of 
War  Mobilization  and  Reconversion — 
who  throughout  his  career  has  centered 
on  research,  planning,  and  administra- 
tion close  to  his  present  theme. 

Mr.  Haber  has  spent  most  of  the  war 
years  at  Washington  on  leave  from  his 
post  as  professor  of  economics  at  the 
University  of  Michigan — to  which  he 
will  return  next  November.  In  major 
assignments  of  the  National  Resources 
Planning  Board,  he  was  chairman  of  its 
Committee  on  Long  Range  Work  and 
Relief  Policies.  He  is  a  member  of  the 
Federal  Advisory  Council  on  Social 
Security.  When  war  was  declared,  he 
was  appointed  special  assistant  to  the 
director  of  the  U.  S.  Budget;  later  direc- 
tor of  planning,  War  Manpower  Com- 
mission. 

Wisconsin-trained,  he  had  engaged  in 
labor  management  for  Hart  Schaffner  8i 
Marx  (Chicago  garment  manufacturers) 
after  his  doctorate  at  Madison  under 
Prof.  John  R.  Commons. 

In  Michigan,  in  the  '30's,  he  served 
in  turn  as  State  Emergency  Relief  Ad- 
ministrator, as  chairman  of  a  commission 
which  drafted  the  State  Unemployment 
Compensation  Act,  and  later  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  new  Michigan  Unemploy- 
ment Compensation  Commission. 

His  writings  have  dealt  with  industrial 
relations,  unemployment  compensation, 
and  the  social  insurances  generally. 


swung  into  reverse,  the  Office  of  War 
Mobilization  and  Reconversion  brought  out 
a  report  to  the  President  entitled  "War  to 
Peace."  This  was  designed  to  answer  spe- 
cific questions  uppermost  in  people's  minds 
now  that  Japan  had  collapsed.  "In  a  sense," 
warned  the  OWMR  director,  John  W. 
Snyder,  "we  have  exchanged  lives  which 
would  have  been  lost  in  battle  for  sharp 
unemployment  at  home.  It  was  a  welcome 
swap."  But  as  he  pointed  out,  it  challenged 
us  forthwith  to  redirect  four  main  factors 
which  make  our  economy  tick — "our  man- 
power, our  raw  materials,  our  plant  and 
equipment,  and  our  managerial  know- 
how." 

Now  unemployment  is  something  about 
which  American  workers  and  American 
management  have  learned  hi  the  hard 
school  of  experience.  They  have  faced  it 
in  depressions;  in  seasonal  unemployment 
and  business  failures;  and  in  new  modern 
forms  when  mass  production  stops  to  re- 
tool for  new  models.  So  the  prospect  of 
sharp  unemployment  for  a  few  months  in 
the  shift  from  military  to  civilian  output 
was  something  everyone  could  grasp  and 
try  to  adjust  to. 

But  would  this  mean  nothing  more  than 
a  return  to  pre-war  conditions  when  we 
had  a  fair  measure  of  business  prosperity, 
and  $80  billion  national  income  but,  along 
with  them,  seven  or  eight  million  jobless? 
Would  it  mean  that  workers  would  slip 
back  further — from  payrolls  to  "poor  re- 
lief," from  teeming  war  production  areas 
to  old  rounds  of  sharecropping  and  part- 
time  work,  to  the  hopeless  trek  of  migrants 
searching  for  a  pot  of  wages  at  the  end  of 
some  economic  rainbow?  Would  it  mean 
again  the  old  fight  for  jobs  with  discrimi- 
nations against  race  and  color  P 

What  about  this  new  talk  of  full  em- 
ployment in  normal  years?  Hadn't  we 
shown  in  a  crisis  that  we  could  organize 
our  whole  manpower  and  our  incomparable 
technology?  Without  such  teamwork  be- 
tween labor  and  management  the  Axis 
powers  would  not  have  been  licked.  Were 
we  to  knuckle  down  now,  helplessly,  to 


389 


such  a  modern  enemy  as  mass  unemploy- 
ment, entrenched  though  it  was  with  the 
ancient  axis  of  poverty  and  sickness? 

Reconversion  Arithmetic 

The  immediate  charge  upon  us  as  a 
nation  is  to  deal  with  the  shock  produced 
by  the  sudden  ending  of  the  war — and  the 
dislocations  bound  to  come  in  its  train. 
Rigorous  calculations  made  by  government 
experts,  skilled  in  the  art  of  projecting 
national  economic  trends,  give  us  the  pic- 
ture. Their  estimates  are  that  war  expendi- 
tures will  fall  from  an  annual  rate  of  some 
$87  billion  in  the  first  half  of  1945  to  a 
rate  of  $40  billion  in  the  fourth  quarter. 
This  decline,  which  will  continue  sharply 
in  1946,  is  the  dominating  economic  fact 
in  these  first  months  after  V-J  Day. 

Meanwhile  reconversion  will  forge  ahead. 
As  production  of  civilian  goods  and  services 
gets  under  way,  non-war  expenditures  will 
mount  from  an  annual  rate  of  $119  billion 
in  the  first  half  of  1945  to  $125  billion  in 
the  present  quarter.  Such  gains,  however, 
are  by  no  means  sufficient  to  absorb  all 
manpower  separated  from  war  production 
and  demobilized  from  the  armed  services. 

Federal  calculations  make  allowance  for 
sharp  reduction  in  hours  which  should 
spread  out  production  over  more  workers, 
and  for  a  considerable  withdrawal  of 
women  and  youth  from  the  labor  force. 
Even  so,  unemployment  will  probably  rise 
from  about  one  million  at  mid-year  to 
above  SIX  MILLION  before  the  end  of 
1945  —  a  phenomenal  shrinkage  in  the 
nation's  payroll  in  the  span  of  a  few 
months. 

During  1946,  however,  the  tempo  of  re- 
conversion will  go  up  as  production  bottle- 
necks are  overcome,  and  raw  materials  be- 
come plentiful.  The  value  of  non-war  out- 
put, estimated  at  the  annual  rate  of  $125 
billion  during  the  fourth  quarter  of  1945, 
may  rise  to  the  rate  of  $150  billion  by  the 
end  of  1946,  and  to  a  rate  of  $160  billion 
during  the  first  half  of  1947.  This,  in  turn, 
would  mark  an  extremely  rapid  increase  in 
total  output,  more  rapid,  the  experts  tell  us, 
than  anything  in  our  previous  peace  time 
history.  As  a  result,  the  number  of  jobs  in 
civilian  production  and  services  may  in- 
crease by  more  than  SIX  MILLION  be- 
tween the  fourth  quarter  of  1945  and  the 
fourth  quarter  of  1946. 

The  possibility  of  such  a  compensatory 
rise  in  employment  during  1946  has  led 
to  optimistic  newspaper  headlines — even  to 
predictions  in  certain  quarters  of  a  labor 
shortage  a  year  from  now.  Those  who 
jumped  to  that  conclusion  found  support 
when  reports  from  various  parts  of  the 
country  seemed  to  indicate  a  relatively 
small  volume  of  new  unemployment  even 
after  V-J  Day. 

True,  the  War  Manpower  Commission 
had  estimated  that  about  2,100,000  workers 
were  laid  off  from  war  jobs  in  the  first 
eighteen  days  after  the  Japanese  surrender. 
But  these  laid-off  workers  failed  to  show 
up  in  the  local  employment  offices  either 
to  apply  for  jobs  or  to  file  claims  for  un- 
employment compensation.  The  number  of 
such  claims  for  the  week  ending  August 


18,  for  example,  was  only  340,000.  By  the 
beginning  of  September,  they  had  increased 
to  1,200,000,  but  even  so  this  represented  a 
relatively  small  proportion  of  all  the  work- 
ers estimated  as  dismissed.  Clues  from 
many  localities  seemed  to  show  that  war- 
weary  war  workers  might  have  "gone 
fishing";  that  the  rush  for  jobs  and  un 
employment  compensation  checks  would 
show  up  in  late  September  or  October. 

Meanwhile,  there  were  those  who 
jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  the  unem- 
ployment estimates  had  been  overdrawn 
and  that  reconversion  was  going  ahead 
more  successfully  than  was  recognized  in 
official  quarters.  As  a  result,  congressional 
committees  considering  the  President's  rec- 
ommendations for  federal  unemployment 
benefits  for  war  workers,  were  cool  to  his 
plea  of  emergency. 

6  Million  Unemployed  a  Year  Hence 

What  is  overlooked  by  such  prophets  of 
an  almost  painless  transition  from  war  to 
peace  is  that  the  rise  in  employment  in 
civilian  industries  will  be  offset  not  only  by 
a  continuing  decline  in  war  expenditures 
(which  still  afford  jobs),  but — even  more 
important — by  the  extremely  rapid  de- 
mobilization of  our  armed  forces.  In  the 
not  distant  future,  from  900,000  to  1,000,- 
000  men  will  be  separated  from  those  serv- 
ices each  month.  Between  mid-1945  and 
the  end  of  1946,  the  armed  forces  now  plan 
to  release  at  least  nine  million  persons. 

As  a  result  of  this  large  outpouring  of 
manpower  from  the  separation  centers, 
unemployment  will  continue  to  increase 
between  the  fourth  quarter  of  1945  and 
the  first  quarter  of  1946;  and  decrease 
rather  slowly  during  the  remainder  of 
1946. 

For  unless  large  scale  constructive  meas- 
ures are  unlimbered  in  the  interval,  the 
probability  is  that  a  year  from  now  we  shall 
be  entering  the  winter  of  1946-7,  again 
with  more  than  six  million  unemployed. 
This  will  be  the  climate  to  which  fully 
half  of  our  veterans  will  return  in  com- 
peting for  footholds  in  American  life  and 
labor  with  discharged  war  workers  and 
civilians  generally. 

The  tabulation  below,  based  on  calcula- 
tions by  federal  economists,  and  assuming 
the  most  favorable  developments  looked  for, 
crystallizes  the  prospect  as  follows: 

Employment  and  Labor  Force* 

(in  millions) 

(Selected   Quarters — Future  quarters   estimated) 

1st  half  1945     1st  qr.  1946     4th  qr.  1946 

Civilian  employment  51.6  45.8  52.0 

Armed    forces    12.2  9.1  3.0 

Unemployment 0.8 

Total  Labor  Force.    64.6  62.8  61.5 

These  responsible  government  forecasts 
on  unemployment  were  not  based  upon  the 
assumption  that  reconversion  would  pro- 
ceed slowly.  On  the  contrary,  wartime 
agencies  were  prepared  with  programs  and 

*  The  Committee  for  Economic  Development,  a 
non-partisan  organization  made  up  of  business  and 
industrial  leaders,  has  predicted — on  the  basis  of  an 
eponomic  climate  favorable  to  private  enterprise — a 
total  of  53,500,000  jobs  "in  the  first  complete  year 
after  reconversion."  (See  The  Nm>  York  Times, 
Sunday,  Sept.  9.)  This  estimate  of  employment  as  of 
September  1,  1946  is  about  1.5  million  higher  than 
indicated  in  the  table;  and  would  reduce  unemploy- 
ment as  here  calculated  to  5  million  at  that  date. 


procedures  for  cutbacks,  release  of  material 
controls,  cancellation  and  settlement  of 
contracts,  clearing  of  plants.  With  a  fair 
start  at  V-E  Day,  reconversion  has  moved 
ahead  rapidly  since. 

Predictions  of  such  a  continuing  and 
stubborn  volume  of  unemployment  flow 
from  the  realistic  conclusion  that  however 
successful-  and  speedy  reconversion  is,  it 
cannot  by  itself  keep  pace  with  the  ex- 
tremely sharp  decline  in  war  expenditures 
and  the  rapid  release  of  servicemen  during 
the  first  six  months  of  1946. 

Our  real  danger  lies  in  the  prospect  that 
we  shall  run  headlong  into  business  pros- 
perity with  six  to  eight  million  workers  still 
jobless.  It  would  be  dangerous  indeed  in  a 
democracy  if,  with  our  wartime  demonstra- 
tion behind  us,  we  should  tolerate  that  sort 
of  stalemate. 

Thus,  the  President's  message  to  Con- 
gress must  be  weighed  in  the  light  of  a 
telescoped  war  budget,  speedy  demobiliza- 
tion, and  the  impact  of  both  on  the  volume 
of  unemployment.  Deflationary  forces  are 
bound  to  be  let  loose  by  deep  cuts  in  the 
volume  of  workers'  earnings;  inflationary 
forces  by  the  sharp  competition  for  scarce 
commodities  on  the  part  of  manufacturers 
who  want  to  get  under  way  ahead  of  their 
competitors.  Uncontrolled,  these  forces 
would  lend  themselves  to  inventory  build 
up,  to  boom,  and  later  collapse,  such  as 
followed  World  War  I. 

Mr.  Truman  and  His  Tools 

On  either  hand,  the  President  proposed 
to  be  ready  with  levers  to  check  any  de- 
flationary trend — with  public  works,  hous- 
ing developments,  tax  relief,  unemployment 
compensation,  wage  increases,  and  similar 
devices;  and  ready  to  put  the  brakes  on 
any  inflationary  trend — through  price  con- 
trols until  postwar  supply  reduces  the 
danger  to  the  minimum. 

Wartime  stabilization  has  been  more  suc- 
cessful than  generally  supposed.  Resisting 
pressures  and  abuse,  the  OPA,  WLB, 
WFA,  WPB,  and  OES  had  made  it  pos- 
sible to  enter  the  reconstruction  period 
without  a  disastrous  price  collapse.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  runaway  inflation  associated 
with  World  War  I  came  after  the  Arm- 
istice of  1918.  Said  the  President:  "We  must 
be  sure  this  time  not  to  repeat  that  bitter 
mistake.  .  .  .  The  American  people  are 
entitled  to  a  firm  assurance  .  .  .  that  rents 
and  the  prices  of  clothing,  food,  and  other 
essentials  will  be  held  in  line."  Hence  his 
recommendations  that  we  must  retain  ra- 
tioning for  scarce  items,  aid  production  of 
low  priced  goods  and  break  bottlenecks. 
Whether  we  have  deflation  or  inflation  or 
both  to  fight,  he  held  that  war  powers, 
most  of  which  expire  on  December  31, 
must  be  extended. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  statistics 
on  employment  are  not  in  themselves  a 
sufficient  gauge  of  purchasing  power. 
Workers  who  keep  their  jobs  may  be  tak- 
ing a  terrific  beating  in  their  pay  envelopes. 
It  has  been  estimated  that  cancellation  of 
overtime  pay,  plus  reduction  in  hours  to 
forty  or  less  per  week,  will  cut  weekly 
take-home  earnings  as  much  as  30  percent. 


390 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Even  at  present  prices  that  would  bite 
deeply  into  standards  of  living — and  spend- 
ing. The  President  knows  this.  Hence  his 
references  to  collective  bargaining  as  a 
method  for  regaining  lost  ground  in  real 
wages;  his  proposal  to  lift  bottom  levels 
long  since  set  in  the  Fair  Labor  Standards 
Act. 

Nor  is  he  content  merely  to  go  back  to 
economic  conditions  prevailing,  say,  in  1940 
— which  would  be  nothing  short  of  disas- 
trous. Rather  he  chimes  in  with  the  go- 
ahead  spirit  Secretary  Vinson  expressed  in 
his  July  report  before  he  left  the  director- 
ship of  the  Office  of  War  Mobilization  and 
Reconstruction:  "The  American  people  are 
in  the  pleasant  predicament  of  having  to 
learn  to  live  50  percent  better  than  they 
ever  lived  before."  Hence  the  message  in 
its  twenty-one  sections  went  beyond  indus- 
trial reconversion  and  came  to  .grips  with 
full  employment,  with  housing,  public 
works,  national  resources,  and  other  lever- 
ages to  lift  rather  than  depress  levels  of 
production  and  consumption. 

Let  us  look  at  some  of  the  measures  de- 
signed to  provide  positive  assistance  to 
labor,  business,  and  agriculture,  through 
which  he  would  cast  the  federal  govern- 
ment in  a  constructive  role  for  the  transi- 
tion period  and  after.  Opinions  will  differ 
as  to  whether  his  program  is  bold  enough 
in  view  of  the  complex  issues  we  face;  but 
that  it  is  in  the  right  direction  is  attested 
by  difficulties  promptly  thrown  in  its  way 
in  Congress  by  those  who  hug  the  inhibi- 
tions of  our  federal-state  system  or  have 
been  slow  to  comprehend  the  "peace  emer- 
gency" which  lies  ahead.* 

Aid  to  Job  Seekers 

Peace  overtook  us  before  we  had  pro- 
jected any  adequate  scheme  for  protecting 
war  workers  when  laid  off.  Dismissal  or 
severance  pay  is  perhaps  the  simplest  and 
most  logical  method  developed  in  Amer- 
ican practice.  This  was  considered  as  a  re- 
course for  some  time,  for  it  could  be  ap- 
plied easily  to  employes  of  prime  war  con- 
tractors. But  complexities  arose  when  it 
~ame  to  those  on  the  payrolls  of  many 
thousands  of  subcontractors,  or  those  in 
private  establishments  having  no  contrac- 
tual relationship  with  the  government. 

But  the  nation  has  an  established  federal- 
state  system  of  unemployment  compensa- 
tion, and  the  conclusion  was  that  reliance 
should  be  placed  upon  that.  Here,  again, 
there  were  hurdles.  In  the  first  place,  some 
fifteen  million  workers  are  not  protected  by 
it  at  all:  Federal  employes,  for  example, 
including  wartime  workers  in  government 
shipyards  and  arsenals;  officers  and  men 
of  the  merchant  marine.  The  President 
recommended  that  these  should  not  be  left 
at  loose  ends;  and,  also,  that  states  be  given 
the  option  of  covering  employes  in  the 

*  In  the  first  test,  the  Senate  upheld  recourse  to 
federal  funds  in  the  postwar  emergency  to  extend 
state  unemployment  benefits  to  26  weeks,  but  struck 
out  the  companion  provision  to  lift  them  to  a  $25 
weekly  level;  and  voted  the  return  of  the  I'.  S.  Em- 
ployment Service  to  the  states  in  three  months. 

This  article  does  not  attempt  to  review  the  course 
of  legislative  consideration,  but  to  give  readers  back- 
ground and  foreground  in  welshing  measures,  old 
and  new,  falling  within  ths  framework  of  the  Presi- 
dent's program. — ED. 


many  small  establishments  which  fall  out- 
side their  present  provisions. 

In  the  second  place,  analysis  showed  that 
weekly  benefit  payments  under  many  state 
laws  are  clearly  too  low  to  meet  present 
conditions.  Almost  half  of  the  forty-eight 
states  set  a  maximum  of  $15  to  $18  per 
week.  These  are  1940  dollars.  Their  pur- 
chasing power  now  is  about  one  third 
lower.  The  President  endorsed  proposals 
that  during  the  emergency  "every  eligible 
worker  should  be  entitled  to  26  weeks  of 
unemployment  benefits  in  any  one  year," 
and  that  "the  maximum  weekly  payment 
for  those  workers  whose  previous  earnings 
were  high  enough  should  be  not  less  than 
$25  per  week."  These  standards  he  urged 
"not  only  as  a  matter  of  justice  and  human- 
ity, but  also  as  a  matter  of  sound  business." 

Mr.  Truman  might  have  gone  further. 
He  might  have  pointed  to  vulnerable  "dis- 
qualification" provisions  in  many  state 
laws  and  to  the  effects  of  "experience  rat- 
ing" both  on  taxes  collected  and  on  benefits 
paid.  All  told,  the  states  have  accumulated 
unemployment  insurance  reserves  of  $7 
billion,  and  a  paradoxical  situation  may  be 
expected  in  some  of  them  with  large  re- 
serves and  yet  with  large  numbers  of  unem- 
ployed left  to  public  relief. 

When  the  Social  Security  Act  was 
passed  in  1935  we  failed  to  adopt  a  gen- 
uinely national  unemployment  insurance 
system  with  both  uniform  duration  of  pay- 
ments and  decent  benefits  for  all.  The 
President  might  have  urged  that  we  rectify 
that  situation.  What  he  did  urge  was  the 
next  best  thing — to  meet  the  emergency  by 
providing  supplementary  federal  payments 
to  make  up  for  the  deficiency  in  the  state 
laws.  Whatever  the  immediate  outcome 
may  be  on  such  legislation,  the  issue  may 
be  reopened  when  Mr.  Truman  carries  out 
his  announced  intention  of  submitting  rec- 
ommendations for  "extending,  expanding, 
and  improving  our  entire  social  security 
program  of  which  unemployment  insur- 
ance is  a  part." 

Job  Placement 

"Placing  demobilized  veterans  and  dis- 
placed war  workers  in  new  peacetime  jobs 
is  the  major  human  problem  of  our 
country's  reconversion  to  a  peacetime  econ- 
omy. It  is  imperative  that  this  work  be 
done  swiftly  and  efficiently,  and  that  men 
and  women  lose  a  minimum  amount  of 
time  between  jobs." — Thus,  the  President. 
This  is  the  assignment  of  the  United  States 
Employment  Service  not  only  in  job  coun- 
seling and  placement,  but  in  advising 
workers  as  to  retraining  for  civilian  oper- 
ations and  in  guiding  them  to  areas  of 
postwar  opportunities.  It  was  the  President's 
strong  recommendation  that,  during  the 
period  of  transition,  the  program  continue 
under  federal  operation  until  June  30,  1947. 

That  has  been  the  case  since  the  out- 
break of  the  war  when  the  state  systems 
were  drawn  into  a  unified  national  service 
to  mobilize  the  nation's  manpower.  Mil- 
lions of  men  and  women  had  to  be  re- 
cruited. Certain  areas  had  surpluses  of 
labor;  others  desperately  lacked  labor. 
Interstate  and  interregional  migration 


affected  hundreds  of  thousands  of  work- 
ers. Only  a  centrally  operated  service 
that  covered  the  entire  country  with  reason- 
ably uniform  policies  could  have  done  the 
job. 

"Now  we  are  faced  with  this  problem  in 
reverse,"  wrote  President  Truman.  "Hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  men  and  women  will 
want  to  seek  jobs  in  towns  and  cities  other 
than  those  in  which  they  worked  during 
the  war.  .  .  .  Millions  of  veterans  also  will 
be  getting  back,  in  search  of  peacetime  jobs. 
They  will  want  to  know  where  such  jobs 
can  be  found,  not  only  in  their  own  areas 
but  also  in  other  parts  of  the  land." 

Hence  his  plea  against  any  change  now 
that  would  slow  down  the  process.  The 
President  might  have  gone  further  and  pro- 
posed permanent  federalization.  If  the  war 
experience  has  taught  us  anything  it  is  that 
our  labor  market  is  national  and  not  local. 

Tensions  and  Security 

Any  period  of  unemployment  inevitably 
increases  prejudices  and  tensions,  sharpen- 
ing competition  between  Negro  and  white 
and  against  minority  groups  in  general. 
Recognizing  this,  the  President  urged  that 
progress  made  during  the  war  against  job 
discrimination  should  not  be  allowed  to 
lapse  and  reiterated  his  recommendation 
that  the  Fair  Employment  Practice  Com- 
mittee should  be  made  a  permanent  federal 
agency. 

With  nearly  fifteen  million  men  and 
women  entitled  to  World  War  II  veterans' 
status  [see  page  401],  the  GI  Bill  of  Rights 
and  other  measures  make  provision  incom- 
parably more  generous  than  any  security 
heretofore  thrown  over  workers  in  war  or 
peace.  Reviewing  these  guarantees,  the 
President  made  constructive  proposals — in- 
cluding the  extension  of  social  security 
credits  to  all  service  men  and  women  for 
the  period  spent  in  the  armed  forces.  Sim- 
ilarly, he  called  on  Congress  to  clarify 
provisions  as  to  veterans'  rights  to  jobs 
which  are  ambiguous  and  may  lead  to 
labor-veteran  strife.  Especially,  it  is  im- 
portant to  spell  out  the  status  of  six  million 
servicemen  who  had  no  jobs  before  they 
were  drafted. 

For  veterans  and  war  workers  alike,  the 
postwar  transition  is  only  a  bridge  between 
today  and  tomorrow,  when  pent  up  con- 
sumer demand  and  the  first  flusl.  of  busi- 
ness revival  will  be  things  of  the  past.  What 
long  run  assurances  have  they  of  steady 
employment — of  higher  standards  of  liv- 
ing? It  is  along  this  horizon  line  of  the 
future  that  the  President  made  some  of  his 
major  recommendations. 

First  of  all,  as  indicated,  he  would  lift 
our  conception  of  minimum  wages.  The 
Fair  Labor  Standards  Act  has  become  ob- 
solete and  the  President  called  for  expand- 
ing its  coverage  and  lifting  its  standards. 
Collective  bargaining  will  provide  the  basis 
for  adjustments  and  advances  for  organized 
workers,  but  new  legislation  will  be  needed 
to  safeguard  others.  Overtime  payments 
and  penalty  rates  often  have  tended  to  con- 
ceal inadequacy  in  wage  rates  for  the  stand- 
ard work  week.  "As  these  props  are  re- 
(Continued  on  page  418) 


OCTOBER     1945 


391 


LEST    WE    FORGET- 


FLOOR 


HEALTH 
5TI 


^L  •<  I 

j^^lhj^^^^l  ^H^ffll 


Rothstein  for  FSA 


Lute  tor  FSA 


Empty  Pay  Envelopes  -  and  Peace 

The   causes   of  postwar  unemployment   may  be  new — but  what  mass  insecurity 
does  to  men,  women,  and  children  is  an  old  story  which  should  never  be  repeated. 

HELEN  HALL 


ROBERT  F.  WAGNER  MARCHES  ON!  As  NOTH- 
ing  else,  the  familiar  phrase  fits  his  record 
• — for  bills  that  bear  his  name  have  lifted 
the  level  of  life  for  Americans  the  country 
over.  He  began  it  in  the  state  Senate  at 
Albany  and  carried  to  Washington  his  deep 
concern  for  people.  As  senior  senator  from 
New  York  he  has  again  and  again  pushed 
out  the  horizon  lines  of  modern  legislation 
— not  only  in  the  far  reaching  Social  Secur- 
ity Act  of  1935  but  in  housing,  health, 
steady  work,  and  industrial  relations. 

So  it  seemed  like  old  times  in  mid- 
August  to  get  a  wire  from  him  to  testify 
on  an  employment  bill.  The  first  time  he 
had  done  so  was  six  months  after  the  stock 
market  crash  in  1929.  There  were  only 
ten  people  who  testified  on  an  Employment 
Stabilization  Bill  then  pending.  Now,  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Banking  and  Cur- 
rency, under  his  chairmanship,  had  sched- 
uled a  week  of  hearings  to  consider  what 
eight  months  ago  was  hopefully  christened 
the  "Full  Employment  Act  of  1945."  [See 
page  395]  I  am  sure  that  if  all  the  people 
with  something  to  say  on  it,  pro  and  con, 
had  turned  out,  the  hearings  would  still 
be  going  on. 

Fifteen  years  ago,  the  immediate  need 
was  to  fend  against  layoffs  in  one  indus- 
trial district  after  another  due  to  the  col- 
lapse of  the  boom  of  the  1920's.  Today, 
our  concern  has  been  not  only  to  do  some- 
thing about  mass  unemployment  in  shifting 
from  war  to  peace  but  to  fortify  democracy 
at  its  roots.  To  quote  the  definition  that 
leads  off  this  bill,  its  purpose  is — 

"To  establish  a  national  policy  and  pro- 
gram for  assuring  continuing  full  employ- 
ment and  full  production  in  a  free  com- 
petitive economy,  through  the  concerted 
efforts  of  industry,  agriculture,  labor,  state 
and  local  governments,  and  the  federal 
government." 

Witnesses  to  Unemployment 

Spokesmen  for  some  but  by  no  means 
all  business  groups  have  protested  that  in- 
dustry can  deal  with  postwar  unemploy- 
ment alone  without  government  aid.  As  I 
read  Senate  Bill  380  (HR.  2202),  it  encour- 
ages business  to  go  the  limit  in  attempting 
just  that,  calling  upon  federal  help  when 
private  industry  is  demonstrably  unable  to 
make  the  grade.  So  doing,  the  bill  essen- 
tially takes  the  line  that  it  is  the  concern 
of  all  of  us  that  all  have  work  if  we  need 
it.  More,  it  makes  it  clear  that  we  no  long- 
er want  to  get  our  statistics  on  unemploy- 
ment from  breadlines  nor  look  to  anxious 
apple-sellers  in  faded  uniforms  as  shock 
troops  in  meeting  its  impact. 

Throughout  the  haid  times,  social  work- 
ers— perhaps  more  than  members  of  any 
other  profession — had  firsthand  knowledge 
of  what  any  widespread  breakdown  in 


— By  the  director  of  Henry  Street  Settle- 
ment, New  York,  who  draws  on  case 
stories  of  household  experience  in  war- 
time in  industrial  centers  throughout  the 
country. 

Chairman  of  the  social  security  divi- 
sion of  the  National  Federation  of  Settle- 
ments, Miss  Hall  was,  in  the  mid-Thirties, 
a  member  of  the  President's  advisory 
committee  in  drafting  the  Social  Security 
Act. 

'  Since  her  service  for  the  American 
Red  Cross  in  the  South  and  Southwest 
Pacific,  she  has  been  vice-chairman  of 
the  consumers  advisory  committee  of 
the  Office  of  Price  Administration  and 
chairman  of  the  corresponding  body  in 
the  New  York  area. 


wage  earning  exacts  of  family  life.  Not 
only  were  we  in  the  thick  of  emergent  re- 
lief and  work-projects  in  our  own  neigh- 
borhoods and  communities,  but  we  rallied 
in  support  of  constructive  advances  in  pub- 
lic welfare,  in  employment  services,  and 
unemployment  compensation.  These,  stage 
by  stage,  gave  new  security  to  homes  and 
breadwinners  caught  in  the  great  depres- 
sion. 

So  this  year  it  was  history  repeating 
itself  for  social  workers  to  offer  their  testi- 
mony along  with  employers  and  labor, 
bankers,  economists. 

What  I  put  before  Senate  committeemen 
in  August  was  drawn  from  personal  inter- 
views by  settlement  workers  with  families 
of  wartime  wage  eafners  in  such  districts  as 
the  auto  center  at  Detroit;  Chicago  with  its 
stockyards  and  varied  modern  plants;  such 
machine  trade  centers  as  Cleveland  and 
Philadelphia;  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  with  its 
garment  factories,  and  Lorain  (O.)  with  its 
steel  mills.  They  included  Greater  New 
York  and  Boston,  and  representative  com- 
munities from  Minneapolis  (Minn.)  to 
Birmingham  (Ala.). 

What  I  had  put  before  the  Senate  hear- 
ing in  the  spring  of  1930  had  been  kindred 
case  stories  of  household  experience  gath- 
ered in  1928  and  1929  under  a  special  com- 
mittee of  the  National  Federation  of  Settle- 
ments. These  earlier  findings  brought  out 
in  two  books*  are  still  serviceable  evidence 
— for  they  show  not  only  what  the  human 
costs  of  unemployment  are  in  a  modern 
society  like  ours  but,  also,  who  the  people 
are  who  carry  the  real  burden  of  depression. 

Our  first  use  of  .them  had  been  to  help 
get  the  public  to  recognize  the  existence 
of  widespread  unemployment  before  the 
stock  market  crashed.  If  a  "Full  Employ- 
ment Bill  of  1919,"  along  the  lines  of  the 

*  "Case  Studies  of  Unemployment"  (University  of 
Pennsylvania  Press,  1931);  and  a  widely  read  inter- 
pretation of  them:  "Some  Folks  Won't  Work,"  by 
Clinch  Calkins  (Harcourt,  Brace,  1930). 


present  one,  had  been  enacted  at  the  close 
of  World  War  I,  we  can  only  guess  at  how 
much  misery  it  might  have  prevented;  how 
many  business  failures  might  have  been 
forestalled;  how  many  American  families 
might  have  been  spared  enforced  idleness 
and  frustration  throughout  the  1930's.  The 
children  growing  up  in  that  decade  paid 
for  the  lack  of  either  plans  or  controls  for 
conserving  wage  earning  and  purchasing 
power. 

As  late  as  1932,  something  so  convincing 
and  practical  went  by  default  as  a  bill  to 
rehabilitate  our  United  States  Employment 
Service  (which  had  gone  to  pieces  since 
the  first  World  War).  This  bill  had  strong 
congressional  support;  endorsement,  also,  by 
the  President's  own  experts.  Its  veto  at  the 
White  House  symbolized  how  reluctant  we 
were  to  use  national  tools  in  dealing  with 
nationwide  economic  problems.  The  stale- 
mate was  broken  in  1933. 

Myth-Making  vs  Job-Making 

Those  early  Settlement  studies  not  only 
visualized  the  extent  of  unemployment  at 
the  threshold  of  the  hard  times,  but  drove 
home  the  fact  that  households  should  not 
be  expected  to  bear  the  whole  brunt  when 
breadwinners  lose  their  jobs  through  no 
fault  of  their  own.  It  took  time  in  those 
years  to  overcome  two  popular  myths: 

— The  myth  that  most  people  were  un- 
employed because  they  didn't  want  to 
work; 

— The  myth  that  the  "dole"  (the  tag 
clapped  on  proposals  for  unemployment  in- 
surance in  those  days)  would  weaken  the 
moral  stamina  of  the  American  people. 

World  War  II  has  laid  those  two  myths 
for  keeps.  The  mines,  mills,  and  factories 
of  the  United  States  have  equipped  fight- 
ing forces  the  world  over.  They  have  been 
manned  by  American  workers  many  of 
whom  were  unemployed  in  the  early  Thir- 
ties, and  most  of  whom  were  covered  by 
unemployment  insurance  before  the  decade 
was  out.  So  they  did  work  when  given  a 
chance  —  and  unemployment  insurance 
hasn't  ruined  them. 

Last  year,  our  War  Mobilization  and  Re- 
conversion Act  threw  national  protection 
over  servicemen,  whenever  and  wherever 
they  should  be  discharged.  But  another 
myth  had  sprung  up  as  World  War  II  wore 
on,  and  a  very  different  reception  was  ac- 
corded proposals  (the  Kilgore  Bill  — 
S.1274)  to  throw  national  protection  over 
men  and  women  laid  off  when  war  con- 
tracts should  be  cancelled  or  war  plants 
closed  down.  That  time  is  here  and  now 
and  these  proposals  were  still  hanging  fire 
when  Congress  reassembled  this  fall.  The 
President  had  thrice  recommended  passage. 

This  bill  sought  amendment  of  the  Act 
of  1944  by  supplementing  unemployment 


394 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


compensation  payable  under  state  laws  to 
discharged  war  workers  so  as  to  assure 
benefits  of  $25  a  week  for  half  a  year  if 
they  are  unemployed  that  long.  More,  the 
bill  authorized  transportation  for  dislocated 
civilian  workers  who  have  been  employed 
in  essential  war  activities — together  with 
their  dependents  and  household  effects — to 
any  place  where  the  U.  S.  Employment 
Service  certifies  there  are  suitable  jobs  avail- 
able. 

In  setting  twenty-six  weeks  as  the  span  of 
protection,  this  bill  sought  to  bring  our 
American  practice  abreast  of  that  in  other 
progressive  industrial  countries.  The  $25 
standard  sought  to  bring  weekly  benefits  in 
backward  states  up  to  levels  set  in  our 
more  advanced  states.  Surely,  these  are  not 
soft  or  haphazard  standards  for  the  wealth- 
iest country  in  the  world  which  throughout 
the  war  years  unitedly  strove  for  all-out 
production  and  national  survival.  [See  foot- 
note, page  391.] 

There  are  no  state  lines  drawn  in  dying 
for  your  country.  Why  should  they  be 
drawn  in  working  for  it? 

Aside  from  any  humanitarian  motives, 
the  greatest  threat  to  our  economy  is  a  wage 
earner  without  money  in  his  pockets.  When 
he  and  his  kind  stop  buying,  the  bottom 
drops  out  of  the  market. 

Wartime  Households 

Nonetheless,  the  discussion  at  once  pro- 
voked by  these  measures  indicated  a  wide- 
spread belief  that  high  wartime  wages  have 
placed  war  workers  in  particular,  and 
American  families  generally,  in  a  position 
not  only  to  move  about  at  will  over  the 
USA  but  to  tide  themselves  over  handsome- 
ly, months  at  a  time  if  need  be,  until  work 
is  again  plentiful. 

This  sort  of  myth-making  seems  to  have 
been  based  on  the  optimistic  assumption 
that  all  wartime  workers  "took  home"  $100 
or  more  each  week;  or  on  scanning  tables 
of  high  wage  brackets  and  aggregate  bank 
savings  rather  than  on  any  familiarity  with 
the  budgets  of  low  income  families.  Certain 
it  is  that  the  myth  did  not  click  with  the 
impressions  of  settlement  workers  as  to  the 
facts  of  life  among  our  neighbors.  We  all 
knew  too  many  of  them  who  have  had  diffi- 
culty in  getting  by  even  when  they  clearly 
showed  good  sense  and  management. 

So  again  our  National  Federation  of  Set- 
dements  undertook  more  case  studies  to 
get  intimate  family  pictures.  The  idea  was 
tried  out  just  a  year  ago  by  Henry  Street 
Settlement,  not  in  our  neighborhood  on 
New  York's  East  Side,  but  in  a  crowded 
wartime  area  back  of  the  Brooklyn  Navy 
Yard.  As  a  result  of  this  sampling,  a  ques- 
tionnaire was  worked  out  which  settlement 
workers  elsewhere  employed  in  1944  and 
1945  in  getting  close-ups  of  what  wartime 
employment  had  meant  to  some  300  fami- 
lies in  twenty  urban  districts. 

Our  study  was  not  a  statistical  one.  Rath- 
er it  provided  a  mosaic  of  experience  among 
households  made  up  of  from  two  to  eleven 
members;  some  continuing  in  their  old  call- 
ings; others  crossing  the  continent  on  the 
trail  of  essential  war  jobs.  They  were  run- 
of-the-mill  Americans  with  all  sorts  of  rac- 


ial backgrounds.  Their  livelihoods  ranged 
from  common  labor  and  semi-skilled  work 
on  the  assembly  line  to  a  considerable  group 
of  skilled  crafts. 

The  earnings  o{  one  fifth  of  the  families 
had  doubled.  Eighteen  had  even  trebled 
their  income.  Well  toward  a  third  included 
two  wartime  wage  earners  in  the  house- 
hold; eight  families  had  three,  and  their 
family  budgets  had  jumped  accordingly. 
At  the  other  end  of  the  scale,  approximately 


one  out  of  seven  households  had  lower  in- 
comes to  count  on  than  in  pre-war  days. 
Many  of  these  were  in  industries  adversely 
affected  by  the  war.  Some  workers  who 
earned  higher  wages  than  before  had  no 
more  to  take  home  after  payroll  deductions 
for  income  taxes. 

The  fact  remained  that  in  six  out  of 
seven  of  the  families  visited,  wartime  earn- 
ings were  higher  than  before.  But,  as 
against  this,  prices  had  gone  up.  One  fifth 


"The  Full  Employment  Act  of  1945' 


(S.380— HR.  2202) 


The  bill  was  introduced  in  the  Senate 
last  January  by  Senator  James  E.  Murray 
of  Montana — for  himself  and  Senators 
Wagner  of  New  York,  Thomas  of  Utah, 
and  O'Mahoney  of  Wyoming.  Senators 
Morse  of  Oregon,  Tobey  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Aiken  of  Vermont,  and  Langer  of 
North  Dakota  joined  in  sponsoring  an 
amended  and  strengthened  bill.  This  was 
reported  on  September  18  to  the  Banking 
and  Currency  Committee.  In  the  House,  the 
bill  was  introduced  by  Congressman  Wright 
Patman  of  Texas.  For  one  of  the  first  full 
length  portrayals  of  the  measure  and  its 
significance,  see  "From  Patchwork  to  Pur- 
pose: An  American  Bill"  by  Leon  Keyser- 
ling,  Survey  Graphic  for  March. 


In  drafting  it,  the  sponsors  linked  for 
the  first  time  in  United  States  legislation 
these  national  objectives: 

a.  The    policy   of   fostering   "free    com- 
petitive  private   enterprise   and   the   invest- 
ment of  private  capital"  with 

b.  The  right  of  "all  Americans  able  to 
work  and  desiring  to  work  ...  to  useful, 
remunerative,    regular,    and    full    time    em- 
ployment." and 

c.  The     responsibility     of     the     federal 
government  "to  assure  continuing  full  em- 
ployment, that  is,  the  existence  at  all  times 
of  sufficient  employment  opportunities"  for 
all  Americans  to  exercise  this  right. 

The  intention  was  not  to  lay  down 
specific  projects  for  new  employment, 
private  or  public,  or  for  expanding  social 
security  in  the  period  of  transition  and 
after.  Such  bills  are  now  before  Congress 
— others  are  to  be  anticipated.  Indeed, 
the  drafters  leaned  backward  to  include  a 
final  section  designating  things  the  text  did 
not  explicitly  authorize. 


What  the  measure  would  afford,  if  its 
essentials  are  enacted,  is  a  framework  for 
blocking  out  an  all-round  and  consecutive 
program,  in  cooperation  with  industry, 
agriculture,  labor,  state  and  local  govern- 
ments, by  which  the  federal  government 
would  assure  continuing  full  employment. 
This  program  must  stimulate  private  enter- 
prise to  provide  the  largest  feasible  volume 
of  employment  opportunities.  By  way  of 
example,  the  bill  enumerates  a  wide  range 
of  possible  recourses  to  this  end. 

If  these  in  turn  are  insufficient  to  assure 
continuing  full  employment,  the  federal 
government  is  to  provide  sufficient  volume 


of  federal  investment  and  expenditure  to 
assure  continuing  full  employment.  The 
bill  also  enumerates  a  wide  variety  of 
possible  federal  expenditures,  of  which 
public  works  is  only  one,  toward  this  end. 
The  initial  step  in  developing  this  pro- 
gram is  through  a  National  Production  and 
Employment  Budget  to  be  transmitted  by 
the  President  at  the  beginning  of  each 
regular  session  of  Congress.  This  would  set 
forth: 

a.  Estimates  of  "the  number  of  employ- 
ment opportunities  needed  for  full  employ- 
ment, the  production  of  goods  and  services 
at    full    employment,    and    the   volume    of 
investment  and  expenditure  needed  for  the 
purchase  of  such  goods  and  services"; 

b.  Current    and    foreseeable    trends    of 
employment    opportunities,    production    of 
goods    and    services,    and    investment    and 
expenditures  to  purchase  them;  and 

c.  A    general    program    to    assure    con- 
tinuing  full    employment,    including   legis- 
lative recommendations. 

The  National  Production  and  Employ- 
ment Budget,  with  its  estimates  and  recom- 
mendations,  would  be  prepared  by  the 
President,  in  consultation  with  his  Cabinet 
and  heads  of  departments,  and  drawing  in 
advisory  boards  composed  of  representa- 
tives of  industry,  agriculture,  labor,  con- 
sumers, state  and  local  governments,  etc. 

To  further  the  national  all-out  front  on 
unemployment,  thi»  administrative  pro- 
cedure is  to  have  its  legislative  counterpart. 
The  measure  provides  for  the  establishment 
in  Congress  of  a  Joint  Committee  on  the 
National  Budget,  composed  of  fifteen  mem- 
bers each  of  the  Senate  and  the  House,  to 
be  appointed  respectively  by  the  President 
of  the  Senate  and  the  Speaker. 

This  Joint  Committee  would  be  equipped 
with  experts,  consultants,  and  technicians. 
The  National  Budget  would  be  referred  to 
it  for  study,  findings,  recommendation*, 
and  a  joint  resolution  setting  forth  a  gen- 
eral policy  as  guide  to  any  congressional 
committee  in  dealing  with  specific  legisla- 
tion which  falls  within  its  province. 


In  their  revisions,  the  sponsors  strength- 
ened and  clarified  parts  on  the  Need  and 
Principles  of  the  bill.  It  was  passed  by  the 
Senate  (Sept.  28)  with  modifications  to 
avoid  what  critics  construed  as  "compen- 
satory deficit  spending";  and  with  an 
amendment  (offered  by  Senators  Taft  and 
Radcliffe)  providing  that  after  1948  "any 
program  of  federal  investment  or  expendi- 
ture" shall  be  accompanied  by  one  for 
taxation  "to  prevent  any  net  increase  in 
the  national  debt." 


OCTOBER     1945 


395 


of  these  households  were  paying  for  food 
and  rent  alone  more  than  their  total  earn- 
ings before  the  war.  One  woman  brought 
things  down  to  earth  when  she  said:  "It 
seems  to  us  that  real  wages  have  gone 
down.  The  clothing  we  buy  doesn't  wear 
and  the  policy  of  allowing  one  pair  of  pants 
to  a  suit  is  wasteful;  my  husband  wears 
out  three.  I  have  not  been  able  to  get 
underclothes  for  my  seven-year-old  boy. 
Work  clothes  for  large  men  like  my  hus- 
band are  scarce  and  the  material  sleazy." 

The  increased  cost  of  food  and  clothes  of 
course  bore  down  hardest  on  big  families. 
Take  one  of  eight  with  children  ranging 
from  two  to  fifteen  years  old.  The  mother 
kept  the  home  and  the  father's  wages  had 
increased  from  $40  a  week  to  a  "take 
home"  of  $50.60.  The  mother  reported  they 
could  just  manage  on  it,  however.  When 
they  wanted  to  buy  a  needed  piece  of  furni- 
ture they  just  waited  until  the  boys  got  a 
few  weeks  work  on  a  farm  in  the  summer 
vacation — "Otherwise  we  make  what  we 
got  last."  They  were  saving  a  dollar  a  week 
on  bonds  but  had  had  to  cash  them  in  for 
emergencies. 

Or  take  another  family  whose  four  chil- 
dren range  from  two  to  seven  years.  The 
father,  a  machine  operator,  had  had  his 
wages  go  from  $28  a  week  to  $52.15,  but 
in  two  years  he  had  not  yet  caught  up  with 
overhanging  medical  bills  or  paid  back 
money  borrowed  from  relatives.  He  hoped 
his  war  job*  would  keep  up  long  enough 
not  only  to  get  even  but  to  start  saving  for 
a  little  repair  shop  where  he  planned  to 
use  his  skill  on  motors,  vacuum  cleaners, 
and  other  household  appliances. 

Hangover  from  the  Hard  Times 

Other  evidence  drawn  from  our  sched- 
ules reveals  what  broken  employment  and 
stretches  of  no  work  at  all  in  the  depression 
years  had  cost  these  workers.  Instead  of  get- 
ting ahead  in  wartime,  as  one  housekeeper 
put  it,  they  were  trying  to  catch  up.  Almost 
every  other  family  we  talked  to  had  come 
into  the.  1940's  with  the  handicap  of  back 
debts — many  of  them  considerable  in 
amount — contracted  in  the  hard  times.  One 
woman,  when  congratulated  on  the  good 
war  jobs  she  and  her  husband  had  secured, 
replied,  "//  we  keep  them  for  two  years, 
we'll  get  the  debts  all  paid  off.'' 

One  fifth  of  the  families  having  back 
debts  owed  $300  or  more.  Let  us  look  at 
some  of  those  who  owed  the  most: 

#4,500 — This,  the  largest  debt  reported, 
included  heavy  medical  and  dental  bills. 
Four  of  the  family  had  gotten  themselves 
jobs.  The  mother  and  father  were  bringing 
home  $45  and  $37.50  a  week  respectively; 
and  the  fourteen  and  sixteen  year  old  son 
and  daughter  were  earning  $12  and  $9  a 
week  respectively.  By  the  time  of  our  in- 
quiry, all  but  $500  of  the  $4,500  had  been 
paid  off. 

#4,400  was  owed  on  the  house  a  family 
were  buying.  Eleven  years  steady  employ- 
ment with  a  wartime  increase  from  $40  to 
$66.40  had  put  them  in  an  unusually  good 
position  to  clear  the  mortgage. 

#3,000 — A  debt  reaching  back  deep  into 
the  depression  when  the  father  had  earned 


$52  a  month  on  the  WPA.  He  had  been 
able  to  get  a  job  in  the  early  days  of  the 
war  at  $45,  working  seven  days  a  week, 
and  had  held  it  for  four  years — itself  a  sig- 
nificant bit  of  social  history.  One  girl,  the 
only  child,  now  twenty-one,  had  also  had 
a  job  for  three  years  paying  $35  a  week. 
These  changes  in  fortune,  plus  hard  work, 
had  enabled  the  family  to  clear  up  the 
$3,000  in  back  debts  and  to  start  buying 
a  home  for  $1,200.  When  they  were  visited 
they  were  planning  a  bathroom  in  the 
house  if  the  father's  job  kept  up. 

#2,000— A  grandmother's  funeral  ex- 
penses (her  insurance  policy  had  lapsed) 
coupled  with  earlier  repairs  on  her  little 
house  and  on  their  own  had  brought  the 
family's  debts  to  this  figure;  but  they  had 
been  steadily  whittling  it  down.  The  father 
had  a  paint  sprayer's  job  at  $53.85  (after 
taxes),  and  the  mother  had  worked,  too, 
leaving  the  three  children  with  their  grand- 
mother until  her  death. 

Approximately  five  out  of  seven  of  the 
families  reported  heavy  medical  expenses 
during  the  war  years.  Some  were  so  exten- 
sive— running  from  $200  to  over  $900 — as 
to  suggest  that  they  were  trying  to  make 
up  for  ravages  of  neglect  when  they  had  no 
money  to  pay  for  professional  services.  Two 
thirds  of  the  families  had  contracted  dental 
bills  and  in  two  thirds  of  these  they  ranged 
from  $50  to  $300.  The  schedules  bore  out 
how  people  get  the'ir  teeth  fixed  and  under- 
go needed  operations  when  they  can  afford 
it.  From  the  standpoint  of  the  health  of 
the  community,  it  would  seem  wise  to  see 
that  people  have  steady  jobs  to  enable  them 
to  meet  such  emergencies — and  health  in- 
surance to  spread  the  risk. 

Badly  needed  replacements  of  furniture 
and  household  goods  also  proved  to  be  a 
drain  on  the  new  wartime  wages.  This  is 
an  old  story  to  social  workers  among  fami- 
lies long  unemployed.  I  recall  one  woman 
who  through  good  luck  was  about  to  get 
into  a  public  housing  development.  When 
I  urged  her  not  to  go  into  debt  by  buying 
all  at  once  on  the  installment  plan,  she 
replied,  "Why,  Miss  Hall,  I  can't  wait.'  My 
furniture  wouldn't  stand  to  move  across  the 
street." 

Here  again,  household  buying  has  had 
to  be  done  in  a  market  where  prices  were 
high  and  quality  low.  The  amounts  spent 
on  clothes  and  shoes  vary  greatly  in  these 
schedules  of  ours,  depending  upon  circum- 
stances and  the  temperament  of  the  family 
heads.  But,  on  the  whole,  much  less  went 
into  them  than  we  anticipated,  knowing 
how  long  wardrobes  had  been  made  to 
stretch.  Every  family  had  purchased  new 
clothes  with  wartime  pay,  but  three  fifths 
of  the  group  had  spent  less  than  $300. 

Thrift  for  the  Future 

On  the  plus  side  of  the  picture,  two 
thirds  of  the  families  had  bought  war 
bonds.  A  third  of  these  reported  more  than 
S250  worth— the  highest  being  $1,750. 
Some,  of  course,  admitted  that  they  had 
had  to  sell  their  bonds  almost  as  soon  as 
bought,  but  most  had  been  able  to  hold 
on  to  them  and  felt  they  held  out  hopes 
for  the  future.  Two  women  planned  to  put 


theirs  toward  a  "home  with  plenty  of  yard 
space."  A  man  hoped  to  "join  relatives  in 
California  and  have  a  vineyard"  —  which 
meant  to  him  "a  comfortable  old  age  not 
depending  on  relief  of  any  sort."  Other 
plans  centered  on  setting  up  in  small  busi 
nesses  and  education  for  children  such  as 
their  parents  had  missed.  Bonds  may  help 
make  such  family  hopes  come  true,  but  onl\ 
if  "work  holds  out."  So  a  steady  job  had 
priority  in  all  family  planning. 

One  out  of  four  of  the  families  had  bank 
accounts.  Of  these,  half  had  saved  up  to 
$100;  a  quarter  from  $100  to  $625;  and  an- 
other quarter  from  $1,000  to  $2,200.  In  the 
top  family  both  father  and  son  had  war 
jobs  as  carpenter  and  molder  respectively. 
The  former  had  held  his  since  1942  when 
he  started  his  savings.  Before  then  he  had 
done  "odd  jobbing"  as  he  called  it,  and 
his  comment  on  his  plans  after  the  war  was 
short  and  to  the  point.  He  "would  like  to 
have  a  job  with  a  steady  income."  The 
next  highest  in  the  group,  with  $2,000  in 
the  bank,  was  a  driller  earning  $70  a  week. 
With  his  wife  and  two  small  children  he 
lived  with  the  wife's  parents.  They  wanted 
more  children  and  a  home  of  their  own 
and  were  fighting  hard  for  this  goal. 

These  were  the  fortunate  ones.  As  in 
dicated,  three  fourths  of  the  whole  number 
of  families  had  no  money  in  the  bank;  ami 
among  those  who  did,  few  had  a  largr 
enough  cushion  to  see  them  through  an) 
prolonged  unemployment. 

For  such  families,  if  they  are  living  in 
war  areas  rather  than  in  their  own  home 
towns,  the  problem  of  postwar  credit  is 
intensified.  Local  grocers  and  butchers 
often  carry  neighborhood  people  over 
months  of  unemployment,  but  they  can 
scarcely  take  this  risk  among  war  worker^ 
laid  off  en  masse  who  may  never  get  an 
other  job  in  the  district. 

Steady  Work 

Settlement  workers  saw  the  fabric  ot 
neighborhood  life  crumble  in  the  last  de 
pression.  That  has  been  true  every  time  a 
business  cycle  has  thrown  people  out  of 
work  wholesale.  The  reconversion  perioil 
may  be  equally  disruptive  to  livelihood.  Un 
less  something  is  speedily  done  about  mass 
unemployment,  now,  .our  settlement  cast 
stories  of  what  it  meant  to  families  in  1928 
to  1930  will  be  just  as  true  for  the  month-, 
or  the  years  ahead  as  they  were  then.  The 
causes  may  change  from  one  decade  to  an 
other,  but  what  insecurity  does  to  men  and 
women  and  children  doesn't  change  a  bit. 
Unless  we  prevent  it,  it  will  be  as  devastat- 
ing, physically  and  psychologically,  to  the 
children  who  are  ill  fed  and  insecure;  to 
the  then  who  hunt  work  hopelessly;  to  tbr 
women  who  face  the  unpaid  grocer  and  thr 
hungry  child — in  1945  or  '46  or  '49  as  it 
was  in  the  Thirties. 

We  were  told  back  in  1928  and  192« 
that  people  didn't  want  to  work.  We  know 
now  that  was  nonsense.  It  was  these  same 
people  and  their  kind  who,  working  and 
fighting,  won  this  war.  It  seems  incredibly 
stupid  if  Americans  can  plan  together  to 
win  such  a  war  and  yet  cannot  plan  so  th.it 
men  and  women  can  work  steadily. 


396 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Shipyard  War  Workers 


Kuropean 


An  Economic  Bill  of  Rights 

Here  is  a  labor  blueprint  for  establishing  now  the  right  of  every 
American  to  work,  steady  wages,  fair  profits,  a  rising  living  standard. 


PHILIP   MURRAY 


1  00  NOT  ASK  YOU  TO  TRY  TO  VISUALIZE  TEN 

million  bales  of  cotton  heaped  up  in  piles. 
Or  ten  million  army  trucks  and  military 
weapons  lying  idle.  Or  ten  million  books 
on  library  shelves.  But  I  do  ask  you  to 
try  to  picture  ten  million  living,  breathing 
human  beings  who  are  being  dismissed 
from  their  war  jobs,  and  who  must  have 
continuous  employment  with  a  good  in- 
come if  they  are  to  provide  themselves  and 
twenty  million  dependents  with  food,  cloth- 
ing, and  shelter. 

My  warrant  for  asking  you  to  picture 
these  ten  million  Americans  is  because  out 
of  my  own  experience  I  know  what  it 
means  to  want  work  and  be  without  money 
to  get  necessities. 

We  are  a  powerful  nation,  in  every  sense. 
At  the  moment  we  are  custodians  of  atomic 
power,  the  full  significance  of  which  we 
are  only  beginning  to  understand.  That  is 
a  new  challenge.  There  is  an  older  one. 
Are  we  going  to  master  our  own  economic 
-.ystem  or  are  we  going  to  allow  another 
cycle  of  unemployment,  hunger,  and  de- 
pression which  will  lead  the  world  to  war? 
Are  we  masters  of  the  force  of  nature  but 
unable  to  prevent  little  children  in  work- 
ers' homes  from  being  undernourished  be- 

OCTOBER     1945 


— By  an  outstanding  labor  statesman, 
president  of  the  Congress  of  Industrial 
Organizations,  formerly  vice-president 
of  the  United  Mine  Workers. 

Mr.  Murray  served  on  the  National 
Bituminous  Coal  Committee  in  World 
War  I,  on  the  National  Industrial  Re- 
covery Board  in  1935,  and  has  been 
called  frequently  to  Washington  as 
labor  adviser  in  World  War  II.  He  was 
co-author  with  Morris  L.  Cooke  of 
"Organized  Labor  and  Production" 
(1940). 

This  article  is  based  on  Mr.  Murray's 
testimony  at  hearings  on  the  Full  Em- 
ployment Bill  before  a  subcommittee  of 
the  Senate  Committee  on  Banking  and 
Finance. 


cause  their  parent  cannot  have  a  job?  Are 
we  to  go  on  talking  about  atomic  power, 
radar,  and  electronics,  while  Americans  are 
right  now  wondering  how  they  are  going 
to  get  the  necessities  of  life? 

Last  April  a  CIO  conference  was  held  in 
New  Jersey  to  discuss  the  problems  of  re- 
turning veterans.  A  corporal  asked,  "What 
guarantee  does  the  Constitution  give  me 


that  1  can  get  a  job  When  1  get  out  of  the 
army?"  He  had  to  be  told  that  die  United 
States  Constitution  contains  no  such  guar- 
antee, and  that  the  passage  of  the  Full 
Employment  Bill  of  1945  would  be  a  first 
step  toward  adding  an  economic  Bill  of 
Rights  to  our  political  Bill  of  Rights. 

Congress  has  an  enormous  opportunity 
this  fall  and  a  solemn  responsibility.  These 
months  should  be  memorable  for  the  pro- 
gressive legislation  passed.  The  country 
must  be  mobilized  for  an  attack  upon  pov- 
erty, ignorance,  and  fear  that  compares  to 
our  war  effort.  No  one  can  say  such  a 
mobilization  will  cost  us  too  much;  the 
contrary  is  true — it  will  cost  us  too  much 
to  fail. 

The  war  cost  us  ten  million  dollars  an 
Hour:  ten  million  dollars  a  Day  for  the 
transition  to  peace  would  be  an  insignifi- 
cant sum  in  consideration  of  the  treasure 
we  shall  lose  and  the  unhappiness  we  shall 
endure  if  we  have  mass  unemployment. 
The  total  dollar  cost  of  the  war  will  be 
more  than  400  billions.  The  sales  lost 
through  mass  unemployment  of  Americans 
during  the  depression  totalled  355  billion 
dollars.  Even  greater  than  wage  and  profit 
loss  was  the  suffering  of  people  which  can- 

397 


not  be  measured.  I  insist  that  every  citizen 
has  a  right  to  a  job  at  a  high  wage,  com- 
mensurate with  work  performed;  that  it  is 
the  responsibility  of  the  national  govern- 
ment to  assure  that  right;  that  all  the  re- 
sources of  the  government  should  be  ap- 
plied to  make  it  effective. 

We  must  use  what  it  takes  to  prevent 
the  catastrophe  of  mass  unemployment  just 
as  we  used  our  resources  in  cooperative 
endeavor  to  prevent  the  catastrophe  of  fas- 
cism from  overwhelming  the  world.  My 
idea  is  not  merely  that  work  shall  be  cre- 
ated through  appropriation  of  public  funds 
to  keep  people  from  starving  on  a  52-dol- 
lars-a-month  WPA.  We  are  dealing  with 
new  wealth  greater  than  we  have  ever  con- 
ceived, created  by  the  application  of  skill, 
intelligence,  and  energy  in  such  volume 
that  really  substantial  fruits  of  victory  will 
spread  throughout  the  world. 

Some  manufacturers  are  saying  they  can- 
not provide  more  jobs  than  existed  during 
the  war  or  even  as  many.  I  do  not  believe 
or  admit  that.  We  never  before  the  war 
produced  the  quantities  of  food,  clothing, 
and  shelter  needed  to  give  all  Americans 
a  decent  standard  of  living.  We  can  expect 
such  productive  activity  to  provide  millions 
of  jobs. 

The  Opportunity  We  Confront 

We  have  a  dozen  million  veterans  re- 
turning. They  are  not  going  to  be  satis- 
fied if  veterans  of  the  last  war  and  other 
workers  are  discharged  to  give  them  em- 
ployment. But  production  itself  has  a  triple 
obligation  to  meet  from  the  wealth  that 
is  created  through  the  cooperative  efforts  of 
management  and  labor  in  mining,  manu- 
facturing and  transportation.  There  is  not 
only  the  obligation  of  dividends  to  owners; 
even  more  important  is  the  obligation  of 
high  wages  to  workers  and  of  ample  taxes 
to  support  the  huge  new  public  services 
which  both  provide  the  people's  basic  needs 
and  give  new  jobs. 

At  the  close  of  the  greatest  war  in  his- 
tory, with  our  economy  safely  preserved 
from  enemy  attack,  we  find  ourselves  at 
once  in  the  most  promising  and  the  most 
vulnerable  position  of  all  the  Allied  nations. 
They  are  confronted  with  the  problem  of 
reconstruction  and  rehabilitation.  We  face 
the  question  of  how  to  live  with  our  abun- 
dance. 

Chapter  10  in  Fred  D.  Vinson's  July  1 
Report,  (written  while  he  was  still  director 
of  War  Mobilization  and  Reconversion) 
contained  this  passage: 

"The  American  people  are  in  the  pleas- 
ant predicament  of  having  to  learn  to  live 
50  percent  better  than  they  have  ever  lived 
before.  Only  the  defeatist  can  scoff  at  the 
inescapable  fact  that  we  must  build  our 
economy  on  that  basis." 

But  people  are  not  going  to  be  50  percent 
better  off  if  they  no  longer  have  jobs.  Peo- 
ple who  are  unemployed  are  100  percent 
worse  off.  I  am  making  no  criticism  of 
Judge  Vinson;  rather  I  praise  him  for  the 
vision  reflected  in  his  statement,  as  well  as 
for  his  letter  last  June  to  Senator  Wagner, 
when  he  gave  the  full  force  of  his  consid- 
erable influence  in  support  of  S.380. 


The  American  people  are  asking:  Why 
are  the  good  things  a  part  of  war?  Why 
can't  we  have  them  in  peacetime  as  well? 
They  have  seen  infant  and  child  care,  hous- 
ing, maternity  care  for  wives  of  servicemen, 
more  ample  supplies  of  good  food,  physical 
fitness  activities,  steady  jobs  at  better  wages, 
more  complete  utilization  of  the  labor  and 
skill  of  all  Americans. 

Now  that  hostilities  have  ceased,  even  the 
things  war  has  provided  are  rapidly  dis- 


The  Sum  of  Prosperity 

The  Murray-Patman  Bill  (S.  380),  to 
provide  machinery  for  a  continuous 
full  employment  policy. 

The  Kilgore-Forand  Unemployment 
Compensation  Bill,  providing  sup- 
plementary federal  funds  to  make 
possible  unemployment  benefits  of 
#25  a  week  for  26  weeks  a  year  in 
every  state. 

The  Pepper  amendment  to  the  Wage- 
Hour  Act,  increasing  the  minimum 
wage  in  interstate  industries  from  40 
to  65  cents  an  hour. 

The  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  Bill  to 
liberalize  the  social  security  program 
and  establish  health  insurance. 

A  permanent  Fair  Employment  Prac- 
tice Committee. 

Improvement  in  existing  laws  to  pro- 
vide adequate  help  for  veterans,  es- 
pecially the  disabled. 

A  whole  new  concept  of  tax  legisla- 
tion, to  give  relief  to  low  income 
groups  and  force  idle  wealth  into 
healthy  circulation. 

Abolition  of  the  poll  tax,  to  extend  the 
franchise  to  every  American. 

A  large  scale  program  to  modernize 
postwar  America — new  roads,  schools, 
hospitals,  housing. 

Establishment  of  the  Missouri  Valley 
Authority. 

Public  control  of  atomic  power,  forever 
keeping  these  forces  of  life  and  death 
out  of  the  hands  of  private  monopo- 
lists. 


appearing.  Some  questions  are  in  order: 
Are  we  concerned  about  the  health  and 
care  of  mothers  and  children  only  when 
the  husband  and  father  is  in  the  armed 
forces?  Are  we  willing  to  provide  housing 
on  the  basis  of  people's  need  for  it  only 
when  soldiers  are  living  in  foxholes?  Are 
we  ready  to  feed  people  adequately  when 
they  are  making  or  using  engines  of  de- 
struction but  care  nothing  about  nourish- 
ment of  the  same  people  when  war  is  won? 

Our  citizens  are  not  foolish  persons;  they 
are  asking  all  these  and  a  multitude  of 
similar  questions.  To  preserve  democracy, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  give  them  very  con- 
crete demonstration  that  the  fruit  of  vic- 
tory is  something  better  than  we  have  ever 
had  before. 

We  are  thinking  of  these  things  while 
victory  is  new  and  masses  of  people  are  los- 
ing their  jobs.  When  an  army  bomber  hit 
the  Empire  •  State  Building  in  New  York, 


the  cables  on  one  ot  the  elevators  were  cut 
and  the  car  dropped  some  eighty  floors  to 
the  street.  The  unemployment  resulting 
from  contract  cancellations  is  causing  the 
same  sudden  and  precipitous  drop  in  buy- 
ing power,  just  at  the  time  when  we  need 
tremendously  enlarged  income  to  take  up 
the  slack  created  by  cessation  of  so  much 
government  war  spending. 

Before  me  as  I  write  is  a  copy  of  a  study 
of  the  Braddock,  Pa.,  steelworkers  em- 
ployed at  the  Edgar  Thompson  works  of 
U.  S.  Steel  in  that  city.  The  steelworkers 
throughout  the  war — even  while  averaging 
47%  hours  of  work  a  week — have  been  go- 
ing into  debt.  This  study  shows  that  the 
cost  of  living  has  risen  faster  than  their 
wages.  Those  now  working  regularly  40 
hours  a  week  are  suffering  hardships  and 
going  further  into  debt. 

Everybody  knows  about  the  15  billion 
dollars  invested  by  the  federal  government 
in  war  plants  and  machinery.  Workmen  do 
not  think  of  them  as  figures  in  an  ac- 
countant's ledger;  they  think  of  them  as 
hours  of  labor  applied  .  .  .  units  of  goods 
turned  out. 

The  American  labor  movement  believes 
in  private  competitive  enterprise.  Rank  and 
file  union  members  are  expecting  the  in- 
dustrialists to  buy  or  lease  the  plants  and 
run  them.  If  the  plants  are  not  soon  started 
up  to  make  jobs  and  turn  out  goods,  the 
average  citizen  is  going  to  ask,  "Well,  why 
doesn't  the  government  hire  engineers  and 
managers  to  operate  these  factories  as  it  did 
during  the  war?"  . 

If  private  enterprise  fails  to  give  workers 
jobs  at  good  wages,  turning  out  things  we 
all  need,  the  people  will  recognize  the  fail- 
ure of  private  capitalism  and  vigorously  call 
for  government  operation. 

Enabling  Legislation 

Passage  of  the  Full  Employment  Bill  will 
be  the  legal  acknowledgment  that  the  na- 
tional government  assumes  responsibility 
for  prosperity  in  peactime.  But,  of  course, 
the  bill  does  not  either  bring  full  employ- 
ment or  say  how  the  new  high  standard  of 
living  shall  be  maintained.  It  is  a  declara- 
tion of  intention,  and  provision  of  the 
means  to  start  the  job. 

I  think  of  the  history  of  the  Panama 
Canal  as  an  illustration.  We  spent  a  century 
talking  about  digging  a  canal;  Congress 
passed  the  enabling  legislation  in  1902.  The 
bill  did  not  contain  all  the  specifications 
and  engineering  data.  Enactment  of  the  law 
merely  said:  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  nation 
to  have  a  canal.  There  were  many  dif- 
ficulties to  overcome  and  much  effort  to  be 
put  forth  before  that  purpose  was  accom- 
plished. But  the  canal  was  finished  and  the 
great  oceans  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific 
were  joined  for  the  betterment  of  com- 
merce and  communication. 

Senate  Bill  380  is  enabling  legislation,  the 
object  of  which  is  to  unite  the  two  great 
oceans  of  production  and  consumption  so 
that  commerce  may  increase  and  full  em- 
ployment be  attained.  The  bill  designates 
the  machinery  to  begin  a  job  which  cannot 
and  must  not  be  delayed. 

There  is  a  certain  disgrace  in   the  fact 


398 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


that  this  measure  and  a  score  of  similar 
imperative  measures  were  not  enacted  into 
law  a  year  ago.  Some  very  important 
people  were  asleep  at  Pearl  Harbor  on 
December  7,  1941;  there  is  even  less  excuse 
for  having  been  asleep  at  this  second,  eco- 
nomic Pearl  Harbor. 

Warnings  from  the  Past 

Back  in  the  summer  of  1940  the  big  in- 
dustrialists were  unwilling  to  take  orders 
for  production  of  war  goods  unless  they  re- 
ceived certain  unreasonable  assurances. 
When  new  plants  had  to  be  built  to  in- 
crease output  they  refused  to  move  until 
the  national  government  guaranteed  them 
that  the  costs  would  be  amortized  in  five 
years.  This  has  meant  that  the  products  of 
these  plants  have  been  priced  at  least  20 
percent  higher  than  they  should  have  been. 
The  plants  have  been  paid  for  by  the 
people,  but  are  privately  owned  by  the 
corporations. 

In  April  1942,  President  Roosevelt  sent 
to  Congress  the  seven-point  stabilization 
program,  which  was  delayed  and  dilly- 
dallyed  over  and  amended  until  a  weak- 
ened economic  stabilization  act  was  passed. 
It  was  emphasized  at  the  time  that  the 
entire  seven  points  had  to  operate  together 
to  makes  the  program  effective.  The  ad- 
verse economic  consequences  of  selecting 
only  wage  control  for  real  policing  with 
almost  no  concern  about  profits  and  too 
little  concern  about  prices,  is  apparent  in 
the  imbalance  now  existing  between  prop- 
erty ownership  and  workers'  income. 

In  October  1942,  the  Kilgore-Pepper- 
Tolan  bill  for  total  war  mobilization  was 
rejected.  The  operation  of  that  measure  in 
our  war  economy  would  have  made  more 
secure  the  transition  into  victory. 

In  April  1943,  Congress  repealed  the 
$25,000  limitation  on  personal  salaries, 
again  giving  concern  only  to  those  who 
have  too  much  and  ignoring  the  great  mass 
of  the  people  who  have  too  little. 

In  February  1944,  there  was  the  overrid- 
ing of  the  President's  veto  of  tax  legisla- 
tion, a  bill  which  was  aptly  described  as 
giving  "relief  for  the  greedy,  not  for  the 
needy." 

Promise  Made  in  December 

In  August  1944,  after  assuring  corpora- 
tions of  all  costs  plus  profits  in  a  contract 
termination  act,  and  promising  them  the 
exclusive  use  of  government-owned  plants 
in  the  Surplus  War  Pro'perty  Act,  Congress 
refused  to  report  and  pass  the  Murray-Kil- 
gore  bill  to  provide  unemployment  com- 
pensation and  transportation  costs  to  war 
workers.  This  has  been  reintroduced  in  the 
present  Congress  as  the  Kilgore-Forand 
bill. 

The  promise  that  was  made  at  the  end  of 
1944,  when  the  78th  Congress  adjourned, 
to  take  up  this  question  first  in  the  79th 
Congress  has  not  only  been  completely 
broken,  but  when  President  Truman  sent 
an  urgent  message  late  last  May,  some  ten 
weeks  passed  before  a  bill  even  was  in- 
troduced. 

Even  though  Congress  did  enact  the  War 
Mobilization  and  Reconversion  Act  of  1944 


with  its  Title  V  calling  for  planning  and 
preparation  of  public  works  through  the 
public  works  administrator,  the  150-mil- 
lion-dollar  appropriation  requested  to  begin 
the  engineering  and  blueprint  work  was  re- 
jected, the  House  Ways  and  Means  Com- 
mittee driving  the  figure  down  to  a  mere 
55,000,000  until  the  Senate  came  to  the 
rescue  and  insisted  on  $17,500,000 — still  a  * 
completely  inadequate  amount.  The  Ameri- 
can Society  of  Civil  Engineers  shows  a  goal 
of  ten  billion  dollars  worth  of  private  con- 
struction projects  with  only  404  million 
ready  for  bids,  and  a  goal  of  five  billion 
dollars  worth  of  public  construction  projects 
with  only  805  million  ready  for  bids. 

Profit  Security 

Those  members  of  Congress  who  are 
guilty  of  all  these  derelictions  concerning 
the  common  people  have  not  hesitated  to 
add  to  the  inflation  of  American  corporate 
fortunes.  Last  July,  a  special  interim  tax 
measure  was  made  law  to  hasten  the  return 
to  the  wealthy  of  some  of  the  taxes  they 
had  been  charged  from  their  excess  war 
profits.  This  action  was  taken  at  the  same 
time  President  Truman's  message  urging 
unemployment  compensation  legislation  lay 
untouched. 

The  Revenue  Act  of  1942  already  con- 
tained the  carry-back,  carry-forward  pro- 
visions, as  well  as  the  provision  for  refund- 
ing 10  percent  of  corporations'  excess  profit 
taxes  which  had  been  paid  during  the  war. 
The  first  of  these  allowances  made  available 
a  total  of  $27,000,000,000  and  the  second 
approximately  $3,000,000,000.  On  top  of  all 
this,  the  working  capital  of  American  cor- 
porations listed  on  the  national  stock  ex- 
changes increased  $20,000,000,000  from  war 
profits.  The  July  20  report  of  the  Securities 
and  Exchange  Commission  headlines  the 
war  profit  gain  in  working  capital  of  cor- 
porations at  63  percent  above  the  1939 
level,  and  declares: 

"The  steady  increase  in  working  capital 
to  unprecedented  levels,  reaching  a  new 
high  estimated  at  45.5  billion  dollars  for 
all  American  corporations,  is  considered  by 
the  commission  to  reemphasize  the  ability 
of  American  industry  as  a  whole  to  recon- 
vert to  peacetime  production  and  also  to 
undertake  considerable  expansion  without 
recourse  to  outside  sources  of  funds." 

Against  this  huge  coagulation  of  wealth, 
the  cost  of  industrial  reconversion  beyond 
that  absorbed  by  the  government  under  the 
Contract  Termination  Act  is  only  three  bil- 
lion dollars.  This  figure  is  stated  in  the 
May  10  document  entitled  The  War  — 
Phase  Two  issued  by  Judge  Vinson  im- 
mediately after  V-E  Day. 

These  figures  become  more  significant 
when  I  point  out  that  they  mean  the  typical 
American  corporation  is  protected  against 
reconversion  loss  of  income  to  the  extent  of 
fifteen  years  of  normal  net  income  on  the 
base  of  1936-1939.  If  this  huge  sum  were 
available  to  workers,  it  would  mean  that 
the  average  wage  earner  would  now  have 
on  hand  war  savings  in  the  amount  of  $7,- 
200,  would  shortly  receive  a  tax  refund  of 
$1,200  from  the  United  States  Treasury, 
and  in  case  of  reduced  earnings  or  no  earn- 


ings during  the  next  year  or  two,  could  call 
on  the  Treasury  for  additional  payments 
up  to  $9,600.  His  total  protection  for  tht 
transition  would  add  up  to  $18,000. 

Instead  of  such  a  sum,  each  wage  earner 
has  on  the  average  only  about  $300  backlog 
of  savings.  This  includes  the  great  majority 
who  have  nothing,  as  well  as  those  who  are 
lucky  enough  to  have  saved  a  thousand 
dollars  or  more.  Even  if  the  full  $25  a  week 
of  unemployment  compensation  urged  by 
President  Truman  and  the  labor  movement 
should  be  paid,  for  the  full  26-week  period 
suggested,  the  total  amount  would  be  only 
$650.  This  would  not  support  a  family 
adequately  for  a  half  year. 

I  mention  these  matters  of  neglect  and 
discrimination  to  show  that  certain  people 
in  and  out  of  Congress  are  so  shortsighted 
as  to  oppose  purchasing  power  for  workers. 
Why,  I  do  not  know,  since  the  success  of 
businessmen  depends  on  their  having  a 
good  market  for  their  products. 

Who  Wants  Unemployment? 

Some  of  these  same  people  have  been 
raising  objections  to  the  full  employment 
bill  and  the  related  legislation.  I  should 
like  to  be  quite  direct  about  this:  Who  does 
not  want  full  employment?  I  have  noticed 
in  the  financial  and  some  daily  newspapers 
an  undertone  of  satisfaction  that  there  will 
be  masses  of  unemployed  people  again. 
Who  wants  to  see  a  big  "float  of  unemploy- 
ment" and  why  do  they  want  it? 

I  take  this  occasion  to  put  the  question 
directly  to  every  member  of  Congress:  Do 
you  want  to  see  unemployment  of  Ameri- 
cans? I  am  not  satisfied  to  listen  in  reply 
to  legalistic  double  talk.  I  am  not  interested 
in  a  sterile  discussion  about  isolated  phrases 
and  whether  the  "right"  to  a  job  and  a 
good  income  is  an  introduction  of  "tyr- 
anny." 

Here  is  a  situation  with  respect  to  our 
economic  welfare  and  the  prosperity  of  our 
people  which  reminds  me  of  a  well  known 
statement  of  nearly  twenty  centuries  ago: 
"He  that  is  not  for  me,  is  against  me."  One 
is  either  for  a  fulli  employment  program 
with  responsibility  in  the  national  govern- 
ment, or  he  is  for  unemployment.  This 
basic  truth  cannot  be  hidden  in  verbiage. 

Can  we  look  into  the  mind  of  a  man 
who  wants  unemployment?  What  can  the 
motive  be?  In  this  connection  I  am  re- 
minded of  a  remark  attributed  to  Insull: 
"The  surest  guarantee  of  a  contented  work- 
ing force  is  a  long  line  at  the  employment 
office  window." 

President  Truman's  radio  report  to  the 
people  on  the  Potsdam  conference  included 
a  pertinent  sentence:  "The  thing  we  have 
learned  now,  and  should  never  forget,  is 
this:  that  a  society  of  self-governing  men  is 
more  powerful,  more  enduring,  more  crea- 
tive than  any  other  kind  of  society,  how- 
ever disciplined,  however  centralized."  Self- 
government — that  is,  democracy — extends 
into  the  employment  relationship. 

All  of  this  economic  struggle  we  are  now 

going  through  is  part  of  a  lesson  we  arc 

learning  that  the  common  people  are  not 

primarily  "hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 

(Continued  on   page  419) 


OCTOBER     1945 


"Sixty  Million  Jobs"  If— 

A  truly  creative  American  shows  the  way  to  the  abundant  life  modern  technology 
opens    to    us  —  if    we    are    willing    to    pay    the    price    necessary    to    attain    it. 


HENRY  A.  WALLACE  OFFERS  AMERICA  A 
five-year  plan.  By  1950,  he  submits,  we 
can  and  we  must  be  operating  on  the 
basis  of  60,000,000  jobs  and  a  $200,000,- 
000,000  annual  national  income.  His  wide- 
ly heralded  book,  "Sixty  Million  Jobs" 
(cloth,  Reynal  &  Hitchcock — Simon  and 
Schuster,  $2;  pamphlet  edition,  Simon  and 
Schuster,  $1)  sets  forth  his  argument;  and 
blueprints  his  plan  in  text  and  graphs, 
except  for  one  important  "If — ". 

The  former  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  now  Secretary  of  Commerce,  starts 
from  the  premise  that  a  lasting  peace  must 
be  a  "peace  of  abundance."  It  takes  only  a 
three-page  chapter  to  sketch  clearly  the 
grim  alternative  to  full  employment  and 
production.  Aside  from  the  human  cost 
— the  fear,  insecurity,  malnutrition,  dis- 
couragement— of  the  Thirties,  we  lost  in 
those  years  88,000,000  man-years  of  pro- 
duction, or  something  like  $350,000,000,- 
000.  That  is,  the  cost  to  us  of  a  decade  of 
unemployment  in  time  and  output  was 
higher  than  the  cost  of  total  war. 

The  other  side  of  the  picture,  spelled  out 
and  figured  out  in  far  more  detail,  analyzes 
die  job  opportunities  of  the  American  econ- 
omy and  shows  what  full  employment 
means — to  the  businessman,  the  worker, 
the  farmer,  the  veteran. 

Of  the.  60,000,000  jobs,  which  is  his  esti- 
mate of  full  employment,  Mr.  Wallace  sees 
23,000,000  provided  thus:  by  government 
and  the  armed  forces,  7,000,000;  by  agricul- 
ture, 8,000,000;  domestic  service,  2.000,000; 
self-employment,  6,000,000. 

The  other  37,000,000  must  be  found  in 
manufacturing  and  mining,  construction, 
transportation  and  other  utilities,  "trade  of 
all  kinds,"  and  the  service  industries.  Here 
there  are  two  strategic  areas  of  employ- 
ment, he  points  out:  "One  is  manufactur- 
ing, where  government  can  either  accelerate 
or  choke  off  the  reconversion  process — 
where  it  can  either  help  to  keep  fourteen 
million  people  employed  or  can  precipitate 
a  decline  which  will  be  extremely  difficult 
to  check.  The  other  is  construction,  where 
the  government  can  act  and  has  tradition- 
ally acted,  directly,  to  create  employment 
in  the  construction  of  needed  public 
works." 

Mr.  Wallace's  mechanism  is  essentially 
that  of  the  Murray-Patman  bill  (see  page 
395),  and  kindred  to  Beveridge's  plan  for 
Great  Britain.  That  is,  acceptance  of  the 
principle  that  every  American  has  a  "right" 
to  a  job,  and  of  the  responsibility  of  govern- 
ment to  safeguard  that  "right";  presenta- 
tion of  "a  national  full  employment  bud- 
get" by  the  President  to  Congress  annually, 
giving  estimates  of  "current  job-creating 
expenditures  by  business  and  consumers." 


BEULAH  AMIDON 

— A  significant  new  book  by  Henry  A. 
Wallace  is  here  reviewed  by  the  indus- 
try editor  of  Survey  Graphic. 

If  a  job  deficiency  seems  likely,  it  would 
be  the  duty  of  the  President  to  suggest  two 
specific  types  of  incentives.  One  type,  in- 
volving no  government  spending,  would 
include  tax  and  credit  incentives  "to  stimu- 
late both  consumers  and  businessmen  to 
spend  more  and  therefore  to  create  more 
jobs."  The  other  type  would  mean  the 
use  of  government  funds  for  grants-in-aid 
for  local  or  state  public  works  projects,  or 
"for  actual  investment  directly  by  the  fed- 
eral government  in  development  of  our 
resources." 

In  contemplating  full  production  and  its 
possibilities,  Mr.  Wallace  would  have 
Americans  enthusiastic  not  only  about 
"backlogs  of  unfilled  orders  in  business,  but 
also  about  backlogs  for  the  nation  as  a 
whole — the  government's  backlogs  of  pro- 
ductive work  to  supplement  and  stimulate 
,  business  and  industry." 

Mr.  Wallace  sees  housing  as  the  largest 
of  the  new  frontiers  where  "job  oppor- 
tunities" are  to  be  thrown  open.  Other 
major  backlogs  are  health  care  and  preven- 
tive medicine,  river  valley  developments 
like  TVA,  land  conservation,  forest  devel- 
opment, rural  electrification. 

His  is  a  pre-Hiroshima  book.  As  he 
scans  "new  horizons  in  industry,"  Mr.  Wal- 
lace sees  vast  peacetime  applications  of  war- 
stimulated  advances  in  radio  and  radar, 
chemistry,  synthetics,  and  so  on.  But  in 
writing,  he  kept  the  secret  of  Washington's 
two-billion-dollar  gamble  on  our  "inven- 
tive genius  and  technological  know-how,' 
and  how  it  brought  the  dawn  of 'the  atomic 
age.  How  does  this  incalculable  factor 
affect  the  complex  formulas  of  social-eco- 
nomic planning?  Mr.  Wallace  does  not 
raise  this  question  but  he  probably  would 
be  among  the  first  to  insist  that  the  answer 
must  be  found,  and  that  essential  research 
must  go  forward  hand  in  hand  with  pres- 
ent intensive  research  directed  to  the  pro- 
ductive harnessing  of  atomic  power. 

Balancing  Freedom  and  Control 

It  is  as  a  successful  midwestern  business- 
man, and  as  Secretary  of  Commerce,  that 
Mr.  Wallace  seems  to  have  written  one  of 
the  most  provocative  sections  of  his  book, 
"The  American  Approach  to  Abundance." 
For  here  he  proceeds  to  pour  the  new  wine 
of  economic  planning  into  the  old  bottle 
of  the  free  enterprise  system,  all  the  while 
arguing  that  it  is  the  best  and  most  service- 
able container  yet  devised. 

In    today's    terms    the    problem,    as    Mr. 


Wallace  defines  it,  is  "for  Americans  to 
organize  the  activities  of  the  federal  govern 
ment  in  taxation,  agricultural  adjustment, 
social  security,  foreign  trade,  resource  de- 
velopment, and  other  fields  so  as  continu- 
ously to  promote  in  private  enterprise  the 
maximum  of  sound  employment  and  busi- 
ness activity.  We  must  do  this  to  keep 
free  enterprise  free  and  functioning  con- 
tinuously. For  this  is  die  essential  process 
of  our  own  freedom." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  dodge  the  logic 
of  Mr.  Wallace's  calculations.  He  starts 
from  the  premise  that  "we  must  find  the 
proper  balance  between  liberty  and  control, 
between  stimulating  full  employment  and 
keeping  free  enterprise  free."  He  reject! 
the  extremes  of  the  regimented  state  and 
of  "Social  Credit."  He  then  proceeds  to 
draw  up  sample  budgets  for  annual  produc- 
tion totaling  $200,000,000,000,  showing 
how  consumer,  business  and  government 
spending  can  maintain  this  market. 

In  balancing  his  specimen  budgets,  he 
uses  broad  tax  policy,  including  tax  conces- 
sions, to  stimulate  or  control  risk-taking, 
the  flow  of  capital,  and  consumer  spending. 

Mr.  Wallace's  presentation  of  this  sort 
of  national  budget  "as  a  businesslike  system 
for  avoiding  the  high  cost  of  unemploy- 
ment" is  clear  and  persuasive.  And  then 
comes  the  "If — ."  The  price  for  "this 
maximum  of  business  investment  and  con- 
sumer expenditure,"  he  concludes,  "must 
be  paid  by  a  willingness  to  cooperate — and 
not  by  an  increase  in  the  federal  debt."  He 
continues:  "This  demands  a  maximum  of 
cooperation  every  step  of  the  way  between 
Main  Street  and  Washington — between 
congressional  and  senate  appropriation  and 
revenue  committees;  between  the  House 
and  Senate;  between  the  Congress  and  the 
President;  between  the- various  departments 
and  agencies  of  the  federal  government, 
and  between  federal,  state  and  local  gov- 
ernments; between  government  and  busi- 
ness, labor,  and  agriculture,  and  between 
management  and  labor." 

This  is  a  far  cry  from  tugs-of-war  be- 
tween the  White  House  and  Capitol  Hill — 
even  under  wartime  urgency  for  united 
action;  from  today's  front-page  accounts  of 
"crises"  in  industrial  relations;  from  friction 
between  federal  agencies;  the  state-federal 
cleavage  over  unemployment  insurance  and 
the  employment  service;  the  threats  and 
counter-threats  of  pressure  groups. 

Cooperation  on  a  wholly  new  level  of 
effectiveness  is  put  forward  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  Commerce  as  essential  to  his  pro- 
gram for  60,000,000  jobs  and  new  frontiers 
of  abundance.  But  here  even  Mr.  Wallace 
cannot  offer  a  blueprint  of  "how  to  do  it," 
but  only  an  eloquent  plea. 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


As  Uniforms  Are  Shed 

To  set  the  veterans  off  from  the  rest  of  the  nation  would  lead 
to  failure.  Mr.   Baruch's  formula  for  a  successful   program. 

BRADLEY   BUELL 


"WE     MUST     NOT     FAIL     THE     VETERAN FOR 

then  we  fail  ourselves.  We  fail  our  nation 
with  its  heritage  of  greatness  which  is  the 
challenge  to  all  the  world.  We  must  show 
that  our  political  and  economic  system 
which  met  the  test  of  war  so  magnificently 
can  be  turned  as  effectively  to  the  solution 
of  human  problems  in  the  return  of  peace." 

So  concludes  the  most  recent  of  the 
notable  reports  by  that  sagacious  Elder 
Statesman,  Bernard  M.  Baruch,  adviser  to 
Presidents  in  mobilizing  American  resources 
in  two  world  wars.  The  report  was  pre- 
pared after  months  of  study,  which  Mr. 
Baruch  undertook  at  the  request  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt. 

Addressed  as  a  personal  communication 
to  General  Omar  N.  Bradley,  newly  ap- 
pointed director  of  the  Veterans  Admin- 
istration— dated  August  16,  just  after  V-J 
Day,  and  released  to  the  press  September  6 
as  Congress  reassembled — the  timing  4  un- 
derscores the  "extreme  urgency"  expressed 
in  the  document's  cogent  phrases:  "There 
now  prevails  a  'no  man's  land'  of  neglect 
of  the  human  problems  of  the  change-over 
from  war  to  peace.  .  .  .  Reorganization, 
modernization  and  expansion  of  the  Vet- 
erans Administration  cannot  be  delayed. 
.  .  .  Your  excellent  appointment  has  been 
hailed  as  foreshadowing  a  thorough-going 
shake-up  of  the  government's  handling  of 
veterans'  matters." 

Part  of  a  Larger  Program 

Mr.  Baruch  has  a  unique  capacity  for 
putting  the  problem  of  the  moment  in  its 
significant  perspective.  Thus  he  sees  clearly 
that  the  satisfactory  readjustment  of  return- 
ing servicemen  is  in  fact  the  core  of  our 
entire  problem  of  postwar  re-orientation: 
"Solution  of  the  veterans'  problems  does 
not — can  not — proceed  alone.  During  the 
period  when  our  soldiers  and  sailors  will 
be  shedding  their  uniforms,  six  to  eight 
million  workers  in  strictly  war  industries 
will  be  shifting  jobs  or  homes.  The  ultimate 
goal  of  any  veterans'  program  must  be  to 
restore  the  returning  soldier  and  sailor  to 
the  community — socially,  economically  and 
humanly.  .  .  .  One  terrible  danger  of  failure 
may  be  to  set  the  veteran  off  from  the  rest 
of  the  nation  ...  his  feelings  an  explosive 
fuel  ready  to  be  ignited  by  some  future 
demagogues." 

The  families  of  the  twelve  million  service 
men  make  up  one  fourth  of  the  population 
of  the  enure  country.  The  families  include 
vrives,  fathers,  mothers,  brothers,  sisters, 
who  have  done  their  part  in  the  tremen- 
dous home  front  effort  which  poured  out 
supplies  for  all  the  United  Nations'  battle 
fronts.  Only  as  they  and  millions  of  other 
industrial  workers  make  a  satisfactory 
peacetime  adjustment  will  the  veteran  re- 
turn to  a  family  and  community  setting  that 

OCTOBER     1945 


— By  the  executive  editor  of  Survey 
Midmonthly  which  this  year  has  pro- 
jected field  work  throughout  the  country 
to  find  out  how  communities  are  meeting 
their  responsibilities  to  veterans  in  the 
transition  from  war  to  peace. 

Thus  in  July,  the  Midmonthly  carried 
"The  Veteran  Returns  to  Dayton,"  by 
Mr.  Buell  and  Reginald  Robins'on.  Other 
close-up  appraisals  will  be  brought  out 
this  fall. 

The  last  time  we  drew  on  the  thinking 
of  the  chairman  of  the  War  Industries 
Board  of  1917-19  was  in  December  1941. 
Then  we  crystallized  his  testimony  on 
industrial  mobilization  and  price  control 
as  one  of  the  major  features  of  "Man- 
ning the  Arsenal  of  Democracy" — one 
of  the  "Calling  America"  numbers  of 
Survey  Graphic. 


lends  itself  to  the  ordering  of  his  own 
future.  The  federal  government,  Congress, 
and  responsible  people  everywhere  must 
understand  that  "this  cannot  be  accom- 
plished except  as  part  of  the  larger  program 
embracing  the  whole  of  human  demobili- 
zation." 


In  this  report,  Mr.  Baruch  makes  it  clear 
that  he  would  trust  administrative  leader- 
ship of  tested  competence  and  broad  vision 
to  work  out  the  specifics  of  policy  and  pro- 
gram. The  report  itself  is  in  no  sense  a 
manual.  Rather,  it  is  a  broad  policy-form- 
ing guide  to  action  in  four  main  areas.  Two 
of  these  are  concerned  with  the  Veterans 
Administration  itself  —  recommendations 
which  would  segregate  its  medical  program 
and  generally  overhaul  its  non-medical  ac- 
tivities. Two  are  outside  the  immediate  ad- 
ministrative responsibility  of  the  Veterans 
Administration.  They  aim  to  implement 
the  coordination  and  planning  functions 
of  the  closely  related  Retraining  and  Re- 
employment  Administration,  and  to 
strengthen  the  GI  Bill  of  Rights. 

The  Veterans  Administration 

The   Veterans   Administration   now  dis- 
I charges  two  major  functions.  It  is  a  health 
agency  providing  hospital  and  medical  care. 
It  is  also  a  benefit  or  pension  agency  which 
distributes  the  various  kinds  of  cash  pay- 
ments to  which  ex-servicemen  are  entitled 
by  law.  During  the  past  year,  the  admin- 
istration of  the  medical  part  of  its  program 
(Continued  on   page  420) 


BERNARD  M.  BARUCH 

By  Max  Kalish  for  the  Notable  Men  of  Wartime  Collection,  Smithsonian  Institution 


401 


The  Veteran  Goes  to  College 

The  beginnings  of  a  postwar  story— what  returning  World  War  II  veterans  want 
the    colleges,    what    the    laws    provide,    what    the    campuses    offer    servicemen. 


OF     THE    MORE    THAN     13,000,000    MEN    AND 

women  who  have  been  in  uniform  during 
the  war,  3,500,000  include  school  or  college 
in  their  postwar  plans.  This  is  the  estimate 
of  Ernest  V.  Hollis  of  the  U.  S.  Office  of 
Education  who  bases  his  figures  on  careful 
samplings.  Of  the  3,500,000,  a  round 
million  probably  will  want  full  time  school- 
ing at  the  various  levels— elementary,  sec- 
ondary, collegiate,  graduate,  and  postgradu- 
ate. The  balance  will  seek  additional  edu- 
cation on  a  part  time  basis.  The  number 
who  actually  enroll  will  depend  upon 
various  factors,  including  the  length  of 
time  before  discharge,  the  effectiveness  of 
the  educational  programs,  and  the  employ- 
ment opportunities  open  as  veterans  return 
to  civilian  life. 

Education  will  be  especially  important 
in  the  readjustment  of  servicemen  and 
women  to  peacetime  living.  Willard  Waller 
in  his  book,  "The  Veteran  Comes  Back,"* 
stressed  the  point  that,  better  than  any 
other  experience,  education  can  restore  the 
ex-serviceman  to  a  feeling  of  "belonging- 
ness."  School  and  college  administrators 
help  veterans  decide  what  they  want  to 
do  next  and  secure  the  cooperation  of  other 
agencies  toward  these  objectives.  Generally 
speaking,  the  colleges  stand  ready  to  do 
their  part.  President  Conant  of  Harvard 
has  expressed  a  common  attitude:  "Every 
American  school,  college,  and  university 
now  faces  the  responsibility  of  helping 
members  of  the  armed  forces  to  resume 
their  education  once  the  war  is  over." 

The  Time  Is  Now 

The  job  of  the  colleges  is  right  at  hand. 
With  the  sudden  collapse  of  Japan,  the 
number  returning  for  the  1945-6  college 
year  mounts  daily.  Even  for  1944-5,  the 
figures  were  substantial.  Before  that  college 
year  closed,  several  institutions  had  en- 
rolled five  hundred  or  more  veterans.  A 
report  of  the  Veterans  Administration  in- 
dicates that  as  of  April  30,  1945,  there  were 
23,552  former  servicemen  taking  courses 
under  the  GI  Bill  of  Rights,  and  14,478 
in  training  under  Public  Law  16.  Following 
V-E  Day,  but  before  Japan  surrendered, 
the  army  planned  to  release  2,000,000  men 
from  active  duty.  With  the  end  of  the  war 
in  the  Pacific,  the  figures  jumped.  As  of 
October  1,  more  than  3,000,000  veterans 
will  be  out  of  uniform. 

But  the  educational  programs  developed 
are  even  more  important  than  the  numbers 
served.  If  the  early  enrollees  in  the  colleges 
receive  stimulation  and  practical  help,  ex- 
servicemen  will  continue  to  stream  into 
colleges  and  universities.  But  if  the  pro- 
grams do  not  meet  the  veterans'  needs,  the 
greatest  educational  opportunity  of  this  or 
any  other  generation  will  be  lost.  The 
heavy  withdrawal  of  veterans  who  returned 

402 


JOHN  N.  ANDREWS 

— By  an  educator  now  in  uniform. 
Colonel  Andrews,  on  military  leave  of 
absence  from  New  York  University,  has 
been  with  the  National  Selective  Service 
System  since  1941,  and  is  now  in  charge 
of  postwar  activities. 

He  is  the  author  of  "Outlook  for  the 
Serviceman,"  and  of  numerous  articles 
on  the  adjustment  of  returning  veterans 
to  civilian  life. 

to  college  at  the  end  of  World  War  I  was 
due  largely  to  the  inadequacy  of  what  they 
found  on  the  campus. 

College  Requirements 

College  administrators  find  that  most 
veterans  seeking  admission  begin  by  ask- 
ing three  questions:  What  credit  do  I  get 
for  service  training  courses?  What  required 
courses  must  I  take?  How  long  will  it  take 
to  complete  the  work  here  and  will  it  help 
me  later  in  applying  for  a  job? 

The  answers  are  vital  to  veterans  since, 
as  a  group,  they  are  more  mature  than 
other  college  students.  They  want  to  speed 
up  their  education  and  training,  and  they 
feel  it  should  have  practical  value  in  pre- 
paring them  for  business,  industry,  agri- 
culture, or  the  professions. 

Many  institutions  have  liberalized  ad- 
mission requirements  to  take  account  of 
maturity  and  experience.  Sometimes,  a  bat- 
tery of  tests  helps  determine  vocational  in- 
terests and  aptitudes.  The  results  of  such 
tests,  plus  interviews  with  counselors,  help 
in  planning  a  course  of  study  in  accordance 
with  the  veteran's  abilities  and  aims. 

The  colleges,  universities,  and  technical 
schools  have  learned  by  experience  that  it 
is  important  to  determine  early,  and  as 
definitely  as  possible,  whether  a  candidate 
for  admission  is  fitted  by  capacity  and 
earlier  training  to  carry  successfully  his 
chosen  program  of  study. 

One  college  administrator  expressed  the 
feeling  of  many  others  when  he  said:  "In 
our  natural  desire  to  'give  men  a  break,'  we 
were  somewhat  over-lenient  in  admissions 
in  the  first  semester  and,  as  a  consequence, 
there  were  some  men  who  became  dis- 
couraged, finding  the  work  too  difficult 
either  on  account  of  poor  preparation  or  as 
a  result  of  too  much  time  elapsed  since 
their  previous  schooling.  There  were  a 
number  of  withdrawals  during  the  first 
term." 

Institutions  of  higher  learning,  while 
ready  to  make  numerous  curricular  adjust- 
ments for  veterans,  rightly  insist  that  they 
do  not  want  to  pamper  returned  service- 
men or  offer  "war  degrees"  which  may  be 
discounted  later.  Standards  of  academic  per- 
formance cannot  be  sacrificed.  But  every 
possible  effort  must  be  made  to  assist  war 


veterans    (men   and   women)   in   their   re- 
turn to  the  classroom. 

Credit  for  military  service  is  a  common 
practice.  It  is  usually  applied  toward  re- 
quired units  in  physical  education,  hygiene, 
ROTC,  or  free  electives.  In  accordance  with 
the  recommendation  of  the  American 
Council  on  Education,  most  colleges  give 
credit  for  the  completion  of  the  basic  army 
and  navy  training  courses.  If  the  veteran 
has  completed  one  or  more  technical 
courses,  such  as  meteorology  or  language, 
additional  credit  is  allowed  for  parallel 
courses  in  college.  Those  who  have  com- 
pleted officer  candidate  school  and  other 
special  courses  are  generally  allowed  addi- 
tional units.  Technical  and  professional 
schools  want  to  be  as  liberal  as  possible,  but 
the  very  nature  of  their  programs  requires 
that  students  have  sound  academic  prepara- 
tion. They  feel  that,  in  justice  to  the  stu- 
dent himself,  no  essential  feature  can  be 
eliminated  from  the  required  course  of 
study.  Credit  is  commonly  granted  for 
work  completed  in  the  Army  Specialized 
Training  Programs,  the  Navy  College 
Training  Programs,  and  the  Armed  Forces 
Institute. 

Social  Adjustments 

Most  colleges  report  that  veterans  quickly 
become  part  of  the  campus  population.  To 
facilitate  the  integration,  and  in  other  ways 
to  serve  them,  many  institutions  have  ap- 
pointed a  coordinator  or  director  of  vet- 
erans affairs.  Some  colleges  have  estab- 
lished special  divisions  for  veterans.  In 
addition  to  helping  ex-servicemen  make 
their  educational  and  social  readjustment, 
the  coordinator  acts  as  a  liaison  officer  or 
helps  unsnarl  the  red  tape  in  which  vet- 
erans' education  sometimes  is  involved. 

The  percentage  of  veterans  who  fail  to 
make  satisfactory  adjustment  seems  to  be 
no  higher  than  that  of  students  who  come 
from  civilian  life.  Even  though  it  sets  up 
no  special  services  for  veterans,  a  college 
as  a  rule  has  some  "adjustment"  machinery 
in  operation.  This  machinery,  and  the  fact 
that  college  students  are  perhaps  closer  to 
the  realities  of  war  than  any  other  civilian 
group,  create  an  environment  to  which 
most  veterans  rapidly  adjust. 

Former  servicemen  are  active  in  school 
athletics,  student  affairs,  and  school  func- 
tions generally.  Many  of  them  have  become 
class  officers,  others  take  part  in  debating 
clubs,  dramatic  societies,  and  similar 
campus  activities.  Some  veterans'  clubs  have  j 
been  organized,  but  these  do  not  hamper 
participation  in  other  groups. 

Veterans  of  World  War  II  may  become    | 
eligible   for  educational  benefits  and  train- 
ing under  either  of  two  programs  author- 
ized  by   the   78th    Congress:    Public   Law    j 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


346  (GI  Bill  of  Rights)  and  Public  Law 
16  (vocational  training  of  the  disabled). 
Both  laws  are  administered  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Veterans  Administration. 

What  the  Laws  Provide 

Under  the  GI  Bill,  the  veteran  with  more 
than  90  days  in  service  and  a  discharge 
other  than  dishonorable,  is  entitled  to  edu- 
cation or  training,  the  amount  of  which 
depends  upon  his  length  of  service  and  his 
age  at  the  time  he  went  into  uniform.  The 
costs  of  tuition,  fees,  books,  and  other 
materials,  up  to  $500  a  year,  are  paid  by 
the  federal  government,  and  the  veteran 
receives  $50  a  month  subsistence  if  he  is 
single;  $75  if  he  has  one  or  more  de- 
pendents. Education  under  this  law  can  be 
started  any  time  within  two  years  after 
discharge  or  two  years  after  the  end  of 
the  war,  whichever  is  later,  and  it  must  be 
completed  not  later  than  seven  years  after 
the  end  of  the  war.  No  course  of  study 
may  exceed  four  full  years. 

To  be  trained  under  the  provisions  of 
Public  Law  16,  the  veteran  must  have  a 
disability  incurred  in  or  aggravated  by  his 
service  for  which  a  pension  is  payable  (or 
would  be  but  for  the  receipt  of  retirement 
pay),  and  he  must  be  in  need  of  vocational 
rehabilitation  to  overcome  the  handicap 
created  by  his  disability.  While  in  training, 
the  disabled  veteran  receives  $92.50  a 
month  if  single;  $103.50  a  month  if  mar- 
ried, plus  $5.75  for  each  dependent  child. 
For  each  parent  dependent  upon  the  vet- 
eran, there  is  an  allowance  of  $11.50  a 
month.  Tuition,  books,  and  other  necessary 
equipment  are  paid  for  by  the  government. 
Before  undertaking  training  under  this 
program,  the  veteran  is  required  to  take  a 
series  of  tests  to  determine  his  suitability 
for  his  chosen  career.  The  length  of  train- 
ing allowed  depends  upon  the  time  re- 
quired to  overcome  the  vocational  handicap, 
but  it  may  not  exceed  four  full  years,  and 
it  must  be  completed  within  six  years  after 
the  end  of  the  war. 

Testing  and  Placement 

As  I  have  already  indicated,  scientific 
testing  and  placement  are  used  extensively 
in  adjusting  veterans.  Many  universities 
and  colleges  have  developed  excellent  pro- 
cedures for  measuring  the  abilities  and 
aptitudes  of  students.  In  the  course  of  the 
army  and  navy  training  programs,  they 
gained  experience  in  the  placement  of  mili- 
tary personnel.  All  this  is  valuable  in  han- 
dling veterans. 

For  several  years  the  Veterans  Admin- 
istration has  required  that  disabled  veterans 
about  to  begin  training  to  overcome  a  voca- 
tional handicap  submit  to  a  battery  of  tests 
and  an  interview.  With  the  passage  of  the 
GI  Bill  of  Rights,  scientific  testing  was 
given  a  further  impetus,  and  now  all  vet- 
erans who  are  to  train  under  this  law  have 
the  opportunity  to  take  a  series  of  voca- 
tional tests  and  to  have  one  or  more  guid- 
ance interviews,  while  they  are  considering 
their  course  of  study.  The  tests  are  not 
required,  although  special  centers  for  the 
purpose  have  been  established  by  the  Vet- 
erans Administration  at  many  colleges  and 


the  government  pays  the  cost  of  the  tests. 

I  talked  recently  with  a  veteran  whose 
problems  underscored  the  need  for  these 
services.  He  was  discharged  after  nearly 
forty  months  overseas,  and  expects  soon  to 
resume  his  education.  He  would  like  to 
pursue  an  academic  course  in  college,  but 
he  is  not  certain  that  he  is  qualified  for  ad- 
vanced work.  The  alternative,  as  he  sees 
it,  is  a  thorough  vocational  course.  Aptitude 
and  placement  tests  will  help  him  decide 
what  to  do  next. 

It  is  important  that  veterans  entering 
college  be  placed  at  a  level  which  will 
stimulate  them  and  give  play  to  their  abil- 
ities and  interests.  Some  need  assistance  in 
planning  their  postwar  careers,  particu- 
larly sound  vocational  information  based  on 
careful  study  of  occupational  trends. 

The  need  for  adequate  counseling  was 
outlined  effectively  in  "Counseling  and 
Postwar  Educational  Opportunities,"  pre- 
pared by  a  committee  of  the  American 
Council  on  Education,  with  Dean  E.  G. 
Williamson  of  the  University  of  Minne- 
sota as  chairman.  The  report  emphasized 
five  points: 

1.  Make  available  up-to-date  information 
concerning  occupational  opportunities. 

2.  Assist  ex-service  men  and  women  who 
have  problems  of  relearning  effective  study 
methods  and   reading  skills. 


3.  Assist  ex-service  personnel  with  their 
problems   of   marriage   adjustment,   recrea- 
tional   enjoyment,    learning    to    live    with 
others  in  civilian  life,  reentering  desirable 
community   and  school  or  college  projects 
and  activities,  and  other  morale  problems 
associated   with   transfer  from  military   to 
student  and  civilian  status. 

4.  Provide  medical  examinations,  psychi- 
atric services,  and  other  assistance  to  help 
the  ex-serviceman  assume  responsibility  for 
his  own  well-being. 

5.  Help    students     upon    completion    of 
their  study  to  secure  employment. 

Many  colleges  are  adding  trained  per- 
sonnel to  their  counseling  staffs,  often  in- 
cluding psychologists  and  psychological 
testing  specialists  assigned  to  the  admis- 
sions office.  The  aim  is  to  assist  servicemen 
with  their  problems,  and  also  to  make  full 
use  of  service  training  and  experience  and 
the  results  of  the  tests. 

Tailor-made  Programs 

Nearly  all  institutions  of  higher  learning 
have  made  significant  changes  in  their  edu- 
cational offerings.  Many  of  these  changes 
were  originally  to  accommodate  the  war 
training  programs,  which  provided  valuable 
experience,  both  in  content  and  method. 
Many  institutions  have  organized  short 
terminal  courses,  varying  in  length  from 


Ex-servicemen  at  the  graduate  school  of  the  American  University,  Washington,  D.  C. 


OCTOBER     1945 


403 


H.    Reinhart   photos   for   International 
As  the  term  begins  at  New  York  University  veterans  line  up  for  supplies,  paid  for,  along  with  tuition,  by  the  government 


three  months -to  two  or  three  years.  These 
cover  a  wide  range  of  subjects.  Refresher 
or  review  courses  on  the  pre-collegiate  level 
are  common,  but  few  colleges  offer  such 
courses.  Provision  has  been  made  in  nearly 
all  institutions  for  part  time  as  well  as  full 
time  study. 

Many  excellent  plans  have  been  made  to 
•encourage  veterans  to  continue  their  school- 


ing and  training.  Unfortunately,  space  does 
not  permit  a  description  of  the  many  im- 
portant educational  innovations.  A  few  pro- 
grams are  described  briefly  to  indicate  the 
general  trends. 

Howard  Bevis,  president  of  Ohio  State 
University,  has  suggested  that  in  many 
cases  "we  must  adjust  our  college  schedules 
and  courses  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  de- 


Elwood  C.  Kastner,  registrar  of  New  York  University,  heads  the  counseling  service 


mobilized  student" — which  he  defines  as 
the  individual  whose  education  has  been 
interrupted  by  military  service  or  by  em 
ployment  in  war  industry.  For  "demobil- 
ized students  '  who  want  part  time  educa- 
tion, Ohio  State  has  established  a  "Twilight 
School"  offering  regular  university  courses 
at  night.  The  subjects  are  chosen  on  the 
basis  of  demand  and  are  taught  by  mem 
bers  of  the  university  staff.  They  are  open 
to  any  employed  man  or  woman  but  many 
veterans  have  enrolled,  and  it  is  expecteii 
that  there  will  be  many  more. 

New  York  University  has  had  the  mosi 
extensive  experience  yet  reported  by  an\ 
college  or  university.  Ya«^  magazine,  in  its 
issue  of  June  29,  1945,  quotes  the  registrar. 
Elwood  C.  Kastner,  as  follows:  "We  wili 
go  all  out  for  veterans.  We  will  have  classes 
six  days  a  week,  day  and  night.  We  have 
more  students  than  we  need  already,  but  we 
consider  it  our  obligation,  and  we  are  glad 
to  do  everything  we  can  for  them." 

Ex-servicemen  at  New  York  University 
get  every  possible  break.  In  addition  to  the 
regular  programs,  many  special  courses  arc 
offered.  At  the  Washington  Square  Center. 
several  precollegiate  courses  meet  the  needs 
of  those  who  require  additional  high  school 
units.  There  is  a  special  course,  approved 
by  the  Veterans  Administration,  to  teach 
veterans  who  have  been  out  of  school  a 
long  time  how  to  study.  The  College  of 
Engineering  is  planning  short,  intensive  vo 
cational  courses.  The  Arts  College  is  in- 
stituting a  new  curriculum  to  prepare 
veterans  for  careers  in  international  reJa 


404 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


H.   Reinhart  for  International  News 
rrom  the  speaal    'every  Monday  morning"  group  at  New  York  University,  veterans  soon  go  into  the  regular  classes 


tions.  The  School  of  Education  offers  a 
wide  variety  of  courses  for  veterans  who  ex- 
pect to  enter  or  reenter  the  teaching  pro- 
fession, or  related  fields.  The  School  of 
Commerce  has  expanded  its  extensive  pro- 
gram for  both  day  and  evening  students 
who  are  employed  on  a  full  or  part  time 
basis.  A  carefully  planned  system  of  testing 
and  advisement  operates  as  a  part  of  the 
admissions  office. 

The  New  Jersey  College  for  Women  has 
made  special  plans  for  serving  women 
veterans  who  wish  to  enter  or  reenter  a 
business  or  professional  career.  The  college 
has  organized  a  number  of  short  one-year 
programs  along  two  lines:  vocational  or 
professional  preference,  and  cultural  or  gen- 
eral interest.  Each  program  is  made  up  of 
five  courses  grouped  about  a  central  theme, 
such  as  home  economics,  library  science,  ed- 
ucation; the  cultural  programs  center 
around  such  topics  as  The  World  Today, 
Family  Living,  Literature  and  the  Arts, 
Contemporary  Civilization.  The  .regular 
courses  offered  by  the  college  are  also  avail- 
able to  women  veterans  who  are  candidates 
for  degrees.  The  college  has  issued  a  special 
bulletin  for  women  veterans,  and  it  offers 
extensive  counseling  services. 

Schools  of  education  and  teacher-train- 
ing institutions  of  all  kinds  have  a  special 
opportunity  because  the  teaching  profession 
faces  a  critical  shortage.  Many  veterans 
would  make  excellent  teachers  for  the  ele- 
mentary and  secondary  schools,  as  well  as 
for  colleges  and  universities.  One  estimate 
suggests  that  the  teaching  profession  could 
easily  absorb  from  100,000  to  200,000  men, 
including  many  with  various  types  of  dis- 
ability. 


Many  of  the  state  teachers  colleges  have 
established  programs  which  will  attract 
veterans.  The  Southwest  Texas  State  Col- 
lege is  an  excellent  example.  At  this  in- 
stitution, in  addition  to  the  regular  courses 
for  teachers  or  prospective  teachers,  vet- 
erans can  take  refresher  courses,  and  in- 
tensive short  courses  along  many  vocational 


lines,  giving  training  in  a  specific  skill. 
There  are  courses  for  those  who  desire  two 
years  of  general  education  with  an  area  of 
concentration  in  a  vocational  field;  and 
courses  leading  to  pre-professional  training. 
Basic  degree  requirements  have  not  been 
changed  and  are  in  accordance  with  the 
standards  set  by  the  state.  An  innovation  at 


Former  servicemen  at  George  Washington  University  have  their  own  clubhouse 


OCTOBER     1945 


40*5 


this  institution  is  the  program  for  train- 
ing specialists  in  aviation.  Ground  school 
classes  are  conducted  in  the  college  class- 
rooms, and  the  flight  training  is  given  at 
Thompson  Field,  near  the  campus.  Several 
committees  look  after  the  special  needs  of 
veterans.  The  committee  on  admissions 
evaluates  educational  training  obtained  in 
the  armed  forces;  the  committee  on  cur- 
riculum gives  special  attention  to  curricu- 
lum adjustment;  the  counseling  committee 
advises  the  veterans  on  their  rights  and 
benefits;  the  housing  committee  locates 
rooms  or  apartments  for  veterans  and  their 
families;  and  the  placement  bureau  helps 
students  find  full  or  part  time  employment 
while  they  are  still  in  school  or  after  they 
have  completed  their  courses. 

Kansas  State  College  gives  from  four  to 
eight  hours  of  elective  credit  for  basic  mili- 
tary training  and  experience,  and  up  to 
twelve  hours  for  officer's  training,  but  the 
total  of  such  credits  may  not  exceed  six- 
teen semester  hours,  the  maximum  a  resi- 
dent student  may  earn  by  taking  ROTC. 

Under  a  statewide  policy,  a  war  veteran 
may  attend  any  higher  educational  institu- 
tions in  Kansas,  whether  or  not  he  can 
meet  the  formal  admission  requirements. 
If  he  is  not  ready  for  any  of  the  regular 
curricula  but  desires  specific  subjects  or  a 
combination  of  subjects,  he  is  admitted  as 
a  special  student  and  assigned  to  the  courses 
he  wants  and  is  qualified  to  pursue.  Since 
no  legislative  provision  was  made  for  a 
recommended  vocational  school  at  less  than 
college  level,  students  who  are  not  qualified 
to  take  any  work  of  college  grade  are 
eligible  only  for  non-credit  short  courses. 

Both  the  School  of  Agriculture  and  the 
School  of  Engineering  have  provided  two- 
year  curricula  with  a  variety  of  vocational 
objectives.  By  taking  advantage  of  the  six- 
teen-week summer  session,  a  student  may 
complete  one  of  these  curricula  in  sixteen 
calendar  months.  In  the  School  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  it  is  possible  for  veterans  to  ar- 
range special  programs  of  almost  any  dura- 
tion from  one  to  four  years. 

Refresher  programs  of  various  types  have 
been  organized,  including  seminars  which 
review  progress  in  various  fields. 

Housing 

Large  numbers  of  married  veterans  will 
want  to  attend  college.  Some  institutions 
report  that  difficulties  developed  last  year 
in  finding  adequate  housing  for  veterans 
and  their  families.  A'  few  colleges  have 
solved  the  problem  temporarily  by  recon- 
verting one  or  more  dormitories  into  apart- 
ments; others  report  that  they  hope  to  be 
able  to  use  nearby  war  housing  projects  no 
longer  needed  by  industry.  But  the  problem, 
which  college  presidents  generally  look  up- 
on as  critical,  calls  for  immediate  planning 
on  a  larger  and  more  permanent  scale. 

The  National  Housing  Agency  has  inter- 
preted the  Lanham  act  to  permit  the  con- 
struction or  relocation  of  war  housing  for 
the  use  of  veterans  pursuing  educational  or 
training  courses,  but  at  this  writing,  no 
funds  are  available  for  the  purpose.  In  ad- 
dition to  what  the  federal  government  can 
do,  state  governments,  local  communities, 

406 


and  the  institutions  themselves  have  re- 
sources which  can  be  put  to  use. 

The  University  of  Connecticut  has  ar- 
ranged to  house  married  veterans  and  their 
families  in  a  war  housing  development 
about  eight  miles  away.  The  university  will 
provide  bus  transportation. 

Hiram  College  in  Ohio  has  worked  out 
an  arrangement  with  a  nearby  housing  pro- 
ject, at  Windham,  where  the  government 
has  erected  modern  apartments  to  accom- 
modate at  least  1,000  Ravenna  Ordnance 
Plant  workers  and  their  families.  The 
National  Housing  Agency  has  agreed  to 
allow  married  ex-servicemen  wishing  to  at- 
tend Hiram  College  to  occupy  some  of 
these  apartments  at  a  reasonable  rate. 

Trailers  are  being  used  by  veterans  in 
some  colleges  and  many  more  will  be  in 
demand  as  soon  as  they  are  available.  Al- 
ready a  hundred  "family  type"  trailers  are 
housing  student  veterans  at  the  University 
of  Wisconsin,  and  the  same  number  at  the 
University  of  Indiana.  The  Universities  of 
Wyoming  and  Toledo  have  obtained  fifty 
apiece. 

Dangers  and  Safeguards 

The  provisions  for  veterans  education  are 
generous.  The  fact  unfortunately  means  for 
the  veterans  the  danger  of  exploitation,  and 
for  the  taxpayer  the  waste  of  his  money  by 
unscrupulous  individuals  and  agencies. 
Cases  have  already  come  to  the  attention  of 
educational  associations  of  special  schools  or 
programs  established  in  anticipation  of 
veteran  enrollment.  In  some  instances,  high 
fees  for  refresher  or  special  courses  may  be 
justified  on  the  grounds  of  expensive  in-, 
structional  materials,  limited  enrollments, 
and  other  factors;  but  there  is  danger  that 
some  institutions  may  seek  to  charge  the 
student  or  the  government  more  than  the 
training  justifies. 

As  the  number  of  returning  veterans  in- 


creases— each  entitled  to  education  or  train- 
ing up  to  $500  a  year — new  schools  and 
courses  are  appearing.  Certifying  and  ac- 
crediting agencies  in  the  states  and  com- 
munities are  responsible  for  safeguarding 
the  interests  of  veterans  and  the  govern- 
ment, and  our  educational  standards.  In  a 
recent  letter  to  its  members,  the  Association 
of  American  Colleges,  representing  about 
six  hundred  liberal  arts  colleges,  warned 
against  "fake"  institutions  of  higher  edu- 
cation organized  under  the  stimulus  of  the 
GI  Bill  of  Rights.  Several  recent  articles 
have  also  carried  warnings  against  "fly-by- 
night"  schools  established  to  "assist"  vet- 
erans. Dean  J.  B.  Edmonson  of  the  School 
of  Education  of  the  University  of  Michigan, 
in  a  recent  article  "Gypped — G.I.  Joe  Must 
Be  Protected  Against  Low  Grade  Colleges," 
published  in  the  Nation's  Schools,  urged 
that  more  careful  attention  be  given  to  the 
inspection  and  certifying  of  schools  and 
colleges. 

Under  the  GI  Bill  of  Rights,  institutions 
for  the  training  of  veterans  may  be  approved 
either  by  the  states  in  which  they  are  located 
or  by  the  administrator  of  Veterans  Affairs. 
But  the  administrator  has  announced  that 
he  will  not  approve  institutions  except  in 
unusual  circumstances,  holding  that  this  is 
a  responsibility  of  state  educational  author- 
ities. 

Dr.  R.  H.  Eckelberry  in  an  article,  "The 
Approval  of  Institutions  under  the  GI  Bill," 
published  in  the  Journal  of  Higher  Educa- 
tion, concludes  that  most  states  are  making 
a  serious  effort  to  exercise  care  in  approving 
institutions.  He  urges  the  colleges  and  uni- 
versities, and  the  educational  profession 
generally,  to  give  moral  support  to  the  state 
departments  as  they  face  a  difficult  task. 
"This."  he  says,  "is  the  time  for  a  united 
front  on  the  part  of  those  interested  in 
sound  educational  practice  and  the  welfare 
of  veterans." 


General  Bradley  congratulates  an  ex-soldier  on  his  fine  record  at  American  University 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Control  of  Atomic  Energy 

"It  is  incredibly  fortunate  that  at  the  dawn    of  the   age   of  atomic   energy  we  should 
already  have  set   about  the  creation  of  an  ordered  world  under  the  regime  of  peace." 


THE    ATOMIC    BOMB    HAS    SERVED    ITS    IMMEDI- 

ate  purpose  in  hastening  the  end  of  World 
War  II.  That  is  history.  The  problem  for 
the  future,  the  greatest  of  all  problems  con- 
fronting us,  is  that  of  the  control  of  atomic 
energy  both  to  prevent  future  wars  and  to 
further  economic  prosperity  under  the  re- 
gime of  peace. 

The  problem  is  twofold,  domestic  and 
international;  that  is  at  least  the  way  in 
which  it  comes  to  us  now.  The  distinction 
cannot  be  maintained,  however,  in  the  final 
solution  because,  even  if  the  nations  which 
at  present  hold  the  secret  of  the  discovery 
were  able  to  keep  it  from  the  other  na- 
tions, their  interest  and  anxiety  would  cre- 
ate an  international  problem  of  the  first 
order.  Therefore,  even  domestic  arrange- 
ments will  be  conditioned  by  international 
needs. 

Initial  American  Proposals 

The  prelude  to  the  history  of  control  was 
already  opened  in  the  very  first  announce- 
ment by  President  Truman,  August  6. 
After  pointing  out  that  it  had  never  been 
"the  habit  of  the  scientists  of  this  country 
or  the  policy  of  this  government  to  with- 
hold from  the  world  scientific  knowledge," 
he  stated  that  nevertheless,  under  present 
circumstances,  the  government  did  not  pro- 
pose to  divulge  either  the  "terminal  proc- 
esses of  production  or  all  the  military  ap- 
plications" until  there  could  be  a  careful 
examination  of  the  possible  ways  "of  pro- 
tecting us  and  the  rest  of  the  world  from 
the  danger  of  sudden  destruction."  He  then 
promised  that  he  would  recommend  to 
Congress  "the  establishment  of  an  appro- 
priate commission  to  control  the  production 
and  use  of  atomic  power  within  the  United 
States."  This  was  the  domestic  problem. 
Next  he  went  on  to  say  that  he  would 
"make  further  recommendations  to  Con- 
gress as  to  how  atomic  power  can  become 
a  powerful  and  forceful  influence  towards 
the  maintenance  of  peace." 

At  the  same  time  Henry  L.  Stimson  an- 
nounced the  creation  of  two  committees, 
one  for  the  use  of  the  bomb  in  the  war 
with  Japan  and  ways  of  keeping  it  secret; 
the  other,  called  the  Interim  Committee, 
for  the  study  of  postwar  problems  "of  both 
national  and  international  control."  This 
Interim  Committee  meets  under  the  chair- 
manship of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  con- 
sists of  representatives  of  the  Navy  and 
State  Departments  with  the  three  distin- 
guished scientists  who  played  such  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  discovery  of  the  bomb: 
Dr.  Vannevar  Bush,  President  James  Bry- 
ant Conant,  and  Dr.  Karl  T.  Compton. 
George  L.  Harrison,  president  of  the  New 
York  Life  Insurance  Company  was  ap- 
pointed an  alternate  chairman  of  the  In- 
terim Committee. 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE 

— In  these  epoch-making  months  of  this 
amazing  year,  Professor  Shotwell  has 
been  following  the  advance  toward 
world  organization  in  a  series  of  articles 
for  Survey  Graphic. 

Chairman  of  the  Commission  to  Study 
the  Organization  of  Peace,  a  chairman 
of  the  consultants  at  the  United  Nations 
Conference,  he  brought  intimate  knowl- 
edge to  bear  on  discussion  of  the  security 
provisions  of  the  new  Charter  (July) 
and  its  economic  and  social  section 
(September). 

In  this  seventh  article  of  his  series, 
Professor  Shotwell  considers  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  United  Nations  Charter  to 
the  startling  disclosure  of  the  atomic 
bomb. 

In  the  Presidents  message  to  Congress 
there  was  only  a  passing  reference  to  the 
control  of  atomic  energy,  but  there  was  the 
promise  that  further  messages  would  fol- 
low. 

Problem  of  International  Control 

All  thoughtful  people  are  agreed  that 
the  secret  of  the  control  of  atomic  energy 
should  not  be  "internationalized"  in  the 
way  in  which  the  ideas  of  philosophy  or 
pure  science  are  given  freely  to  the  world. 
This  is  too  dangerous  a  matter  to  be  turned 
over  to  irresponsible  or  anti-social,  criminal- 
ly-minded governments  or  peoples.  Presi- 
dent Truman  therefore  insisted,  and  right- 
ly so,  that  adequate  controls  must  be  pre- 
pared against  the  misuse  of  atomic  energy 
before  the  United  States  should  release  the 
secret  to  anyone. 

But  what  if  the  others  find  out  the 
secret  on  their  own  account?  Sooner  or 
later  that  eventuality  is  not  merely  a  pos- 
sibility but  an  almost  certain  probability. 
In  the  history  of  the  discovery,  the  Ameri- 
can and  British  scientists  can  lay  claim  only 
to  the  final,  if  decisive,  steps  in  the  long 
series  of  experiments  and  researches  in 
mathematics,  physics  and  chemistry,  and 
the  statement  is  frequently  made  that  if  it 
had  not  been  for  the  bombing  of  German 
plants,  German  scientists  would  have  an- 
ticipated the  American  achievement  and  so 
might  have  utterly  changed  the  course  of 
history. 

It  is  not  likely  that  the  German  scientists 
will  cease  to  work  upon  this  problem,  for 
never,  even  in  the  heart  of  the  war,  was 
there  a  greater  urge  upon  scientists  than 
there  is  upon  the  German  ones  of  today 
to  attempt  to  recover  the  lost  potentialities 
of  their  country.  Russia  also  seems  confi- 
dent of  success  in  its  experiments. 


Indeed,  it  calls  for  no  great  flight  of  the 
imagination  to  realize  that  in  almost  every 
laboratory  of  every  scientific  institution  in 
the  world  there  will  be  concentration  of 
study  upon  this  central  problem  of  all  scien- 
tific knowledge.  Under  these  conditions,  it 
seems  naive  to  suppose  that  the  United 
States  or  Great  Britain  will  be  able  for  long 
to  keep  the  secret.  In  any  case,  there  must 
be  no  failure  to  make  provision  against  the 
possibility  of  an  irresponsible  use  of  this 
new  force  by  other  nations,  for  that  is  fully 
as  essential  a  provision  for  our  security 
now  as  the  discovery  of  the  bomb  itself  was 
necessary  for  our  security  in  the  war. 

There  must  be  no  Pearl  Harbor  in  the 
lac/(  o)  provision  against  surprise  by  the 
atomic  bomb.  And  the  only  defense  pos- 
sible is  prevention. 

The  need  for  provision  against  the  event- 
uality of  surreptitious  preparation  for 
irresponsible  uses  of  the  bomb  requires  no 
argument.  Steps  must  be  taken  as  soon  as 
possible  to  ensure  a  proper  control  of  so 
dangerous  a  force.  The  need  for  immediate 
action  is  not  lessened  by  the  fact  that  it 
will  take  time  for  other  powers  than  those 
already  in  possession  of  the  secret  to  pre- 
pare the  actual  bomb  of  the  future.  How- 
ever, continuing  the  uncertainty  as  to  what 
may  happen  breeds  a  sense  of  insecurity 
which  in  turn  might  result  in  damage  to 
the  whole  structure  of  international  peace. 

Already  both  here  and  in  Europe  there 
have  been  voices  protesting  that  the  Charter 
of  the  United  Nations  has  been  nullified 
by  the  bomb  and  that  we  must  start  all 
over  again.  These  generalizations  are  but 
natural  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  pro- 
visions for  security  in  the  San  Francisco 
Charter  were  all  written  prior  to  the  bomb 
and  deal  with  a  world  situation  which  no 
longer  exists.  But  this  negative  attitude 
towards  the  great  effort  of  the  United  Na- 
tions to  find  a  way  of  peace  should  certain- 
ly not  be  accepted  without  at  least  a  careful 
reexamination  of  the  nature  of  the  pro- 
visions in  the  Charter,  a  study  which  has 
not  yet  been  made,  or  at  least  has  not  been 
published. 

The  Lesson  of  History 

Before  we  turn  to  see  how  the  Charter 
of  the  United  Nations  can  be  adapted  to 
the  era  of  atomic  energy,  it  may  be  inter- 
esting to  look  back  over  a  chapter  of  his- 
tory which  is  not  well  enough  known. 

The  Disarmament  Conference  of  the 
League  of  Nations  is  commonly,  but  wrong- 
ly, thought  to  have  been  a  complete  failure. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  its  survey  of  the  whole 
problem  of  security  as  well  as  the  limita- 
tion of  armaments  made  solid  progress  in 
opening  up  a  field  where  sentiment  and 
emotion,  both  international  and  national, 
had  run  riot.  The  outstanding  contribu- 


OCTOBER     1945 


407 


don  which  it  made  was  the  insistence 
upon  adequate  international  provision  for 
inspection  of  armaments  instead  of  pre- 
tending that  verbal  promises  could  be  re- 
lied upon  where  there  was  no  means  of 
finding  out  if  they  had  been  kept.  Inter- 
national inspection  was  seen  to  be  the  key 
to  the  whole  edifice  of  security  which,  as 
everyone  knows,  is  largely  a  matter  of 
psychology.  The  withdrawal  of  Germany 
from  the  Disarmament  Conference  put  an 
end,  however,  to  all  progress  along  that 
line. 

However,  in  1923,  ten  years  before  Ger- 
many's withdrawal,  I  had  a  lengthy  dis- 
cussion on  this  matter  with  Dr.  Duisberg, 
the  head  of  the  German  chemical  trust.  It 
grew  out  of  the  fact  that  the  poison  gas 
of  the  first  World  War  was  developed  in 
the  laboratories  of  that  great  chemical  city 
of  Leverkusen  on  the  Rhine,  and  that  the 
Allied  Control  Commission  was  attempting 
to  stamp  out  every  possibility  of  a  renewal 
of  this  activity  in  any  German  laboratory 
or  factory.  Poison  gas  was  at  that  time 
the  equivalent — as  nearly  as  there  could 
be  an  equivalent — of  the  atomic  bomb  of 
today. 

Dr.  Duisberg  readily  agreed  that  there 
would  be  every  advantage  to  the  German 
chemical  industry  in  ridding  itself  of  the 
suspicion  entertained  against  it  of  possible 
plotting  to  prepare  chemicals  secretly  with 
which  to  renew  the  war  in  a  surprise  at- 
tack. He  stated  his  absolute  readiness  to 
share  the  secrets  of  the  German  chemical 
trusts  with  properly  qualified  specialists  of 
other  countries  on  the  basis  of  mutual 
reciprocity.  When  I  expressed  surprise  at 
this  he  stated  that  the  organization  of  the 
German  chemical  industry  was  so  superior 
to  that  of  other  countries  that  he  had  no 
fear  of  coming  off  second  best  in  any  such 
exchange  of  scientific  information.  Indeed, 
he  had  made  the  proposal  himself  to  the 
French  a  short  time  previously  but  had  met 


with  rebuff,  for.  reasons  which  he  did  not 
explain. 

The  reasons  undoubtedly  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  German  chemical  organization  was 
a  great  cartel  which  was  counting  upon 
an  economic  invasion  of  other  countries. 
The  extent  to  which  it  was  to  succeed  in 
this  became  apparent  years  later  in  the 
revelations  concerning  certain  American 
firms.  It  is  by  no  means  suggested  here  that 
international  exchange  of  .scientific  matters 
should  be  left  in  the  hands  of  the  great 
aggregations  of  private  business.  President 
Truman's  warning  against  that  is  abso- 
lutely to  the  point.  It  is  a  matter  for  gov- 
ernments acting  under  the  full  responsi- 
bility of  office. 

The  important  point  in  Dr.  Duisberg 's 
comment  is  his  testimony  that  so  far  as 
industrial  chemistry  is  concerned,  the  shar- 
ing of  information  with  properly  qualified 
specialists  of  other  countries  could  work 
to  the  advantage  of  the  industry  itself. 
This  is  a  conclusion  of  the  first  importance. 

Bomb,  and  Security  Council 

Now  how  would  this  problem  come  be- 
fore the  Organization  of  the  United  Na- 
tions? Obviously  it  would  first  be  dealt 
with  by  the  Security  Council,  acting 
through  its  technical  committee,  called  the 
Military  Staff  Committee.  This  committee 
is  to  "advise  and  assist  the  Security  Council 
on  all  questions"  dealing  with  the  employ- 
ment of  force  by  the  United  Nations.  This 
is  an  inadequate  body  for  dealing  with  so 
technical  a  question  as  that  of  the  atomic 
bomb.  It  is,  however,  a  perfectly  proper 
body  for  the  practical  application  of  scien- 
tific plans.  Obviously  it  must  have  attached 
to  it  a  committee  of  experts  on  much  the 
same  lines  as  those  of  the  Interim  Com- 
mittee of  the  United  States. 
.  It  would  be  reasonable  to  have  an  addi- 
tional clause  in  the  Charter  calling  for  the 
establishment  of  a  technical  committee  of 


Crawford  in   The  ATmwrJr  Evening  Newt 


"first  Order  of  Ruuaaa" 


this  kind  to  advise  both  the  Military  Stafi 
Committee  and  the  Security  Council.  But 
provision  could  be  made  for  such  a  body 
without  an  amendment  to  the  Charter,  for 
the  Scientific  Committee  would  not  be  a 
committee  of  policy  but  of  advice  concern- 
ing the  means  available  for  the  maintenance 
of  peace.  It  therefore  could  be  set  up  by 
the  Security  Council  which,  under  Article 
29  of  the  Charter,  "may  establish  such  sub- 
sidiary organs  as  it  deems  necessary  for  the 
performance  of  its  functions."  There  could 
hardly  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  necessity  for 
such  an  organ  as  that  which  we  have  just 
mentioned. 

The  adjustment  of  the  Charter  to  the  era 
of  atomic  energy  is  therefore  not  only  pos- 
sible, but  easy.  Yet  it  must  be  admitted  that 
the  general  picture  which  the  Charter  pre 
sents  of  the  method  of  applying  force 
against  an  aggressor  was  made  antiquated 
overnight  by  the  bomb  of  Hiroshima. 

The  picture  is  that  of  armies  and  navies 
equipped  in  the  old-fashioned  way  for 
major  operations.  While  the  atomic  age 
will  need  an  international  police  force,  it 
will  decidedly  not  need  the  maintenance  of 
huge  armies  and  navies.  The  single  bomb 
at  Hiroshima  had  a  greater  striking  power 
than  any  army  that  ever  existed  and  physi- 
cists tell  us  that  there  was  a  reserve  strength 
available  almost  one  hundred  percent  great- 
er than  that  used.  This  means  that  the  in- 
ternational police  force  must  have  control 
of  all  bombs  and  possible  bombs  in  the 
world  and,  having  this  single  armament  in 
its  possession,  it  can  dominate  the  world 
for  peace. 

Why,  then,  not  just  outlaw  the  bomb  and 
keep  the  old-fashioned  military  and  naval 
equipment?  The  answer  is  twofold.  In  the 
first  place,  outlawry  would  not  necessarily 
keep  a  lawless  nation  from  using  it  unless 
there  were  the  same  kind  of  inspection  and 
control  which  would  be  necessary  if  it  were 
not  outlawed.  In  the  second  place,  the  pilot- 
less  rocket  bomb,  even  without  atomic 
energy,  has  been  developed  to  a  point 
which  renders  artillery  almost  as  primitive 
as  bows  and  arrows.  As  General  H.  H. 
Arnold  has  so  forcefully  pointed  out,  there 
is  no  longer  any  need  of  marching  armies 
to  launch  this  deadliest  of  weapons,  for  it 
can  be  sent  across  the  stratosphere  with  in- 
credible accuracy  from  points  thousands 
of  miles  away. 

Blow  to  Militarism 

The  idea  of  defense  by  huge  battalions 
drilled  for  maneuvers  on  the  parade  ground 
cannot  easily  be  dispelled,  because  there  is 
something  in  the  rhythm  of  marching  and 
the  massing  of  thousands  of  men  which 
touches  the  springs  of  emotion  in  most 
people.  But  from  now  on,  or  at  least  from 
sometime  in  the  not  distant  future,  it  will 
be  seen  that  this  is  merely  pageantry  and 
not  the  vital  means  of  defense  against  a 
threat  of  war.  If,  therefore,  the  atomic 
bomb  succeeds  in  dissociating  war  from 
pageantry  it  will  have  dealt  the  heaviest 
blow  to  militarism  in  all  history. 

This  fundamental  change  in  armament 
cannot  take  place  over  night,  for  national 
(Continued  on  page  417) 


408 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Will  Congress  Clean  House? 

Here  are  some  of  the  evidences  of  waste  and  inefficiency  uncovered  by 
its  joint  committee,  and  a  forecast  of  recommendations  it  soon  may  offer. 


CONGRESS,  DESCRIBED  AS  A  MODEL  T  FORD 
truck  trying  to  carry  a  ten  ton  load,  stands 
more  than  a  sporting  chance  for  thorough 
going  modernization  under  a  program  be- 
ing developed  by  members  of  the  national 
legislature  itself. 

Congress  has  been  a  favorite  target  for 
criticism  during  recent  years.  Members, 
political  scientists  and  intelligent  citizens 
have  "viewed  with  alarm,"  as  that  branch 
of  the  government  slipped  further  and 
further  away  from  the  Founding  Fathers' 
concept  of  policy  making  for  the  nation. 
Like  the  weather,  Congress  has  been  a  sub- 
ject of  much  talk  but  little  corrective  action. 

Two  recent  events  favor  the  legislature's 
current  efforts  to  reestablish  itself.  The  sur- 
render of  Japan  brought  speedy  removal  of 
many  controls  through  which  the  President 
exercised  his  wartime  grants  of  power.  Con- 
gress can  resume  in  peace  much  of  the 
initiative  it  delegated  to  the  Executive  for 
war — if  it  exhibits  a  will  to  exercise  such 
authority.  Harry  S.  Truman,  who  came  to 
the  Presidency  fresh  from  the  upper  house 
of  Congress,  has  sought  to  include  the 
legislators  at  an  early  stage  in  the  formu- 
lation of  administration  policies.  This  has 
been  exemplified  by  the  inclusion  of 
Senator  Kenneth  McKellar,  Senate  presid- 
ing officer,  in  cabinet  sessions  and  the  Chief 
Executive's  luncheons  at  the  Capitol  with 
his  former  cronies. 

The  Joint  Study 

The  present  Congress  established  a  joint 
committee  to  study  reorganization  as  the 
two  houses  themselves  took  to  heart  the 
rising  tide  of  criticism.  However,  enough 
strings  were  attached  to  the  concurrent 
resolution  (H.  Con.  Res.  18)  so  that  ideas 
considered  too  radical  can  be  pulled  up 
short  by  a  majority  of  the  membership.  For 
instance,  after  considerable  backing  and 
filling  on  the  ticklish  questions  of  cloture 
in  the  Senate  and  seniority  in  both  houses, 
the  resolution  was  reworded  to  permit  the 
joint  committee  to  study  and  recommend 
on  "the  consolidations  and  reorganization 
of  committees"  but  it  restrains  "any  rec- 
ommendations with  respect  to  the  rules, 
parliamentary  procedure,  practices,  and/or 
precedents  of  either  House,  or  the  con- 
sideration of  any  matter  on  the  floor  of 
either  House." 

The  Joint  Committee  on  the  Organiza- 
tion of  the  Congress,  to  give  its  full  name, 
includes  practically  all  of  the  varying  view- 
points in  both  houses,  with  the  balance  in- 
clined slightly  in  favor  of  the  conservatives. 
Senator  Robert  M.  LaFollette,  Wisconsin 
Progressive  and  long  an  advocate  of  legisla- 
tive organization  change,  became  chairman 
in  March  after  the  death  of  Senator  Francis 
T.  Maloney,  Connecticut  Democrat.  The 
vice-chairman  is  Representative  Mike  Mon- 


HILLIER  KRIEGHBAUM 

— By  a  newspaperman  who  took  leave  of 
journalism  to  join  the  'U.  S.  Navy  in 
1942.  Lieutenant  Commander  Kreigh- 
baum  graduated  from  the  University  of 
Wisconsin,  then  worked  with  the  United 
Press  at  its  New  York,  Chicago,  and 
Washington  bureaus.  He  taught  journal- 
ism for  a  short  time  at  Kansas  State 
College,  but  returned  to  the  UP  after 
Pearl  Harbor  to  head  the  staff  of  corre- 
spondents covering  the  war  agencies  in 
Washington. 

After  joining  the  navy,  Commander 
Kreighbaum  served  first  with  the  fleet 
air  wing  at  Norfolk,  then  was  ordered 
to  Washington  for  duty.  He  writes  that 
he  has  "high  hopes  of  being  a  civilian 
again  by  October  or  November." 

roney,  New  Deal  Democrat  from  Okla- 
homa. 

During  the  nearly  four  months  that  the 
joint  committee  heard  all  interested  wit- 
nesses, 14  senators  and  31  representatives 
appeared  in  person  at  the  39  public  hear- 
ings and  letters  or  statements  were  received 
from  16  senators  and  21  representatives.  In 
addition,  20  employes  of  Congress,  12  offi- 
cials from  the  executive  branch,  and  24 
representatives  of  private  organizations 
testified.  To  this  testimony  has  been  added 
data  collected  by  the  joint  committee's  staff 
under  the  guidance  of  Dr.  George  B.  Gal- 
loway, himself  chairman  of  the  American 
Political  Science  Association  group  that 
wrote  the  booklet,  "The  Reorganization  of 
Congress." 

This  fall,  the  joint  committee  is  expected 
to  present  Congress  with  concrete  proposals 
for  self-improvement.  This  report  seems 
likely  to  reflect  the  hard  core  of  informa- 
tion collected  at  the  extensive  hearings 
rather  than  to  reiterate  the  prejudices  of 
committee  members. 

What  Congress  will  do  with  the  recom- 
mendations is  a  question  mark.  Any  over- 
all, thorough  going  reorganization  runs 
smack  through  the  vested  interests  of  many 
members  of  Congress  and  statesmanship 
of  a  high  order,  plus  the  persuasive  prod 
of  public  opinion,  will  be  needed  to  estab- 
lish fundamental  reorganization. 

The  Committee  System 

Let's  look  at  how  Congress  has  changed 
during  recent  decades,  because  it  gives  some 
significant  "clues  as  to  why  reorganization 
is  so  important  to  a  vigorous  American 
democracy  with  three  active,  independent 
branches  of  government. 

The  last  congressional  reorganization 
along  structural  lines  was  in  1921  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  1927  in  the 
Senate.  Since  then  the  changes  have  been 
solely  additional  new  committees  to  meet 
fresh  problems. 


For  example,  before  the  Spanish-Amer- 
ican war  and  our  Panama  Canal  project, 
a  Senate  Committee  on  Interoceanic  Canals 
reflected  a  pressing  public  interest.  This 
committee,  which  still  exists  with  a  staff 
of  four  clerks  drawing  salaries  totalling 
$10,500  -a  year,  reported  just  two  of  the 
709  public  general  bills  of  the  two-year 
long  Seventy-eighth  Congress  (1943-44). 

Statistics  before  the  joint  committee  show 
that  the  maldistribution  of  the  legislative 
workload  is  widely  prevalent  among  both 
houses.  Twenty  standing  committees  in  the 
House  reported  89  percent  of  all  public 
general  bills  during  the  Seventy-eighth  Con- 
gress while  25  other  committees  had  only 
11  percent.  In  the  Senate,  19  standing  com- 
mittees accounted  for  94  percent  of  all 
public  bills  reported  while  the  remaining 
14  committees  submitted  only  6  percent 

James  Byrnes,  former  member  of  both 
houses  and  now  Secretary  of  State,  related 
that  special  committees  find  an  extraordi- 
nary reluctance  to  wind  up  the  job  and 
cease  to  exist.  He  reported  that  a  Senate 
Special  Committee  on  Conservation  of 
Wildlife  Resources,  created  in  1930  to  rec- 
ommend legislation  on  the  subject,  as  well 
as  a  House  group  for  the  same  purpose, 
created  in  1934,  is  still  in  existence. 

Here  are  the  figures  on  committee  dis- 
tribution for  the  present  session  of  Con- 
gress as  compiled  by  the  joint  committee 
staff: 

Type                           House  Senate  Total 

Standing   48           33  81 

Special     5  12 

Joint    6             6  6 


Total 


59  46          99 


It  is  little  wonder,-  then,  that  Representa- 
tive James  W.  Wadsworth,  -New  York 
Republican,  who  has  served  in  the  Senate 
as  well  as  the  House,  testified: 

"The  situation  in  the  House,  in  its  com- 
mittee structure,  is  one  which  might  be 
likened  to  'Topsy.'  It  has  just  grown  over 
150  years  without  any  planning  toward  the 
achievement  of  a  logical,  businesslike  or- 
ganization. No  one  is  to  be  blamed  for  it. 
New  problems  have  arisen  from  time  to 
time  in  that  long  period  of  years,  and  as 
they  have  arisen  the  House  has  had  to 
appoint  standing  committees  to  tackle 
them.  .  .  . 

"I  am  convinced  that  this  hodgepodge 
conglomeration  of  committees  in  the  House 
as  it  now  stands  jdooms  an  undue  propor- 
tion of  those  men  to  service  on  committees 
whose  work  does  not  attract  their  interest, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  they  haven't 
much  work  of  any  importance  to  do." 

Recommendations  varied  as  to  how  to 
reorganize  the  committee  system.  None, 


OCTOBER     1945 


409 


however,  suggested  more  than  twenty  com- 
mittees in  either  House  or  Senate  and 
some  wanted  the  number  cut  to  a  dozen. 

Senator  LaFollette  several  years  ago  sug- 
gested the  consolidation  of  Senate  commit- 
tees into  thirteen.  Representative  Wads- 
worth  recommended  to  the  joint  committee 
that  the  K  -ise  reduce  its  number  to  seven- 
teen. Robert  Heller,  author  of  the  National 
Planning  Association  report  on  "Strength- 
ening the  Congress,"  proposed  fifteen  com- 
mittees for  each  house  without  going  into 
the  details  of  how  it  should  be  done.  The 
joint  committee's  staff  favored  thirteen 
committees,  which  would  be  similar  for 
both  houses  and  which  would  correspond 
with  the  principal  functional  areas  of 
public  policy.  For  example,  a  Committee 
on  National  Defense  would  cover  all  the 
armed  services;  another  on  Fiscal  Policy 
would  have  jurisdiction  over  matters  con- 
cerning the  Treasury,  Federal  Reserve 
System,  Budget  Bureau,  Federal  Deposit 
Insurance  Corporation,  Federal  Loan  Agen- 
cy, and  Securities  and  Exchange  Commis- 
sion; a  third  on  Social  Welfare  would 
supervise  the  National  Housing  Agency, 
Federal  Security  Agency,  Office  of  Educa- 
tion, Public  Health  Service,  Railroad  Re- 
tirement Board,  and  Veterans  Administra- 
tion; and  still  another  on  Natural  Resources 
would  have  responsibility  for  the  Interior 
Department,  Tennessee  Valley  Authority, 
and  the  Federal  Power  Commission.  This 
staff-sponsored  proposal,  naturally,  has  an 
inside  track  of  the  chances  of  being  recom- 
mended to  Congress. 

The  committee  structure  is  of  vital  im- 
portance. Each  committee  is  a  miniature  of 
the  full  house.  Here  the  pleas  are  heard 
for  or  against  legislation,  here  the  bill  is 
smoothed  into  shape.  Representative  Mon- 
roney  asked  one  witness  whether  it  is  not 
correct  that  90  percent  of  the  work  of 
Congress  is  done  in  committees.  While 
other  committee  members  nodded  agree- 
ment, the  witness  confirmed  the  statement. 

Committee  Inefficiencies 

Multitudinous  committee  assignments 
fritter  away  the  time  of  congressmen  and 
witnesses.  In  some  cases,  members  have  so 
many  conflicting  sessions  scheduled  for  the 
same  time  morning  after  morning  that  they 
keep  abreast  of  events  in  none  of  them. 
Researchers  found  that  in  the  Congress 
concluded  last  year  no  senator  had  fewer 
than  five  committee  assignments.  Four  sen- 
ators and  one  representative  belonged  to 
nine  committees — a  job  which  would  keep 
them  fairly  busy  just  using  the  subway  to 
commute  from  Capitol  to  hearing  rooms. 

Consolidation  and  simplification  of  the 
congressional  committee  set-up  would  save 
time  of  others  than  members  of  Congress, 
too.  Directors  of  the  Executive  departments 
and  agencies  frequently  spend  considerable 
time  before  committees. 

Dr.  Arthur  N.  Holcombe,  chairman  of 
the  Appeals  Board,  War  Production  Board, 
told  the  joint  committee  that  a  study  early 
in  that  agency's  history  when  matters  of 
policy  were  pressing  for  decision  showed 
that  Chairman  Donald  M.  Nelson  spent 
approximately  one  third  of  his  time  before 


congressional  committees.  Former  Rubber 
Director  William  Jeffers  gave  in  general 
the  same  testimony  before  five  different 
committees  within  a  ten-day  period. 

Even  the  device  of  joint  hearings,  which 
are  not  too  common,  would  save  consider- 
able executive  time.  Representatives,  how- 
ever, fear  that  the  upper  house's  members 
might  tend  to  dominate  joint  hearings,  even 
if  the  deliberations  and  reports  were  sep- 
arated. 

Reduction  of  the  number  of  committees 
also  would  eliminate  the  need  for  numer- 
ous special  investigating  committees.  If  the 
lines  of  responsibility  were  clearly  marked, 
as  suggested  in  the  staff  proposal,  then  new 
problems  would  not  fall  through  the  gap 
when  interests  overlap. 

What,  then,  is  holding  back  the  adoption 
of  this  reform?  What  has  held  it  back  for 
decades? 

The  answer  is  simple.  Any  reduction  in 
committees  automatically  cuts  the  number 
of  committee  chairmen.  Men  who  now 
hold  these  positions,  or  those  who  are  next 
in  line,  know  they  would  lose  the  perqui- 
sites of  chairmanship,  such  as  naming  the 
committee  staff  and  occasionally  drafting 
their  help  to  carry  the  load  of  personal 
correspondence. 

The  Seniority  Rule 

The  same  difficulties  operate  in  regard  to 
overthrowing  the  traditional  rule  of  seni- 
ority. Under  this  procedure,  the  committee 
member  serving  longest  automatically  be- 
comes committee  chairman,  provided  he 
belongs  to  the  party  in  power. 

As  Representative  Albert  Gore  of  Ten- 
nessee testified: 

"I  do  not  think  many  of  us  would  have 
to  look  very  far  to  see  that  strict  adherence 
to  the  rule,  because  a  man  has  been  warm- 
ing a  seat  in  Congress  longer  than  some- 
body else,  the  only  rule  by  which  advance- 
ment is  gained  in  the  organization  of  Con- 
gress, can  be  carried  to  ridiculous  extremes. 
If  that  is  logical,  then  it  would  be  logical 
to  have  as  the  Speaker  of  the  House  not 
the  man  whom  the  House  would  select 
but  the  fellow  who  had  been  a  member 
the  longest.  Whatever  argument  I  have 
heard  in  support  of  the  seniority  rule  is 
really  an  argument  for  the  rewarding  of 
experience." 

A  difficulty  in  eliminating  the  seniority 
rule  is  to  find  a  substitute  on  which  a 
majority  would  agree.  Five  proposals 
have  been  advanced:  Election  of  the  chair- 
man by  secret  ballot  of  the  committee 
itself;  automatic  rotation  of  chairmanship, 
possibly  every  six  years  or  oftener;  rotation 
of  committee  membership  according  to  a 
fixed  plan,  possibly  a  six-year  term  (a  third 
shifting  every  Congress);  selection  of  a 
chairman  by  a  super-committee  on  com- 
mittees, representing  the  party  leaders, 
which  would  tie  the  committee  chairmen 
iri  directly  with  the  party  program,  giving 
the  majority  party  less  opportunity  to  evade 
responsibility;  professional  administrators 
in  the  committee's  field  who  would  serve 
as  chairmen  in  a  "super-duper  clerk" 
capacity. 

Prof.  Walton  Hamilton,  of  the  Yale  Law 


School,  now  a  special  Assistant  Attorney 
General,  testified  that  a  rotation  system 
would  periodically  refresh  a  committee 
with  "new  blood,  fresh  ideas,  experience 
won  in  other  fields."  At  the  same  time, 
it  would  prevent  members  from  long  per- 
petuating errors  in  which  they  have  a 
vested  interest. 

Defending  seniority,  former  Senator  Har- 
old H.  Burton  told  the  joint  committee: 

"I  have  been  impressed  with  the  fact,  at 
least  insofar  as  it  relates  to  chairmanships, 
if  there  were  thrust  upon  the  Senate  the 
problem  of  voting  a  preference,  there 
would  develop  a  friction  which  would 
surely  contribute  to  unnecessary  friction  in 
the  Senate.  There  is  a  great  premium  to 
be  placed  upon  avoiding  that.  Therefore, 
if  there  is  a  system  that  avoids  the  addi- 
tional personal  antipathies  that  might  come 
about  from  choosing  each  other  for  posi- 
tions of  importance,  it  should  be  avoided." 

Penny  Pinching 

The  increase  in  the  complexity  of  legis- 
lative business  by  Congress  is  recognized 
generally.  One  only  has  to  think  of  the 
Bretton  Woods  agreement,  the  United 
Nations  Charter,  UNRRA,  OPA,  WPB, 
reconversion,  full  employment,  disposal  of 
surplus  war  commodities,  control  of  the 
atomic  bomb — the  urgent  matters  are 
myriad. 

Let's  look  at  the  appropriation  figures 
and  number  of  employes  and  compare 
them  with  congressional  expenditures  on 
itself  and  its  hired  help. 

Since  1900,  federal  governmental  ex- 
penditures— as  distinguished  from  war 
spending — have  increased  more  than  twenty 
times  to  more  than  $10,000,000,000  annu- 
ally. Wartime  expenditures  approaching 
$100,000,000,000  a  year  were  authorized 
by  the  Seventy-eighth  Congress  (1943-44). 
Yet  the  national  legislature's  expenses  have 
risen  in  all,  less  than  four  times  and  now 
total  approximately  $16,000,000  in  appro- 
priations for  salaries,  travel,  office  and  com- 
mittee staffs,  and  assistants  attached  either 
to  the  Library  of  Congress  Legislative  Ref- 
erence Service  or  to  Congress  itself. 

Since  1916,  when  preparations  for  World 
War  I  began,  the  Congress  has  never 
allotted  more  than  one  per  cent  of  the  total 
appropriations  to  itself.  Since  1933,  less 
than  two  mills  out  of  each  dollar  have 
been  expended  for  the  entire  federal  gov- 
ernment. The  per4  capita  cost  of  Congress 
in  1944  was  11  cents,  compared  with  6 
cents  a  person  in  1900  when  the  appropria- 
tions for  the  full  session  did  not  total  a 
billion  dollars. 

Congress  employs  approximately  3,000 
persons.  Yet  Congress  is  charged  with 
supervising  and  creating  basic  policy  for  a 
government  which  employs  approximately 
3,000,000  civilians  in  addition  to  more  than 
10,000,000  in  the  armed  services.  Of  course, 
the  figures  are  changing  rapidly  but  the  dis- 
similarity holds. 

This  penny-wise,  pound-foolish  policy  in 
staffing  applies  at  three  levels:  Congress  as 
a  whole;  committees;  the  congressmen's 
offices. 

Although  a   major  function  of  Congress 


410 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


is  to  draft,  consider,  and  pass  laws,  its 
legislative  drafting  service  has  only  five 
attorneys  for  the  entire  House  membership 
of  435  and  three  lawyers — two  more  are 
in  the  armed  services  on  leave — for  the 
Senate's  96  members.  If  the  Congress  is 
to  cease  to  be  a  "rubber-stamp"  for  bills 
sent  up  from  the  Executive  marked  "MUST," 
then  it  should  have  adequate  facilities  for 
drafting  legislation.  Congress  is  only  ob- 
structionist if  it  insists  that  every  bill  must 
be  checked  by  its  legislative  counsel,  but 
Congress  should  insure  that  the  laws  it 
passes  express  its  will. 

The  total  cost  of  the  legislative  drafting 
service  for  both  houses  runs  $83,000  a  year. 
By  way  of  contrast,  the  solicitor  for  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  has  some  600 
employes  and  an  annual  budget  of 
$1,600,000. 

Like  numerous  other  witnesses,  Professor 
Hamilton  emphasized  that  Congress  can 
not  properly  legislate  if  denied  access  to 
adequate  informational  materials. 

"If  uninformed  about  public  affairs,"  he 
said,  "it  must  either  blindly  decree  the 
destinies  of  the  people  or  else  abdicate  its 
office  of  lawgiver  to  the  Executive.  It  is 
not  content  to  surrender  its  office;  and 
wisely  to  carry  on,  it  must  have  facts, 
analyses,  perspective,  alternative  proposals, 
a  feel  for  the  difference  it  all  makes." 

Undermanned  Workshops 

Source  of  much  of  the  "completely  free" 
information  is  the  Legislative  Reference 
Service,  a  part  of  the  Library  of  Congress. 
Organized  approximately  thirty  years  ago, 
it  attempts  to  give,  quoting  Luther  Evans, 
then  assistant  librarian  of  Congress,  a  non- 
partisan,  unbiased  research  and  reference 
service  to  the  members  of  Congress,  a  ser- 
vice which  they  could  rely  on  absolutely 
as  being  valid  from  a  research  point  of 
view,  non-partisan,  and  without  policy  di- 
rective." The  Service's  1945  appropriation 
was  $178,000  of  which  $105,000  was  al- 
lotted to  research  and  reference.  Its  "tenta- 
tive goal"  for  adequate  research  service  is 
$500,000  annually. 

Whole  fields  for  legislation  are  not  now 
covered  by  researchers  with  special  train- 
ing. For  example,  none  has  special  training 
in  price  economics,  international  trade,  or 
economic  geography.  All  national  defense 
research  is  handled  by  the  War  and  Navy 
Departments  themselves.  The  research  in 
the  fields  of  money  and  banking,  social 
welfare  (including  Indian  Affairs),  agricul- 
ture, and  education  is  done  on  a  half  time 
basis  by  employes  paid  $3,200  a  year. 

The  niggardly  attitude  of  Congress  to  its 
own  agencies  contrasted  with  provision  for 
other  research  activities  is  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing 1945  appropriations:  Bureau  of 
Agricultural  Economics  —  $4,110,236;  Bu- 
reau of  Labor  Statistics  — $1,312,000;  Tariff 
Commission  (research  only) — $800,000  (ap- 
proximate); Interstate  Commerce  Commis- 
sion, Bureau  of  Transport  Economics  and 
Statistics  —  $552,026. 

Congressional  committees  are  the  work- 
shops where  proposals  and  recommenda- 
tions are  forged  into  all-but-finished  legisla- 
tion. Yet  a  recent  inquiry  revealed  that 


Senate  standing  committees  had  210  em- 
ployes thirty  years  ago  compared  with  259 
clerks  and  assistants  now — an  increase  of 
49.  In  the  House,  committees  employed 
110  persons  thirty  years  ago  compared  with 
the  current  figure  of  133  clerks  and  "jani- 
tors"— an  increase  of  23.  Thus,  over  the 
past  thirty  years  of  tremendous  expansion 
for  two  world  wars  and  the  peace  between, 
congressional  committees  added  only  72  in- 
dividuals to  take  care  of  the  increased 
spadework  for  federal  legislation.  This  is 
a  far  cry  from  the  expansion  of  the  Execu- 
tive branch  and  seems  to  be  penny-saving 
carried  to  a  ludicrous  extreme.  In  this  re- 
spect, Congress  almost  resembles  the  shabby 
man  who  passed  out  twenty  dollar  bills 
on  a  street  corner  but  insisted  upon  living 
in  an  unheated  shack  down  by  the  railroad 
tracks. 

The  staffing  of  committees  is  so  bad  that 
Lindsay  C.  Warren,  Comptroller  General, 
could  testify: 

"At  present  we  have  a  situation  where 
Congress  annually  appropriates  billions  to 
the  Executive  branch,  but  treats  itself  so 
poorly  that  it  has  to  go  to  the  Executive 
branch  and  beg,  borrow,  or  steal  personnel 
to  help  run  its  business." 

Many  resolutions  passed  by  the  Senate 
and  House  authorize  committees  or  sub- 
committees to  obtain  assistance  from  Execu- 
tive departments  and  agencies.  During  Feb- 
ruary, 1945,  a  typical  month,  nine  Senate 
committees  used  66  persons  whose  total 
annual  compensation  was  $247,036. 

The  chief  trouble  is  that  these  individuals 
may  be  partisan,  or  subtly  influence  legisla- 
tion since  frequently  they  are  the  sole 
source  of  information. 

In  his  testimony,  Senator  Owen  Brewster 
of  Maine  related: 

"I  have  been  on  Naval  Affairs  in  both 
the  House  and  Senate,  and  both  committees 
rely  exclusively  on  naval  aides.  Without  re- 
flecting at  all  upon  the  competency  of  these 
gentlemen,  their  character  and  integrity — 
I  have  a  high  regard  for  them — I  think  it  is 
perfectly  ridiculous  for  a  great  committee 
to  depend  exclusively  upon  the  Executive 
department  if  we  are  a  three-department 
system.  .  .  .  Without  questioning  in  the 
slightest  the  character,  the  intelligence  and 
integrity  of  any  of  the  people  downtown, 
I  think  it  is  obvious  that  Congress  is  the 
agency  upon  which  the  people  must  rely 
to  make  sure  that  the  Executive  tree  is  ap- 
propriately and  periodically  pruned." 

Time-wasting  Chores 

Various  witnesses  testified  that  congress- 
men spent  upwards  of  90  percent  of  their 
time  acting  as  "errand  boys"  for  their  con- 
stituents. One  member  noted  that  46  out 
of  48  visitors  on  a  typical  day  brought  him 
their  "personal  problems."  The  other  two 
discussed  legislation.  Senator  Sheridan 
Downey  of  California  testified  that  his  mail 
ran  200  to  300  letters  every  day  in  addition 
to  telegrams,  long  distance  telephone  calls, 
and  personal  visitors.  Another  congressman 
spent  approximately  the  full  amount  of  his 
$10,000  salary  for  postage  and  telephone 
calls. 

Representative   Robert   Ramspeck,  Geor- 


gia Democrat  and  member  of  Congress  for 
fifteen  years,  told  the  joint  committee: 

"For  the  past  two  and  a  half  years  I  have 
been  the  Democratic  whip  in  the  House. 
Perhaps  I  ought  not  to  say  this  but,  with- 
out being  critical  of  anybody,  I  know  that 
the  members  of  the  House  are  finding  great 
difficulty  in  giving  sufficient  time  to  legisla- 
tive matters  because  of  the  constant  and 
pressing  demand  from  their  constituents 
to  deal  with  matters  in  the  Executive 
branch  of  the  government." 

Dr.  Benjamin  B.  Wallace  of  the  Ameri- 
can Political  Science  Association,  warned: 
"Unless  the  Congress  can  solve  the  problem 
of  the  pressure  of  errand  running  on  the 
time  of  potential  statesmen,  all  else  is 
whistling  in  the  wind." 

Suggested  Remedies 

To  remedy  this  situation,  several  propo- 
sals have  been  advanced.  Representative 
Ramspeck  suggested  enactment  of  a  consti- 
tutional amendment  consolidating  present 
congressional  districts  with  each  enlarged 
district  electing  one  representative  to  serve 
as  his  constituents'  "errand  boy"  and  the 
other  to  give  his  time  exclusively  to  legisla- 
tion. A  number  of  witnesses  endorsed  the 
plan  but  others  considered  it  too  great  an 
innovation.  An  "administrative  assistant," 
to  be  paid  up  to  $7,500  a  year,  congress- 
men agreed,  would  be  a  Godsend.  A  com- 
petent man  in  such  a  position  could  lift  a 
tremendous  load  off  a  member  of  Congress. 
Both  houses  now  have  provisions  restricting 
payment  to  any  one  employe  on  a  member's 
staff  to  approximately  $5,000.  The  total 
amount  for  staff  assistance  exceeds  this  fig- 
ure. The  House  membership  voted  itself 
$3,000  a  member  in  increased  staffing  funds 
at  the  previous  session.  The  Senate  kept 
its  allotments  unchanged. 

Running  the  District  of  Columbia,  where 
citizens  do  not  have  a  vote,  and  passing 
upon  minor  claims  against  the  government 
are  two  other  time-devouring  duties  for 
congressmen. 

Sentiment  seems  to  favor  enfranchising 
the  District  citizens.  Opinions  differ  as  to 
how  this  can  best  be  accomplished,  but  vir- 
tually all  who  have  studied  the  problem 
believe  there  is  little  justification  for  mem- 
bers of  Congress  serving  as  city  councilmen 
to  approve  local  ordinances.  The  House, 
for  instance,  spends  two  days  each  month 
considering  District  bills.  The  general  good 
certainly  requires  that  these  days  should 
be  reclaimed  for  national  affairs — to  say 
nothing  about  probable  improvements  for 
the  District. 

Under  the  law,  a  citizen  may  not  sue  his 
government  without  its  consent,  hence  a 
tremendous  volume  of  private  claims  flows 
through  Congress.  President  Roosevelt  in 
1942  criticized  the  handling  of  private 
claims  by  special  congressional  act  as  "slow, 
expensive,  and  unfair  both  to  the  Congress 
and  the  claimant."  A  court  of  claims  un- 
doubtedly could  administer  a  more  even- 
keeled  justice,  and  save  legislative  time. 

Other  proposals  to  aid  Congress  are  le- 
gion. A  stenographic  pool  on  which  repre- 
sentatives, senators,  and  probably  commit- 
(Continued  on  page  422) 


OCTOBER     1945 


411 


When  Doctors  Disagree 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


EDITORS  OF  POPULAR  MAGAZINES  DON'T  PRINT 
the  following  versicle  on  their  mastheads, 
but  nevertheless  it's  their  guide,  philoso- 
pher, and  friend  in  gauging  what  readers 
want: 

"The  articles  that  I  like  best 
Are  always,  if  the  truth  be  told 
The  ones  that  just  corroborate 
The  views  that  I  already  hold." 

How  is  it  with  medical  journals?  What's 
in  the  mind  of  the  rank-and-file  doctors 
who  read  them  and  of  the  appointed  elite 
of  doctors  who  control  them?  Doctors' 
knowledge  of  the  sciences  and  arts  of  medi- 
cine we  may  take  for  granted.  What  about 
their  knowledge  of  the  economics  and  or- 
ganization of  medical  service?  What  are 
their  attitudes  towards  the  public  policies 
on  which  the  economics  and  organization 
of  medicine  largely  depend?  These  are 
questions  of  first  importance  to  the  future 
of  medical  care  in  America. 

On  these  pages  are  exhibits  which  reveal 
some  of  the  answers.  Most  of  the  quota- 
tions are  from  editorials  or  articles  in  "of- 
ficial" medical  journals,  that  is,  journals 
which  are  organs  of  a  state  society  or  of 
the  American  Medical  Association.  A  few 
are  from  physicians  writing  in  other  pe- 
riodicals. Two  are  official  statements  of 
medical  organizations. 

The  physicians  who  give  formal  expres- 
sion to  the  sentiments  which  exude  from 
Exhibit  A  are  generally  financially  success- 
ful, middle-aged  or  elderly  specialists  who 
are  the  elected  or  appointed  officials  of  a 
medical  society.  They  represent  the  rank- 
and-file  of  physicians  as  the  owners  of 
thousand-acre  commercial  farms  represent 


HEALTH— TODAY  8i  TOMORROW 

— A  series  by  the  chairman,  Committet- 
on  Research  in  Medical  Economics: 
associate  editor,  Survey  Graphic. 


(sic?)  the  dirt  farmer.  Their  political 
philosophy  is  like  Herbert  Hoover's,  or  less 
polite  exponents  like  Frank  Gannett  or 
Samuel  E.  Pettengill. 

A  great  mass  of  rank-and-file  physicians 
accept  these  views  and  give  a  big  hand  to 
the  orator  or  editor  who  arouses  their  feel- 
ings by  expressing  them.  They  believe  sin- 
cerely that  compulsory  health  insurance 
would  mean  governmental  direction  of 
medical  practice.  They  believe  it  would 
mean  lower  standards  of  care,  less  income, 
loss  of  independence.  Most  physicians  art- 
idealists  by  tradition,  individualists  by  ex- 
perience, small  businessmen  by  necessity, 
and  conservatives  by  association.  The  physi- 
cians who  achieve  the  financial,  social,  and 
professional  status  which  bring  office  and 
influence  in  medical  societies  are  generally 
at  the  extreme  Right  of  the  progressive-con- 
servative political  arc.  The  editorial  from 
the  Journal  of  the  American  Medical  Asso- 
ciation displays  this  state  of  mind. 

Exhibit  B  manifests  the  opposite  point  of 
view,  the  forthright  advocacy  of  legislation 
which  is  officially  anathema  to  organized 
medicine.  To  the  leaders  of  most  medical 
societies,  support  of  the  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  is  not  dissent.  It  is  heresy. 

"If  it  were  known  that  I  favored  this 
bill,"  a  rising  surgeon  in  a  midwestern  city 


EXHIBIT  A—Right-Wingers 


F.  H.  Smith,  M.D.,  address  before  the 
Women's  Club  of  Abingdon,  Va.,  (Vir- 
ginia Medical  Monthly,  April  1945,  p. 
179):  ".  .  .  If  medical  care  of  the  sick 
...  is  ever  regimented  under  government 
decree  and  control,  not  only  have  we 
brought  medical  service  down  to  a  drab 
level,  but  we  have  taken  the  most  decisive 
step  possible  to  conceive  of  toward  taking 
over,  by  tb.e  same  process,  all  professions, 
all  industry,  all  enterprise  of  every  sort. 
And  that  will  be  socialism  or  some  other 
form  of  totalitarianism." 

Editorial,  (Journal  of  the  Medical  Society 
of  New  Jersey,  Feb.  1945,  p.  39):  ".  .  .  We 
want  ...  a  program  of  private  enter- 
prise .  .  ." 

Editorial,  (North  Carolina  Medical  Jour- 
nal, June  1945,  p.  291):  ".  .  .  although 
the  bill  (Wagner-Murray-Dingell)  nowhere 
uses  the  word  compulsory  .  .  .  the  insur- 
ance would  be  compulsory,  not  voluntary. 
The  difference  between  these  two  words 
is  the  difference  between  free  enterprise  and 


regimentation;  between  democracy  and 
dictatorship;  between  self-respect  and 
slavery.  No  doubt  a  determined  effort  will 
be  made  by  various  groups,  notably  the 
labor  leaders  who  are  closest  to  Moscow, 
to  force  this  bill  upon  the  public  .  .  ." 

Editorial,  (Journal  of  the  American  Medi- 
cal Association,  June  30,  1945,  p.  668): 
".  .  .  Mr.  Raymond  Moley,  editor  of 
Newsiveek  magazine,  says:  'It  is  an  old  gag 
of  Senator  Wagner's  to  preface  a  bill  with 
a  bunch  of  rhetorical  tripe,  called  a  decla- 
ration of  policy!'  The  statement  refers 
equally  well  to  the  long  preamble  devel- 
oped by  Senator  Wagner  for  introduction 
to  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  Bill— 1945- 
version  .  .  .  Mr.  Moley  concludes  that 
'full  employment  literally  enforced  would 
mean  the  end  of  freedom  for  all  classes  of 
Americans.' 

"It  is  the  simple  contention  of  the 
Journal  of  the  American  Medical  Associa- 
tian  that  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  Bill 
— 1945  version — would  also  mean  the  end 
of  freedom  for  all  classes  of  Americans." 


whispered  to  me  at  a  luncheon  to  plan  a 
campaign  for  it,  "I  might  not  be  dropped 
from  my  hospital  staff  position,  but  I 
should  certainly  lose  many  of  my  referred 
cases.  I  just  can't  face  it.  I  have  a  wife  and 
four  children."  How  many  doctors  are  for 
national  health  insurance  in  principle, 
whether  or  not  they  have  yet  satisfied  their 
minds  as  to  any  particular  bill?  There  is 
no  way  of  answering  this  question.  The 
heresy-hunting  policy  of  the  AMA  and  of 
some  (not  all)  state  and  county  medical 
societies,  springs  partly  from  fear  and 
partly  from  a  misapplied  tradition  of  "pro- 
fessional unity." 

Exhibit  C  moves  us  from  the  realm  of 
slogans  towards  an  area  of  realism.  Since 
1939  perhaps  as  many  as  1,250,000  million 
people  have  been  enrolled  as  members  of 
the  surgical-obstetrical  insurance  plans  spon- 
sored by  medical  societies.  Half  of  these 
are  in  Michigan.  The  other  plans  are  small 
and  slow  of  growth.  There  have  been  long 
delays  in  getting  them  started.  A  majority 
of  state  societies  have  not  as  yet  started  any. 
Their  motivation  is  largely  negative — fear 
of  governmental  health  insurance  —  and 
they  proceed  as  yet  with  the  insistence  that 
the  profession  must  do  the  job  alone  and 
by  methods  of  organization  and  payment 
incompatible  with  comprehensive  service 
of  good  quality  and  low  cost. 

"My  worst  job,"  a  leader  in  one  plan 
said  to  me  a  few  months  ago,  "is  to  carry 
along  the  conservative  members  of  our  own 
committee.  Some  of  these  fellows  are  afraid 
that  any  change  is  the  entering  wedge  of 
state  medicine.  Some  of  them  just  keep 
fighting  to  keep  the  fee  rates  high." 

The  medical  society  plans  represent, 
nevertheless,  an  invaluable  administrative 
experience  for  physicians,  by  which  many 
more  people  than  the  handful  of  their  in- 
surance plan  members  will  ultimately 
profit.  State  and  local,  medical  societies  have 
felt  popular  demand  for  action  to  ease 
medical  costs.  The  movement  for  action  by 
the  profession  has  sprung  from  the  localities 
and  states  and  pressed  —  though  not  very 
hard  or  unitedly — upon  the  AMA's  long 
term  policy  of  delaying  actions.  In  1934, 
one  of  the  ten  "principles"  adopted  by  the 
AMA's  House  of  Delegates  for  the  guid- 
ance of  "any  social  experiments"  by  state 
or  county  medical  societies  was: 

"However  the  cost  of  medical  service 
may  be  distributed,  the  immediate  cost 
should  be  borne  by  the  patient,  if  able  to 
pay,  at  the  time  the  service  is  rendered." 

In  what  direction  did  this  dictum  furnish 
guidance  to  doctors  starting  insurance 
plans?  No  answer  being  apparent,  the 
wording  was  modified  in  1935,  and  again 
in  1938,  when  at  last  the  word  insurance 
was  actually  employed.  Thus  it  is  apparent 
that  the  AMA's  fourteen-point  program, 
adopted  last  June  (Exhibit  D),  represents 


412 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


EXHIBIT  B—  Progressives 

Miles  Atkinson,  M.D.,  vice-chairman, 
The  Physicians  Forum,  (American 
Federationist,  June  1945,  p.  25):  "The 
doctors  of  America  realize  increasingly, 
as  do  the  men  and  women  in  the  fac- 
tories, on  the  farms,  in  the  villages  and 
in  the  cities,  that  the  health  of  the 
American  people  is  not  what  it  should 
be.  ...  Progressive  doctors  believe 
.  .  .  that  a  bill  of  the  nature  of  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  should  be 
passed  as  quickly  as  possible  by  the 
Congress.  .  .  .** 

Physicians  Forum  pamphlet — For  the 
People's  Health  (1945):  "The  only  fair 
way  to  assure  that  the  people's  health 
is  cared  for  is  through  a  national  social 
security  system.  We  already  have  a 
national  social  security  system.  AH  we 
have  to  do  is  broaden  it." 


a  movement  from  the  rear  forward.  Volun- 
tary health  insurance  plans  are  explicitly 
approved  (No.  4),  though  they  must  fit  the 
old  AM  A  pattern;  federal-state  grants  are 
approved  with  qualifications  (No  7);  hos- 
pitalization  insurance  is  recognized  without 
qualification,  a  change  since  1934  when  "all 
sorts  of  hospital  insurance  schemes"  were 
denominated  "mechanizations  of  medical 
practice."  Four  points  relate  to  postwar  ad- 
justments, none  however  indicating  how 
demobilized  doctors  are  to  be  gotten  into 
areas  that  need  them.  "Sustained  produc- 
tion" appears  as  No.  1,  but  nothing  is  said 
:ibout  full  employment.  The  points  about 
public  health  expansion  and  care  for  the 
needy  (No.  2  and  4)  follow  former  pro- 
nouncements. Nowhere  is  a  hospital  build- 
ing program  mentioned.  Nowhere  is  there 
recognized  the  principle  of  nationwide 
spreading  of  costs,  or  nationwide  equaliza- 
tion of  hospital  facilities.  Each  "locality"  is 
to  do  its  own  job — a  conception  heedless 
of  the  fact  that  some  localities  have  a  flying 
start,  with  the  doctors,  specialists,  hospitals, 
clinics,  laboratories,  and  wealth  of  a  metro- 
politan area,  while  others  have  nothing  at 
all  but  a  few  devoted,  elderly  doctors  and 
not  enough  income  to  support  them  de- 
cently. 

Points  6  and  12  suggest  that  nobody 
should  be  in  a  hurry.  These  cautions  are 
reenforced  by  accompanying  statements 
that  more  facts  are  required  about  medical 
needs  and  that  legislators  should  be  espe- 


cially careful  to  exercise  "deliberation" 
about  compulsory  health  insurance. 

The  officers  of  county  and  state  societies 
who  want  national  leadership  to  help  their 
slow-moving  medical  plans,  will  find  noth- 
ing in  the  AMA  program  that  goes  even  as 
far  as  they  have  gone  already.  The  physi- 
cians who  are  for  national  legislation  can 
see  how  far  their  national  professional  asso- 
ciation lags  behind. 

From  these  excursions  we  learn  that  doc- 
tors disagree.  Despite  a  preponderantly  con- 
servative mass,  a  progressive  minority  has 
at  last  come  to  public  self-expression.  It  is 
not  only  the  Physiciahs  Forum.  The  "Com- 
mittee of  Physicians  for  the  Improvement 
of  Medical  Care"  is  a  body  of  distinguished 
scientists,  teachers  and  practitioners  who  is- 
sue from  time  to  time  statements  of  policy 
and  analyses  of  legislation. 

At  the  other  end  of  the  scale,  even  more 
Rightist  than  the  AMA,  is  the  "Association 
of  American  Physicians  and  Surgeons,"  or- 
ganized a  few  years  ago  in  Gary,  Ind.  and 
dedicated  to  uncompromising  opposition  to 
compulsory  health  insurance  even  to  the 
extent  of  withholding  service  from  patients 
if  a  law  should  be  passed.  Its  by  laws  re- 
quire that  any  doctor  shall  be  expelled  if.  he 
accepts  policies  that  are  disapproved  by  75 
percent  of  the  membership.  To  the  AMA 
leaders,  this  organization  is  too  impolite  to 
be  expedient. 

In  his  recent  literary  exchange  with  Dr. 
Ernst  P.  Boas,  chairman  of  the  Physicians 
Forum,  Dr.  Morris  Fishbein  declared  that 
he  would  not  publish  the  Forum's  protest, 
having  no  "mandate  from  the  AMA  to 
make  the  Journal  of  the  Association  a  soap- 
box." It  is  precisely  soapboxes  that  are 
needed  by  the  medical  profession.  Intoler- 
ance of  dissenting  views  on  social-economic 
questions  and  the  failure  of  most  medical 
meetings  and  journals  to  supply  doctors 
with  disagreeable  facts  and  open  discus- 
sion, handicap  very  seriously  the  adapta- 
tions which  medical  men  and  institutions 
will  surely  have  to  make  during  this 
generation. 

For  it  is  apparent  that  the  official  leaders 
of  the  medical  majority  disagree  with  the 
majority  of  the  American  public.  The 
opinion  polls  and  the  election  returns 
demonstrate  that. 

Progressives  need  soapboxes,  too.  Laymen 
and  physicians  need  to  study  and  discuss 
programs  of  medical  care  and  they  must 


EXHIBIT  C — Voluntary  Insurance 


Carl  Bearse,  M.D.,  (Jackson  County 
Medical  Society  Bulletin,  April  14,  1945, 
p.  867,  Kansas  Qty,  Mo.):  ".  .  .  we  must 
accept  the  fact  that  radical  changes  in 
medical  practice  are  inevitable.  .  .  . 
Through  these  organizations  (county  and 
state  medical  societies)  we  should  devise 
plans  for  better  distribution  of  medical 
care  and  promote  prepayment  medical 
care  insurance  for  the  low  income  group." 

Editorial,  (Pennsylvania  Medical  Journal, 
p.  815,  May  1945):  "If  we  ourselves, 
singly  or  collectively,  had  arranged  for  the 
better  distribution  of  better  medical  care 
many  years  ago,  there  would  ^P  no  furore 
now  for  the  socialization  of  medicine.  .  . .  " 


Charles  Fidler,  M.D.,  presidential  ad- 
dress, (Wisconsin  Medical  Journal,  June 
1945,  p.  612):  "The  physicians  and  hos- 
pitals concerned  in  caring  for  the  sick  are 
now  in  a  position  to  offer  something  bet- 
ter than  political  control,  namely,  pre- 
paid medical  services  and  prepaid  hospital 


Editorial,  (New  York  Medicine,  Jan.  20, 
1945,  p.  9):  "The  medical  profession  will 
always  welcome  and  support  any  well- 
conceived  program  of  voluntary  health  in- 
surance. The  profession  looks  forward  to 
the  day  when  a  comprehensive  system  of 
medical  care  insurance  may  be  available 
on  a  voluntary  basis  for  all  the  people." 


discuss  them  together  if  either  is  to  get  the 
best  results.  Many  civic  and  social  agencies 
have  doctors  in  their  membership  or  on 
their  staffs — hospitals,  clinics,  public  depart- 
ments, homes  for  old  folks  and  for  children, 
family  agencies,  councils  and  committees. 
Among  Survey  Graphic  readers  are  many 
leaders  in  these  agencies.  Every  such  con- 
tact provides  opportunity  for  discovering 
and  encouraging  the  progressive  doctors, 
even  if  only  privately,  and  for  talking 
things  over  with  the  other  fellows.  Most  of 
us  are  more  open-minded  around  a  fire- 
place than  on  a  platform.  This  kind  of 
soapbox  is  best  used  with  an  audience  of 


EXHIBIT  D 
The  AMA's  Program 

1 — "Sustained  production  leading  to 
better  living  conditions  with  improved 
housing,  nutrition  and  sanitation  which 
are  fundamental  to  good  health;  we 
support  progressive  action  towards 
achieving  these  objectives." 

2 — An    extended    program    of  disease 

prevention    with    expansion     of  public 

health  services  to  every  part  of  the 
nation. 

3 — "Increased  hospitalization  insurance 
on  a  voluntary  basis." 

4 — Expansion  to  all  localities  of  volun- 
tary sickness  insurance  plans  "under 
principles  already  established  by  the 
AMA." 

5 — "Hospitalization  and  medical  care 
to  the  indigent  by  local  authorities 
under  voluntary  hospital  and  sickness 
insurance  plans." 

6 — A  survey  of  each  state  to  establish 
the  need  for  additional  medical  care. 

7 — Federal  aid  to  states  "where  definite 
need  is  demonstrated,"  to  be  adminis- 
tered "by  the  proper  local  agencies  .  .  . 
with  the  help  and  advice  of  the  medi- 
cal profession." 

8 — Informing  the  people  of  such  plans 
with  recognition  that  "such  voluntary 
programs  need  not  involve  increased 
taxation." 

9 — A  continuous  survey  of  all  volun- 
tary health  plans  to  see  whether  they 
meet  needs  and  improve  quality  of  care. 

10 — Discharge  of  doctors  from  the 
armed  forces  as  fast  as  possible  to 
speed  up  redistribution  of  physicians 
to  areas  short  of  them. 

11 — Increased  availability  of  medical 
education  to  provide  more  doctors  for 
rural  areas. 

12 — "Postponement  of  consideration  of 
revolutionary  changes  while  60,000 
medical  men  are  in  the  service  volun- 
tarily and  while  12,000,000  men  and 
women  are  in  uniform"  .... 

13 — Adjustments  in  draft  laws  to  per- 
mit students  to  prepare  for  and  con- 
tinue medical  studies. 

14 — "Study  of  postwar  medical  per- 
sonnel requirements  with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  needs  of  veterans'  hospitals, 
the  regular  army,  navy,  and  U.S.  Public 
Health  Service." 


OCTOBER     1945 


413 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


Three  Views  of  the  Japanese 


HARRY  HANSEN 


AMERICAN  KNOWLEDGE  OF  JAPANESE  LIFE 
and  character  is  not  so  extensive  and  thor- 
ough that  we  are  justified  in  using  it  as 
a  basis  for  quick  judgments.  We  do  not 
know  the  Japanese  as,  for  instance,  we 
know  the  French  and  British.  Our  knowl- 
edge of  these  two  peoples  has  been  so  pro- 
foundly changed  by  twenty-five  years  or 
more  of  intimate  contact  that  the  motion 
pictures  have  had  to  discard  the  stage 
Englishman  and  the  gesticulating  French- 
man with  the  pointed  beard. 

The  only  Americans  who  profess  in- 
timate knowledge  of  Japanese  ways  are 
those  who  have  served  abroad  in  mission- 
ary, diplomatic,  consular,  and  commercial 
capacities,  and  residents  of  the  Pacific 
Coast  states  who  have  had  to  compete  with 
Japanese  and  who  know  the  Nisei  from  di- 
rect association  with  them. 

The  rest  of  America  probably  has  a  gen- 
eral impression  of  the  Japanese  as  shifty, 
cunning,  treacherous — an  impression  deep- 
ened by  the  surprise  attack  on  Pearl 
Harbor.  Moreover,  as  the  result  of  the  war, 
we  lump  all  Japanese  together  as  war- 
mongers, out  to  conquer  the  world  and  dis- 
possess the  white  men  in  Asia.  This  is  the 
counterpart  of  our  view  of  Germans  as 
collectively  and  individually  cutthroats,  and 
worse. 

Some  of  the  Undercurrents 

But  as  the  camera  moves  closer  to  Japan- 
ese soil  and  records  not  merely  die  huge 
industries  but  the  hovels  of  the  lowly 
peasants,  we  begin  to  see  what  authors 
mean  when  they  write  that  there  are  many 
undercurrents  of  dissatisfaction  in  Japan 
and  that  we  must  begin  to  capitalize  them. 
Indeed,  ever  since  Japan  surrendered,  we 
have  been  treated  to  debate  and  contro- 
versy over  the  ways  the  Japanese  were  to 
be  punished  and  reformed,  and  •  die  argu- 
ment has  turned  on  whether  we  were 
going  to  work  with  the  established  order, 
the  business  and  financial  agencies,  or  the 
underdogs  who  were  suppressed  before  and 
during  the  war. 

Emphasis  on  the  two  policies  has  made 
us  aware  that  Japan  is  hardly  the  coherent, 
unified  nation  we  suspected  when  it  rav- 
aged the  East.  Central  to  this  debate  is  the 
position  of  the  Emperor,  and  American 
support  of  his  position  as  the  leader  and 
spokesman  of  his  people  has  led  to  the 
conclusion  in  some  quarters  that  we  are 
also  supporting  the  financial  power  for 
which  he  stands,  and  which,  though  civil- 
ian, was  the  strong  box  that  armed  the 
militarists. 

So  we  take  stock  of  the  views  expressed 
by  men  familiar  with  the  Far  East  and 
with  Japanese  methods  and  try  to  reach 

(All  books 
414 


a  reasonable  conclusion  that  will  guide  us 
in  our  dealings  with  Japan.  Since  none  of 
the  new  books  is  recent  enough  to  analyze 
the  methods  of  General  MacArthur,  we 
need  not  waste  time  wondering  whether  he 
is  going  right  or  left. 

How  to  Change  Japan 

I  am  sure  Andrew  Roth,  who  writes 
"Dilemma  in  Japan"  (Little,  Brown;  $2.50), 
would  have  discussed  this  had  there  been 
time  to  incorporate  such  a  chapter  in  his 
book,  for  he  fears  that  the  policy  of  the 
State  Department  is  influenced  too  strongly 
by  Joseph  C.  Grew.  Mr.  Grew,  for  ten 
years  our  ambassador  to  Tokyo,  recently 
resigned  as  Under-Secretary  of  State.  He 
wanted  to  keep  die  Emperor  and  is  con- 
sidered sympathetic  to  the  conservatives 
and  "stabilization." 

The  point  of  Mr.  Roth's  book  is  that 
Japan  is  a  land  of  poverty,  injustice,  sup- 
pression, and  resentment  and  that  the  way 
to  create  a  democratic  Japan  is  to  deal  with 
these  dissatisfied  elements.  But  Mr.  Roth, 
who  is  undoubtedly  able  though  quite 
young  to  be  an  authority,  believes'  in  a 
radical  adjustment — the  nationalization  of 
banks  and  industries  and  the  elimination  of 
the  Emperor.  This  last  is  to  be  accom- 
plished by  vote  of  the  Japanese  people 
themselves  after  proper  democratic  indoc- 
trination. 

On  reading  "Dilemma  in  Japan"  we  get 
the  impression  that  Japan  is  ready  for  a 
social  and  economic  upheaval.  All  that  need 
be  done  is  to  remove  die  lid.  Mr.  Roth 
cites  proof  that  die  Japanese  do  change 
their  attitudes  when  properly  approached. 

There  was,  for  instance,  the  episode  on 
Guam,  when  two  Japanese  captives  volun- 
teered to  travel  on  a  sound  truck  and  invite 
their  compatriots  to  surrender,  assuring 
them  they  would  have  decent  treatment.  It 
brought  results. 

In  Japan  itself  many  minority  groups 
have  at  different  times  agitated  and  pro- 
tested against  unjust  conditions.  These  rice 
riots,  strikes,  and  a  form  of  socialist  propa- 
ganda had  the  sympathy  of  liberal  jour- 
nalists and  political  leaders.  As  late  as  1931, 
when  the  Manchurian  incident  took  place, 
the  left-wing  labor  movement  was  able  to 
protest  openly  against  continental  expan- 
sion; even  five  years  later,  the  Social  Mass 
Party  elected  members  of  the  Diet. 

The  workers'  food  rations  caused  strikes 
in  Kobe,  Nagoya,  and  Kokura  as  late  as 
1941,  and  according  to  Mr.  Roth  opposition 
never  completely  died  down.  Much  of  it 
was  stimulated  by  the  Chinese  communists 
in  Yenan,  whose  school  for  Japanese 
prisoners  has  been  described  before,  and 
who  apparendy  were  able  to  circulate  anti- 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be 


war    arguments   not   only    among    civilian 
workers  but  also  in  the  army. 

Mr.  Roth's  alternadves  are:  Alleviate 
the  ills  of  the  people  and  diey  will  work 
with  us;  restore  their  bosses  to  power  and 
we  lose  the  peace.  He  asks  us  to  employ 
only  those  Japanese  who  have  a  record  of 
opposition  to  militarism.  Then  he  asks  us 
to  draw  on  "the  democratic  potential,"  the 
people  who  need  (and  want)  better  living 
standards  and  free  speech.  It  is  his  con- 
viction that  no  good  can  be  derived  from 
permitting  the  financial  overlords  and 
feudal  landholders  to  retain  power  under 
the  Emperor.  Unless  the  system  is  changed, 
the  people  remain  oppressed. 

Lesson  from  Hong  Kong 

Robert  S.  Ward,  an  American  represent- 
ative of  the  Department  of  Commerce  in 
Hong  Kong  in  1941,  who  lived  under 
Japanese  rule  for  six  months  before  being 
permitted  to  return  home  on  the  Grips- 
holm,  has  made  an  expert  contribution  to 
our  knowledge  of  the  Japanese  and  their 
military  methods  in  "Asia  for  the  Asiatics; 
die  Techniques  of  Japanese  Occupation" 
(University  of  Chicago  Press;  $3). 

Mr.  Ward's  book  is  pertinent  here  only 
in  showing  how  carefully  the  Japanese  pro- 
ceeded to  wreck  the  ruling  groups  in  the 
city  administration,  the  financial  affairs  and 
police  surveillance  of  Hong  Kong.  It  is 
quite  unlikely  that  Americans  in  Japan 
would  so  thoroughly  devitalize  a  city,  turn 
it  upside  down  and  then  straighten  it  out 
under  a  new  flag,  for  we  are  not  interested 
in  making  Japan  into  American  territory. 
But  the  Japanese  had  plans  for  taking  over 
Hong  Kong,  through  dispossessing  the 
British  and  persuading  the  Chinese,  by 
both  subtle  and  direct  means,  to  work  with 
them.  One  of  their  methods  was  to  debase 
the  Hong  Kong  currency,  in  which  the 
Chinese  had  their  stakes.  Mr.  Ward  has 
given  every  step  of  the  ruin  and  reorganiza- 
tion of  Hong  Kong  in  great  detail  and  on 
that  score  his  book  should  have  unusual 
value  for  any  student  of  Japanese  military 
conquest. 

Here  we  learn  what  an  important  part 
motion  pictures  and  theaters  play  in  influ- 
encing opinion.  To  visit  die  "garden  of 
electric  shadows"  was  an  important  event 
in  the  lives  of  dockyard  workers  and  shop- 
runners,  and  when  they  saw  only  Japanese 
successes  on  the  newsreels,  they  could  not 
help  being  impressed.  In  the  theaters  the 
villain  was  traditionally  the  "big  white- 
face,"  and  we  can  hardly  blame  die  Orien- 
tals for  thus  turning  the  tables  on  us,  for 
until  a  •  few  years  ago  they  provided  our 
favorite  movie  villains.  In  this  connection 
it  is  clear  that  our  own  propaganda  will 
postpaid) 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


be  helped  considerably  by  our  newsreels 
in  Asiatic  theaters,  although  our  romantic 
movies,  picturing  unrealistic  extremes  of 
glamor  and  opulence,  hardly  tell  the  truth 
about  ourselves.  Several  writers  have  testi- 
fied to  the  illusions  created  in  oriental 
minds  about  Americans  because  of  the 
fairy  tale  world  our  motion  pictures  present 
to  them. 

Conclusions  of  a  Specialist 

Perhaps  the  sanest  and  best  informed  of 
all  recent  books  on  Japan  is  John  F.  Em- 
bree's  "The  Japanese  Nation"  (Farrar  and 
Rinehart;  $3).  Mr.  Embree  is  a  specialist 
on  Far  Eastern  affairs  who  has  been  of 
great  help  to  the  army  and  the  navy,  the 
Far  East  Civil  Affairs  Training  School,  the 
Office  of  Strategic  Services,  and  the  War 
Relocation  Authority.  Since  he  has  no 
political  program  to  advance,  his  book  is 
better  balanced  than  that  of  Mr.  Roth.  Mr. 
Embree  argues  that  the  Emperor  is  not  so 
important  as  we  have  been  led  to  believe. 
The  ruler's  position  has  changed  much 
with  the  years,  and  if  today  Hirohito  is  the 
figurehead  of  the  financial  group,  it  is  only 
because  that  group  manipulates  the  govern- 
ment. 

Mr.  Embree  believes  that  the  war  will 
bring  many  changes  to  Japan.  Disillusioned 
enlisted  men  and  civilians  will  part  com- 
pany with  government  officials  and  high 
army  officers.  Of  special  interest  is  his  calm 
conclusion  that  "the  economic  and  financial 
structure  of  the  nation,  already  well  on  the 
way  toward  nationalization  and  away  from 
small  scale  competing  enterprises,  will  per- 
haps become  completely  socialized,  at  least 
in  the  field  of  natural  resources,  public 
utilities,  and  heavy  industries." 

Mr.  Embree  believes  in  the  progress  and 
independence  of  the  Far  East  and  sees  any 
attempt  to  thwart  its  logical  development 
as  laying  the  foundations  for  a  new  war. 
The  Western  powers,  he  says,  should  pre- 
pare to  "withdraw  gracefully." 

PREJUDICE:  JAPANESE  AMERICANS, 
SYMBOL  OF  RACIAL  INTOLERANCE, 
by  Carey  McWilliams.  Little,  Brown.  £3. 

MR.   McWlLLIAMS   IS    FIRST   IN   THE   FIELD   OF 

what  will  undoubtedly  become  a  shelf  of 
commentaries  on  the  wartime  removal  of 
Japanese  and  Japanese  Americans  from  the 
Pacific  Coast.  It  is  trite  to  say  that  nothing 
like  this  forced  evacuation  of  100,000  men, 
women,  and  children  ever  occurred  in  the 
United  States  before,  but  it  is  not  always 
realized  what  a  drastic  break  with  Ameri- 
can tradition  was  involved.  The  judgment 
of  history  will  not  rest  favorably  on  this  ex- 
traordinary departure  from  American  prin- 
ciple, if  the  present  volume  is  any  indica- 
tion. 

Mr.  McWilliams  goes  behind  the  official 
doctrine  of  "military  necessity"  to  discover 
the  circumstances  which  caused  a  whole 
"ancestry"  group,  two  thirds  of  whom  were 
American  citizens,  to  be  stigmatized  as  a 
military  "menace."  He  finds  the  answer  in 
a  combination  of  racialism,  'political  pres- 
sures, and  pressures  from  special  interest 
groups  which  saw  in  the  war  a  golden  op- 
portunity to  get  rid  of  some  effective  com- 


petitors, something  which  they  had  been 
trying  to  accomplish  for  forty  years. 

Racial  bias  stands  out  clearly  in  the  of- 
ficial pronouncements  of  those  most  re- 
sponsible for  the  evacuation.  Forty  years  of 
anti-Japanese  agitation  had  so  identified  the 
Japanese  Americans  with  Japan  that  even 
the  highest  military  authority  was  unable 
to  make  the  distinction.  The  story  of  this 
long  cultivation  of  an  attitude  has  been  told 
more  than  once  before,  but  Mr.  McWil- 
liams tells  it  ably  and  with  an  eye  to  the 
interests  which  created  and  manipulated 
racial  antipathies. 

In  the  reviewer's  judgment,  the  most  use- 
ful contribution  of  this  book,  apart  from  its 
demonstration  of  the  racialist  official  atti- 
tudes underlying  the  evacuation,  is  its 
dramatic  analysis  of  the  morphology  of  race 
prejudice.  Hatred  of  the  Japanese  in  Cali- 
fornia is  no  grass  roots  phenomenon,  but  a 
nurtured  product.  Anti-Japanese  agitation 
has  always  been  carried  on  by  groups  or- 
ganized for  the  purpose.  It  is  seldom 
realized  how  completely  race  prejudice 
against  the  Japanese  (and  other  Orientals) 
in  California  has  been  manufactured  by 
these  organized  groups.  Mr.  McWilliams 
names  them  and  shows  how  they  work. 

The  record  is  carefully  documented;  with 
unimportant  exceptions,  the  conclusions 
drawn  are  supported  abundantly  by  the 
facts.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  book  will 
be  widely  read,  for  it  is  a  necessary  anti- 
dote to  the  floods  of  false  propaganda 
which  have  been  for  so  many  years  the 
principal  "information"  reaching  the 
American  people  on  this  important  subject. 
Field  representative  DAVIS  McENTiRE 

American  Council  of  Race  Relations 
San  Francisco,  Calif. 

COLOR  AND  DEMOCRACY:  Colonies  and 
Peace,  by  W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  Harcourt, 
Brace.  $2. 

OUT      OF      THE      LEGION      OF      CONTEMPORARY 

books  about  the  postwar  world,  this  slender 
volume  ought  to  be  among  the  half-dozen 
judged  indispensable.  Clearsightedly  it  con- 
nects the  political  and  economic  structure  of 
the  modern  world  and  Western  civilization 
with  its  historic  roots  of  capitalism  and 
colonialism,  and  sees  in  the  double  dilemma 
of  political  and  economic  imperialism  the 
crux  of  the  world  crisis. 

It  diagnoses  the  fundamental  issue  as  that 
of  a  world  half-slave,  half-free,  with  the 
protagonist  forces  not  just  democracy  versus 
fascism  but  democracy  versus  colonialism. 
This  world  condition,  with  750,000,000 
colonials  or  near-colonials,  has  been,  in  Dr. 
Du  Bois's  judgment,  the  basic  taproot  of 
most  modern  wars,  and  will  be  the  basic 
problem  of  world  reconstruction  and  world 
peace.  The  future  of  colonies  and  the  treat- 
ment of  colonial  peoples,  he  says,  is  the  • 
really  crucial  issue  of  any  just  and  stable 
settlement  of  world  order  and  system  of 
world  peace. 

Dr.  Du  Bois  documents  his  thesis  with 
facts:  historic  ones — a  list  of  over  a  hun- 
dred modern  wars  with  imperialist  objec- 
tives and  rivalries  clearly  the  cause  of  the 
majority;  economic  ones,  with  the  stakes  of 
colonial  holdings  just  as  patently  unmasked. 


The  argument  comes  fittingly  out  of  the 
author's  lifetime  of  special  experience.  A 
prime  mover  in  the  first  World  Races  Con- 
gress held  in  London  in  1911,  Dr.  Du  Bois 
organized  and  led  three  Pan-African  Con- 
gresses, one  of  which  attempted  unsuccess- 
fully to  center  the  attention  of  the  Versailles 
Peace  Conference  in  1919  on  the  issues  of 
colonial  reconstruction. 

This  book  is  really  Dr.  Du  Bois's  appeal 
to  the  San  Francisco  World  Organization 
Conference;  it  emphasizes  that  unless  the 
Economic  and  Social  Security  Council  can 
safeguard  more  effectively  and  constructive- 
ly the  rights  of  colonial  peoples,  the  world 
will  still  not  be  either  safe  for  democracy 
or  secure  from  future  war. 

"Colonies  are  the  slums  of  the  world," 
he  says.  "Not  until  we  face  the  fact  that 
colonies  are  a  method  of  investment  yield- 
ing unusual  returns,  or  expected  to  do  so, 
will  we  realize  that  the  colonial  question  is 
a  part  of  the  battle  between  capital  and 
labor  in  the  modern  economy.  .  .  .  This 
profit  has  been  the  foundation  of  much  of 
modern  wealth,  luxury,  and  power,  and  the 
envious  competition  to  dominate  colonial 
fields  of  industrial  enterprise  led  to  the  first 
World  War  and  was  a  prime  cause  of  the 
second  World  War."  Dr.  Du  Bois's  final 
prescriptions  are: 

1.  The     direct     representation     of     the 
colonial     peoples     alongside     the     master 
peoples  in  the  World  Assembly. 

2.  The  organization  of  a  Mandates  Com- 
mission  under    the   Economic    and    Social 
Council  with  definite  power  to  investigate 
complaints  from  and  conditions  in  colonies 
and  make  public  their  findings. 

3.  A  clear  statement  of  the  intention  of 
each  imperial  power  to  take,  gradually  but 
definitely,  all  measures  designed  to  raise  the 
peoples  of  their  colonies  to  a  condition  of 
complete   political   and   economic   equality 
with    the   peoples   of   the   master   nations, 
and  eventually  either  to  incorporate  them 
into  the  polity  of  the  master  nations  or  to 
allow   them    to    become   independent   free 
peoples. 

In  this  drastic  and  democratic  way  would 
Dr.  Du  Bois  have  us  implement  the  new 
World  Charter.  And  interestingly  enough, 
the  same  logic  and  the  same  bill  of  minority 
rights  is  applied  to  the  American  race  ques- 
tion, which  the  author  construes  as  "an  in- 
ternal colonial  situation  and  problem." 
Howard  University,  ALAIN  LOCKE 

Washington,  D.  C. 

RE-EDUCATING    GERMANY,    by    Werner 
Richter.  University  of  Chicago  Press.  #3.50. 

THE     PREMONITION     OF     THE     AUTHOR     THAT 

his  book  would  be  regarded  by  many  of  his 
American  readers  as  "too  pro-German"  and 
by  anti-Hitler  Germans  as  too  severe  on  the 
German  people  has  come  true.  Yet  both 
criticisms  are  unjustified  and  do  not  really 
meet  Richter's  argument.  Whether  this 
thought-provoking  study  can  give  an  an- 
swer to  a  crucial  problem  of  our  time, 
how  to  fit  Germany  constructively  into  a 
peaceful  postwar  order,  may  be  questioned. 
But  who  would  have  such  an  answer  ready 
except  the  one-track  minds  and  the  easy 
simplifiers? 


OCTOBER     1945 


415 


What  the  book  offers  is  first  a  thoughtful 
analysis  and  defense  of  the  purposes  and 
achievements  of  the  Weimar  Republic  in 
the  field  of  education — a  necessary  correc- 
tive to  the  distortions  of  the  Third  Reich 
"and  th<-  empty  heritage  it  left  behind.  Such 
"reconstruction"  of  an  unhappy  past  is  a 
thankless  task  indeed,  but  it  may  be  help- 
ful to  the  "strategy  of  rebirth,"  the  outline 
of  which  is  the  second  purpose  of  Richter's 
study. 

Based  on  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
German  educational  world  which  he  right- 
ly sees  against  the  background  of  European 
culture,  and  enriched  by  his  more  recent 
experience  in  American  higher  education, 
Richter  offers  a  number  of  definite  recom- 
mendations for  educational  postwar  plan- 
ning. They  deserve  careful  consideration, 
even  if  they  will  not  find  general  accept- 
ance. They  may  be  summarized  thus:  in- 
troduction of  the  American  liberal  arts  col- 
lege with  its  emphasis  on  social  adjustment; 
wider  employment  of  women  as  elementary 
teachers  in  the  hope  of  a  more  humane 
and  balanced  outlook;  a  comprehensive 
plan  for  adult  education  to  reorient  the 
"lost  generation";  the  removal  of  the  pre- 
war disparities  in  educational  and  economic 
opportunity;  and  finally,  the  furthering  of 
European  thinking  and  Christian  ethics. 

These  recommendations  for  bridging  the 
gap  between  Germany  and  the  world  pre- 
suppose the  existence  of  the  "other  Ger- 
many." Richter's  position  means  complete 
rejection  of  Vansittart  who,  the  author  feels, 
"unconsciously  succumbed  to  the  Nazi 
ideology." 

Recognizing  that  forced  education  from 
die  outside  will  not  help,  that  the  rehabili- 
tation of  Germany  must  come  from  within, 
the  short  experience  since  the  collapse 
shows  clearly  that  a  "rebirth"  (if  rebirth 
there  is)  of  Germany's  European  and 
Christian  spirit  will  take  a  long  time.  For 
years  we  have  been  warned  by  careful 
analysts  that  the  legacy  of  dictatorship  is  a 
great  vacuum  and  that  the  Germans  may 
emerge  from  this  war  not  penitent  but  only 
doubly  embittered  by  their  second  defeat. 

The  Germans  may'  in  time  set  for  them- 
selves new  positive  goals.  This  will  depend 
in  part  on  the  policies  of  the  United  Na- 
tions. But  nothing  is  so  dangerous  as  to 
follow  wishful  thinking  and  to  underrate 
the  dilemma  with  which  Germany  will 
confront  the  world  for  years  to  come. 

SIGMUND  NEUMANN 
Department  of  Government 
Wesley  an  University,  Middletotvn,  Conn. 

CITY    DEVELOPMENT,    by    Lewis    Mum- 
ford.  Harcourt,  Brace.  $2. 

WHEN  I  FIRST  GLANCED  THROUGH  THIS  NEW 
volume  of  Lewis  Mumford's  it  appeared  to 
me  to  be  a  series  of  footnotes  which  might 
be  added  to  his  "The  Culture  of  Cities" 
which  is,  incidentally,  the  finest  product  of 
his  agile  mind.  After  reading  these  essays 
I  have  come  to  a  different  conclusion.  I 
see  now  that  he  had  another  aim  in  view, 
and  this  brief  review  represents  nothing 
more  than  my  interpretation  of  that  aim. 

Not  many  contemporary  authors  would 
have  the  temerity  to  republish  essays  deal- 
ing with  public  issues  and  printed  as  far 


back  as  1921.  Fortunately  all  of  the  essays 
included  in  this  book  deal  with  the  same 
theme,  namely,  living  in  cities,  and  hence 
the  disparities  of  time  are  not  too  discon- 
certing. 

I  do  not  know  whether  I  am  now  inter- 
preting Mumford's  purpose  correctly,  but 
from  the  reader's  point  of  view  the  chief 
merit  of  this  volume  is  its  reference  to  time. 
Many  of  the  larger  cities  of  the  world  are 
soon  to  be  rebuilt.  Will  all  the  old  and 
horrible  mistakes  be  again  incorporated  in 
bricks  and  stone  and  steel?  Will  another 
generation  of  city  dwellers  be  consigned  to 
live  dwarfed  and  truncated  lives  because  no 
one  in  authority  knows  either  the  principles 
of  building  or  the  principles  of  living?  As 
addressed  to  these  questions  this  collection 
of  Mumford's  essays  has  relevance  and 
pertinence. 

One  need  not  agree  with  all  of  Mum- 
ford's  principles,  but  to  read  him  will  force 
one  to  think  more  sharply  about  one's  own. 
When  he  states,  for  example,  that  the  fact 
of  lessening  population  pressure  in  cities 
gives  rise  to  quality  considerations,  one  may 
interject  numerous  doubts,  but  the  prin- 
ciple itself  necessarily  leads  to  keener 
reflection. 

What  makes  his  principles  so  provocative 
is  the  fact  that  in  two  of  these  essays  he 
actually  applies  them  to  concrete  situations, 
namely,  with  respect  to  the  future  plans 
for  Honolulu  and  London.  Here  he  is  at 
his  best;  when  confronted  with  projected 
programs  of  contemporary  city  planners  he 
is  able  to  draw  upon  his  vast  and  generous 
perspectives;  then  the  play  of  his  critical 
mind  becomes  exciting. 

In  this  connection  the  present  volume  has 
a  value  above  that  of  exhortation:  it  has 
the  virtue  of  being  a  guide  for  those  upon 
whom  will  fall  the  responsibility  of  build- 
ing the  new  cities  of  the  future. 

EDUARD  C.  LINDEMAN 
New  Yor%  School  of  Social  Worl( 

THE  SEAMLESS  ROBE,  by  Sarak  Cleghorn. 

Macmillan.  #2. 

TOUGH-MINDED  FOLK  WHO  CALL  THEMSELVES 
realists  may  not  like  this  little  book.  They 
will  want  to  argue  about  it  and  it  should 
not  be  read  as  argument,  but  as  testimony, 
as  exposition  of  a  way  of  life.  In  these 
pages  a  rare  person  has  revealed  her  in- 
sight, and  it  is  that  of  a  gentle  but  courage- 
ous spirit. 

The  "seamless  robe"  is  a  symbol  of  un- 
realized spiritual  unity  of  mankind.  The 
deification  of  love,  the  attempt  to  resolve 
the  age-old  problem  of  evil  by  creative  good 
will  and,  the  uncompromising  opposition  to 
war  may,  to  be  sure,  leave  the  theologian 
and  the  moral  philosopher  unsatisfied.  But 
if  they  do  not  find  here  something  authen- 
tic, so  much  the  worse  for  them. 

The  redemption  of  human  life,  in- 
dividually and  collectively,  demands  a  faith 
that  outruns  both  fact  and  logic.  Such  a 
faith  affirms  something  not  merely  about 
men  as  they  are  but  about  man  as  destiny 
drives  him  to  become.  This  is,  of  course, 
the  language  of  religion,  and  Miss  Cleg- 
horn's  book  is  profoundly  religious  at  the 
universal  level. 

Along  with  the  mysticism,  which  is  that 


of  common  experience  not  something  only 
for  the  initiated,  there  is  plenty  of  ethical 
realism.  The  cruel  denials  of  social  justice 
and  the  thwarting  of  redemptive  intention 
that  mar  human  existence  stand  out 
plainly.  But  the  burden  of  the  writing  is 
the  capacity  of  the  human  spirit  for  whole- 
ness and  fellowship. 

The  author  believes  in  appraising  man  in 
the  light  of  his  best  impulses  because  they 
represent  his  potentialities.  If  this  be  "per- 
fectionism" it  has  nevertheless  a  tonic  qual- 
ity in  a  time  when  the  tendency  to  despair 
of  the  future  is  fostered  by  the  logic  of 
tragic  events.  There  is  even  danger,  Miss 
Cleghorn  thinks,  of  glorifying  sacrifice  and 
martyrdom,  thus  "chilling  vitality  at  its 
source."  Such  a  mood  may  lead  us  "to  love 
our  courage  rather  than  our  neighbor,  and 
his  courage  rather  than  his  joy."  She  holds 
with  Masefield,  that  "the  days  that  make 
us  happy  make  us  wise."  But  exclusive 
happiness  is  spiritual  poison. 

Particularly  valuable  are  the  concrete  ex- 
amples of  the  way  in  which  humane  and 
trustful  treatment  of  offenders  has  released 
unsuspected  motives  within  them  and  en- 
abled them  to  climb  out  of  their  own  un- 
worthiness.  Suggestive  also,  to  social  work- 
ers and  to  everybody  else,  should  be  the 
moving  appeal  on  behalf  of  the  aged  people 
of  the  world  from  whom  the  elemental 
satisfactions  of  life  are  slipping  away  and 
who  falteringly  approach  the  final  adven- 
ture of  death. 

Those  who  know  Miss  Cleghorn's  work 
will  be  glad  to  find  in  this  volume  the 
poetic  gem  "Orison"  and  the  stirring  "Bal 
lad  of  Joseph  and  Damien."  * 
Executive  secretary  F.  ERNEST  JOHNSON 
Federal  Council  of  Churches 

HUMAN  NATURE  AND  ENDURING 
PEACE— Third  Yearbook  of  the  Society 
for  the  Psychological  Study  of  Social  Issues, 
edited  by  Gardner  Murphy.  Houghton- 
Mifflin.  #3.50. 

THIS     BOOK     MERITS     FAR     WIDER     ATTENTION 

than  it  promises  immediately  to  secure.  I 
would  blow  a  trumpet  for  its  superb  value 
and  long-lived  significance  as  helping  citi- 
zens and  especially  teachers  to  do  a  better 
job  of  helping  to  build  enduring  peace. 
For  here  is  psychological  insight  of  a  high 
order  brought  to  play  upon  the  most  ur- 
gent problems  at  home  and  abroad,  with 
the  proffer  of  specific  suggestions  of  great 
utility  in  political,  international,  educa- 
tional, and  related  fields. 

Professor  Gardner  Murphy,  who  not  only 
edits  the  volume  but  contributes  the  most 
extended  section,  deserves  special  recogni- 
tion for  a  new  kind  of  scholarship — one 
which  stands  with  one  foot  in  the  labora 
tory  and  study  and  the  other  in  the  market 
place.  The  vitality  and  relevance  of  !»!• 
grasp,  the  penetration  of  his  analysis,  the 
matured  common  sense  of  his  findings,  the 
needed  practicality  of  his  suggestions — these 
are  not  only  unusual  in  the  professional 
psychologist,  they  mark  this  author  as  in 
the  very  forefront  among  basic  thinkers 
about  the  mental  conditions  for  creating 

*  Miss    Cleghorn's    "Ballad    of   Joseph   and    Damien" 
was  originally  published  in  Survey  Graphic,  in 
1934.— Eo. 


416 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


peaceful  relations  among  men.  His  chap- 
ter on  "The  Impulse  to  War"  starts,  so  to 
say,  where  William  James'  famous  essay 
jn  "The  Moral  Equivalent  of  War"  left  off 
and  carries  us  into  the  area  of  the  next 
thirty  years  war  on  the  home  front  with 
discernment  and  detailed  guidance. 

And  his  colleagues  support  and  elaborate 
liis  theme  with  light  on  the  correlative 
issues  in  a  manner  which  makes  this  a  sane 
book  of  inspiration  for  a  whole  new  gen- 
eration. How  any  teacher  can  from  now 
on  give  any  courses  in  social  psychology 
and  not  become  steeped  in  what  this  book 
says  and  require  some  of  it  for  student 
reading,  I  cannot  imagine.  What  we  call 
''seminal"  books  are  rare  indeed;  but  this 
is  one.  Unfortunately,  the  fact  that  it  is 
not  easy  reading  and  that  it  is  packed  with 
facts  and  considered  opinions  will  put  off 
che  casual  reader. 

But  I  repeat  that  no  one  who  wants  an- 
swers to  the  question  of  how  we  can  build 
love  of  peace  into  the  desires  and  conduct 
of  the  generality  of  people  can  ignore  this 
book.  The  Society  for  the  Psychological 
Study  of  Social  Issues  has  placed  us  all  in 
its  debt,  both  by  the  concreteness  of  this 
body  of  analysis  and  by  the  evidence  here 
incorporated  that  psychological  knowledge 
can  in  ways  we  are  just  beginning  to 
imagine,  help  profoundly  toward  our  mas- 
tery of  the  world  for  ends  of  peace  and 
good  will  among  men.  ORDWAV  TEAD 
Lecturer,  Columbia  University 


CONTROL  OF  ATOMIC  ENERGY 

(Continued  from  page  408) 


security  is  primarily  a  matter  of  psychology. 
No  nation  is  yet  so  highly  civilized  as  to 
feel  entirely  secure  against  foreign  aggres- 
sion by  the  development  of  atomic  energy 
alone.  Indeed,  the  control  and  management 
of  atomic  energy  will  require  considerable 
equipment  and  manpower.  The  point  is 
that  it  will  be  a  different  kind  of  equip- 
ment and  manpower  than  that  of  the  era 
in  which  we  have  been  living  until  now. 
Science,  which  hitherto  was  content  to  sup- 
ply weapons  of  increasing  efficiency  for  ag- 
gression or  defense,  has  now  come  out  of 
its  ivory  tower  and  stepped  to  the  fore- 
front of  the  human  drama. 

Why  not,  then,  recast  the  Charter  of  the 
United  Nations  to  fit  the  new  era  with  full 
provision  for  necessary  adjustment?  The 
answer  is  a  simple  one.  No  one  knows  yet 
•what  that  adjustment  will  require.  What  is 
needed,  in  addition  to  the  association  of  the 
scientists  themselves  under  the  Security 
Council,  is  a  provision  for  adequate  inter- 
national inspection  so  as  to  prevent  the 
secret  preparation  by  any  nation,  great  or 
small,  of  atomic  instruments  of  destruc- 
tion. If  secret  preparations  are  permitted 
in  the  era  of  atomic  energy  there  can  be 
no  security  for  anyone.  The  world  will  live 
in  terror  by  day  and  by  night  and  all  the 
vast  potentialities  for  good  which  are  now 
within  our  grasp  will  be  as  dust  and  ashes. 

These  two  things  then  must  be  the  min- 
imum of  our  demands: 

First,    the    pursuit    of    science    into    the 


heart  of  this  •  mysterious  universe  shall  be 
recognized  as  an  joint  cooperative  effort; 

Second,  no  steps  shall  be  permitted  by 
any  nation  in  the  application  of  the  newly 
discovered  forces  without  throwing  this 
knowledge  open  to  the  world. 

But  this  picture  is  so  different  from  that 
in  the  chapters  of  the  Charter  dealing  with 
security  that  we  come  back  to  the  question 
again:  Why  not  change  them  now?  Part  of 
the  answer  has  already  been  given:  We  do 
not  yet  know  how  to  change  them.  There 
is,  however,  another  answer  which  is 
readily  available  from  past  history. 

In  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions there  was  a  complicated  system  for 
peace  enforcement  centering  in  Article 
XVI.  But  throughout  its  history  the  League 
fell  back  upon  a  single  sentence  in  Article 
XI,  which  simply  said  that  in  case  of  war 
or  the  threat  of  war  "the  League  shall  take 
any  action  which  may  be  deemed  wise  or 
effectual  to  safeguard  the  peace  of  nations." 

That  sweeping  obligation  is  not  so  well 
stated  in  the  Charter.  Nevertheless,  the 
same  purposes  and  principles  are  spelled 
out  in  its  opening  chapter;  and  the  func- 
tion of  the  Security  Council  is  to  find  the 
ways  and  means  necessary  for  carrying  out 
these  purposes.  The  military  provisions  are 
simply  further  details  which  clear  the  way 
for  the  Council  to  act,  if  necessary.  They 
do  not,  however,  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
Council  proceeding  to  adapt  the  coopera- 
tive defense  of  nations  to  the  new  condi- 


tions. 


In  the  Service  of  Peace 


So  far,  however,  we  have  been  dealing 
with  only  one  half  of  the  Charter,  that 
which  has  to  do  with  security.  The  sec- 
tions dealing  with  economic  and  social  con- 
ditions will  have  an  increasing  importance 
in  proportion  as  the  world  feels  safer  under 
the  provisions  for  security.  The  significance 
of  these  provisions  in  the  economic  and 
social  field  cannot  be  overestimated. 

For  the  first  time  the  whole  world  com- 
munity is  presented  with  a  definite  oppor- 
tunity for  functional  organizations  to  deal 
with  every  international  and  social  interest, 
from  public  health  and  morals  to  banking 
and  international  trade.  In  short,  we  have 
now  in  the  Charter  the  blueprint  for  a 
living  world  community.  We  must  not  for- 
get that  this  community  has  been  created 
by  science  in  the  conquest  of  time  and 
space.  Now  science  challenges  human  in- 
telligence to  take  full  advantage  of  the 
opportunities  which  it  offers,  or  perish  by 
failure  to  do  so. 

It  is  incredibly  fortunate  that  at  the  dawn 
of  the  age  of  atomic  energy  we  should  al- 
ready have  set  about  the  creation  of  an 
ordered  world  under  the  regime  of  peace. 
The  Charter  of  the  United  Nations  is  the 
first  step  in  the  realization  of  this  new  era 
and  its  application  to  all  the  world.  Far 
from  making  the  Charter  worthless,  as 
hasty  critics  have  averred,  the  atomic  bomb 
will  make  it  real  by  the  ever-present  con- 
sciousness of  the  danger  to  all  the  world 
in  a  future  war.  The  Charter  will  only  be 
a  living  document  if  the  nations  of  the 
world  are  determined  to  make  it  so. 
(Continued  on  page  418) 


Is  ours 

a  "cut-flower" 
civilization? 

read 

D.  ELTON  TRUEBLOOD's 

answers  in 

The  Predicament 
of  Modern  Man 

The  Western  powers  "hive  an 
ethic  without  a  religion,  whereas 
they  are  challenged  by  millions 
who  have  a  religion  without  an 
ethic. 

"If  we  had  even  the  beginning 
of  wisdom  we  should  encourage 
our  brightest  men  and  women  to 
devote  themselves  to  the  task  of 
spiritual  reconstruction. 

"A  very  able  and  profound  analy- 
sis of  the  spiritual  situation  of  our 
time." 

— REINHOLD  NIBBUHR 

At  your  bookseller  $1.00 

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417 


Democratization  of  War 

Finally,  there  is  one  development  which 
lies  in  the  future.  The  atomic  bomb  has 
ended  the  age-old  difference  between  great 
powers  and  small.  The  small  power  of  the 
future  would  be  the  one  that  had  no  atomic 
bomb,  however  vast  its  extent  of  territory. 
Therefore  the  Security  Council  will  in- 
evitably be  democratized  as  a  result  of  this 
last  great  contribution  of  science  to  the  cre- 
ation of  a  world  community. 

It  is  far  too  soon  to  say  just  how  this 
might  be  done,  but  undoubtedly  it  will 
come  through  action  of  the  Assembly  of 
the  United  Nations.  That  body,  in  which 
all  nations  have  an  equal  vote,  has  the 
right  under  the  Charter  to  "discuss  any 
questions  or  any  matters  within  the  scope 
of  the  present  Charter  or  relating  to'  the 
powers  and  functions  of  any  organs  pro- 
vided in  the  present  Charter"  (Article  10), 
and  the  right  to  "consider  the  general  prin- 
ciples of  cooperation  in  the  maintenance 
of  international  peace  and  security,  includ- 
ing the  principles  governing  disarmament 
and  the  regulation  of  armaments."  (Article 
11). 

Under  the  sweeping  terms  of  these  pro- 
visions, the  Assembly  can  examine  any- 
thing within  the  whole  range  of  the  Char- 
ter. It  cannot,  however,  do  more  than  make 
recommendations  either  to  the  states  con- 
cerned or  to  the  Security  Council.  But  a 
resolution  of  the  Assembly  of  the  United 
Nations  is  more  than  the  resolution  of  a 
mere  debating  body.  The  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations  acquired  much  more 
authority  than  that,  in  the  vital  issues  at 
the  close  of  the  League's  history.  If  either 
the  control  of  atomic  energy  or  even  the 
ability  to  produce  rocket  bombs  is  shared 
by  small  powers,  the  veto  of  the  Great 
Powers  in  the  Security  Council  will  not 
have  the  effective  sanction  behind  it  which 
was  the  case  before  the  conquest  of  atomic 
energy.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  As- 
sembly will  inevitably  play  a  larger  part  in 
the  prevention  of  war  or  the  threat  of  it. 

Moreover,  the  Assembly  also  can  have 
its  committee  of  specialists,  for  Article  22 
gives  it  the  power  to  establish  any  "such 
subsidiary  organs  as  it  deems  necessary  for 
the  performance  of  its  functions."  It  is 
inconceivable  that  there  should  be  two 
rival  committees,  one  reporting  to  the 
Council  and  one  to  the  Assembly.  It  is 
much  more  likely  that  a  single  technical 
committee  will  report  to  both.  That,  at 
least,  would  be  the  sensible  way  of  proceed- 
ing. 

In  that  case,  the  most  important  single 
organ  of  the  United  Nations  would  be  the 
advisory  committee  of  scientists,  statesmen, 
and  military  experts,  to  deal  with  the  new 
world  of  radar  controlled  rockets  and 
atomic  energy. 

World  Government? 

The  proposals  which  are  made  here 
would  lead  ultimately  to  the  establishment 
of  something  like  world  government,  not 
to  interfere  with  the  normal  course  of 
events  in  any  country  but  to  ensure  the 
preservation  of  civilization  itself.  It  would 
not  be  a  government  of  power  politics,  but 


of  cooperation.  There  would  be  no  Roman 
legions  even  on  the  skyways  of  the  world, 
but  atomic  energy  held  in  reserve  would  be 
the  sovereign  power  in  the  new  era  which 
is  just  dawning. 

The    day    of   greatness    is    at    hand    for 
mankind. 


RECONVERSION  IS  NOT 
ENOUGH 

(Continued  from   page   391) 


moved,  low  wage  earners  will  be  hard- 
pressed  to  feed,  clothe,  and  house  their 
families.  This,"  as  the  President  put  it, 
"flies  in  the  face  of  a  sound  public  policy." 
It  may  slow  down,  if  not  stop  our  drive 
toward  an  expanding  market  for  business 
and  agriculture.  "The  foundation  of  a 
healthy  national  economy  cannot  be  secure 
so  lorfg  as  any  large  section  of  our  working 
people  receive  substandard  wages." 

Progressive  employers  will  endorse  this 
generalization  and  he  may  be  said  to  have 
addressed  them  in  his  plea  for  prompt 
action.  "The  wage  structure  on  which 
businessmen  make  future  plans  should  be 
settled  quickly." 

Full  Employment 

Full  employment  legislation  is  essential, 
President  Truman  maintained,  if  the  eco- 
nomic bill  of  rights  enunciated  by  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  is  to  be  achieved.  As  he  sees 
it,  "We  must  look  first  and  foremost  to 
private  enterprise."  But  he  asserted  the  ul- 
timate duty  of  government  to  use  public 
resources  if  other  methods  fail  to  prevent 
prolonged  unemployment.  Such  a  positive 
role  must  be  accompanied  by  definite  assur- 
ances designed  to  maintain  business  con- 
fidence. To  his  mind,  these  should  include: 

"Assurance  that  all  the  facts  about  full 
employment  and  opportunity  will  be  gath- 
ered periodically  for  the  use  of  all. 

"Assurance  of  stability  and  consistency  in 
public  policy,  so  that  enterprise  can  plan 
better  by  knowing  what  the  government 
intends  to  do. 

"Assurance  that  every  governmental  pol- 
icy and  program  will  be  pointed  to  promote 
maximum  production  and  employment  in 
private  enterprise. 

"Assurance  that  priority  will  be  given 
to  doing  those  things  first  which  stimulate 
normal  employment  most." 

To  his  mind,  also,  the  prompt  and  firm 
acceptance  of  such  bedrock  public  respon- 
sibility will  "reduce  the  need  for  its  ex- 
ercise." Hence  his  downright  subscription 
to  speedy  enactment  of  legislation  which 
would  provide  "machinery  for  a  continu- 
ous full  employment  policy* — to  be  devel- 
oped and  pursued  through  cooperation  be- 
tween industry,  agriculture  and  labor,  be- 
tween the  Congress  and  the  Chief  Execu- 
tive, between  the  people  and  their  govern- 
ment." 

The   President's  recommendations  for  a  • 
large  scale  postwar  housing  program  were 
supported   both    by    his   awareness   of  the 
dire  need  for  decent  shelter  and  his  recog- 
nition that  "the  largest  single  opportunity 

*  See   "Full    Employment   Act   of    1945"   page   395. 


for  the  rapid  postwar  expansion  of  private 
investment  and  employment  lies  in  the  field 
of  housing,  both  urban  and  rural. 

Again,  the  President's  approach  was  that 
house  construction  for  the  overwhelming 
majority  of  people  should  be  done  by 
private  enterprise.  But  along  with  this,  he 
laid  down  a  broad  program  for  public  re- 
sponsibility in  insuring  housing  investment, 
in  financing,  in  stimulating  research  in 
methods  and  materials,  in  making  com- 
munity studies,  in  providing  public  assis- 
tance to  rebuild  blighted  urban  areas  and 
develop  rural  districts.  In  general,  Amer- 
icans "deserve  to  be  the  best  housed  people 
in  the  world";  and  when  it  comes  to  re- 
sumption of  our  pre-war  program  of  federal 
aid  to  communities  for  low  rent  housing, 
"we  cannot  and  we  will  not  recede  from 
these  purposes." 

Resources  and  Research 

War  is  destructive — and  in  a  series  of 
telling  strokes  the  President  tallied  up  in 
his  message  how  "our  national  capital  ac- 
count has  suffered.  We  have  expended  our 
resources — both  human  and  natural — with- 
out stint."  A  halt  was  called  to  our  pre-war 
conservation  program.  Our  roads  are  badly 
worn.  Our  program  for  harnessing  the 
waters  of  our  rivers  was  suspended,  and 
the  ravages  of  flood  have  returned. 

Next  came  his  spirited  delineation  of 
national  objectives.  We  must  discover  new 
mineral  and  fuel  deposits;  develop  new 
technologies  to  get  at  low  grade  ores, 
harness  our  streams,  reclaim  our  land. 
There  followed  a  series  of  recommenda- 
tions dealing  with  public  works:  buildings, 
roads  (including  the  Inter-American  high- 
way), airports  and  airport  facilities,  hos- 
pital and  health  centers.  And  capping  these, 
he  called  for  new  regional  developments 
that  will  make  the  most  of  the  "natural 
resources  of  our  great  river  valleys." 

With  plans  on  foot  for  rehabilitating  the 
great  Missouri  River  Basin  (in  ways  that 
may  outrange  the  TVA),  it  is  perhaps 
natural  that  a  man  who  has  grown  up  there 
should  grasp  the  creative  possibilities  in- 
herent in  watershed  planning.  Mr.  Truman 
matches  this  in  sensing  the  new  frontiers 
pushed  out  by  the  scientists.  In  their  tre- 
mendous wartime  contribution,  he  finds 
both  proof  and  prophecy;  and  urged  Con- 
gress forthwith  to  establish  a  federal  agency 
to  carry  on  a  comprehensive  program  of 
research  both  in  the  basic  sciences  and  in 
the  social  sciences. 

We  are  told  that  never  before  had  so 
much  brain  power  been  focused  on  a  single 
problem  as  went  into  the  atomic  bomb. 
As  the  work  went  forward  on  the  pro- 
duction level  it  became  a  tremendous  ad- 
venture in  applied  science — and  in  con- 
certed human  effort.  Mr.  Truman  himself 
must  have  been  conscious  that  his  message 
spreads  out  like  a  map  of  social  and  eco- 
nomic areas  in  which  the  spirit  of  discovery 
and  the  know-how  of  cooperation  will  yield 
rich  rewards.  Thus  it  has  been  urged  that 
teams  of  medical  scientists,  given  unex- 
ampled resources  and  equipment,  might 
produce  phenomenal  results  if  assigned  to 
the  conquest  of  diseases  that  have  baffled 


418 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


doctors  for  generations.  And  the  same  holds 
for  fields  from  housing  to  employment 
planning. 

Meanwhile,  here  in  the  President's 
message  are  guideposts  for  all  of  us  in  find- 
ing our  way  from  an  all-out  war  to  an 
abundant  peace.  At  best,  the  process  will 
be  difficult.  In  these  months  ahead,  insecur- 
ity will  return  to  millions  of  families  who 
were  economically  secure  for  a  while.  The 
government  can  help  cut  the  process  short. 
It  cannot  afford  not  to  help  in  providing 
higher  levels  of  employment  and  a  greater 
security.  Decision  is  with  the  Congress  and 
the  people. 


ECONOMIC  BILL  OF  RIGHTS 

(Continued  from   page  399) 


water"  to  accumulate  wealth  for  others.  In 
our  technological  society  people  are  pri- 
marily consumers — and  in  order  to  con- 
sume they  must  have  income.  Consumption 
must  be  provided  for  in  order  to  keep  pro- 
duction and  employment  at  the  maximum. 
The  long  line  we  need  to  encourage  must 
stand,  not  at  the  employment  office  win- 
dows but  at  the  cash  registers  of  the  na- 
tion, ringing  up  sales  to  keep  orders  flow- 
ing back  to  the  factories  and  mines  and 
mills. 

Economic  Blood  Clot 

To  date,  Congress  in  its  tax  legislation 
and  profit  concern,  has  been  driving  the 
postwar  economy  toward  a  depression.  The 
huge  sums  in  the  control  of  the  wealthy 
can  only  clot  in  the  circulation  system  of 
our  economy.  In  contrast,  there  is  a  virile 
pumping  of  the  blood  of  spending  power 
through  the  system  when  the  mass  of  wage 
earners  have  money  to  keep  goods  moving 
into  consumption. 

I  am  told  discharged  war  workers  need 
not  worry  about  being  unemployed,  because 
they  have  savings  to  fall  back  on.  I  am 
quoted  the  fact  of  140  billion  dollars  of 
cash  reserves,  with  the  presumption  that 
this  entire  sum  is  in  the  pockets  of  war 
workers.  Nothing  could  be  further  from 
the  truth.  Just  one  simple  example  will  be 
revealing.  Wage  earners  hold  about  16.5 
billion  dollars  worth  of  the  165  billion 
dollars  in  outstanding  war  bonds. 

With  these  bond  holders  unemployed 
and  without  substantial  unemployment 
compensation,  this  "backlog"  will  go  to  pay 
house  rent,  food,  clothing,  and  utilities  bills, 
insurance,  and  other  basic  costs  of  main- 
taining a  home  and  family. 

Automatic  machinery  in  postwar  produc- 
tion will  have  so  high  a  production  quo- 
tient, so  much  more  can  be  turned  out  with 
fewer  people,  that  it  will  become  increas- 
ingly impossible  to  sell  the  output  unless 
the  mass  of  workers  are  continuously  em- 
ployed at  high  wages.  The  kind  of  society 
we  have  organized  makes  high  income  of 
the  mass  of  people  an  economic  necessity, 
quite  aside  from  the  ethical  truth  that  com- 
mon men  and  women  should  have  a  fair 
share  of  the  good  things  of  life. 

This  fact  makes  more  apparent  than  ever 
the  utter  fallacy  of  the  doctrine  of  "pouring 


in  at  the  top,"  which  was  repudiated  in  the 
1932  election  when  Herbert  Hoover  was 
turned  out.  In  spite  of  the  people's  de- 
cision, there  has  been  too  much  of  the 
philosophy  of  paying  business  ever  bigger 
profits  with  the  idea  that  some  of  the  pur- 
chasing power  would  trickle  down.  It  does 
not  do  so;  I  have  already  shown  how  such 
wealth  clots  in  the  economic  system.  Per- 
haps the  idleness  of  this  wealth  would  not 
matter  if  the  mass  of  workers  in  the  nation 
had  guaranteed  incomes.  They  would 
spend,  which  would  create  sales,  orders, 
and  production.  But  when  corporations 
have  the  reserves  and  will  not  spend  them, 
when  workers  have  little  or  no  reserve  to 
spend,  sales  decline,  orders  stop  and  pro- 
duction is  held  to  that  fraction  of  capacity 


which  pays  the  highest  profits  at  the  lowest 
level  of  operation.  This  is  the  vicious  down- 
ward spiral  in  operation. 

Here,  then,  is  the  primary  reason  for  the 
Full  Employment  Bill,  S.380.  Through  this 
bill,  it  is  proposed  that  the  national  govern- 
ment shall  step  in  with  certain  guarantees. 
These  will  reassure  the  individual  business- 
man, and  he  will  expand  his  production. 

The  proposal  is  quite  moderate  in  the 
face  of  the  situation  before  us.  The  realiza- 
tion that  we  stand  on  the  threshold  of  the 
atomic  age  is  beginning  to  dawn  on  us  in 
fuller  understanding.  We  must  catch  up 
with  new  concepts  while  as  a  nation  we 
discard  some  of  the  old  concepts — shifting, 
sorting,  winnowing  so  that  necessary 
change  will  mean  progress,  not  merely 


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419 


ECONOMIC  BILL  OF  RIGHTS 

(Continued  from   page  419) 


change  for  its  own  sake.  The  better  the 
matching  of  mental  attitudes  with  tech- 
nology, the  better  will  be  our  new  world. 

A  second  gigantic  World  War  in  our 
times,  at  the  end  of  which  we  midwived 
the  atomic  bomb,  has  forced  us  to  adapt 
ourselves  to  new  techniques  even  before 
our  social  and  political  institutions  were 
adapted  to  the  older  era.  The  result  is  an 
even  more  rapidly  extended  technology, 
still  further  out  of  line  with  our  institu- 
tions. 

The  gap  has  been  enormously  widened, 
just  when  we  had  begun  to  close  it  some- 
what by  the  modern  social-economic  legisla- 
tion once  called  the  New  Deal.  A  British 
columnist  wrote  recently  in  a  London  news- 
paper: "While  the  general  election  killed 
conservatism  in  England,  the  atomic  bomb 
killed  it  all  over  the  world."  There  is  time 
to  speed  up  lagging  mentalities,  but  not 
much  time. 

An  Upside-Down  Approach 

i  say  these  things  soberly  because  of  the 
bill  before  us.  This  bill  is  not  conceived  for 
an  atomic  age;  it  is  a  bill  which  should 
have  been  law  a  decade  ago — certainly  two 
war  years  ago.  It  does  no  more  than  direct 
the  President  to  gather  certain  information, 
embody  it  in  a  national  budget  message, 
and  recommend  action  to  Congress. 

Even  while  I  support  the  bill,  there  is  a 
certain  word  in  it  which  alarms  me.  "When 
there  is  a  prospective  deficiency  in  the  Na- 
tional Budget  .  .  ."  it  says.  The  bill  gives 
private  enterprise  two  chances  to  make 
good — once  under  its  own  steam,  and  once 
with  a  stimulating  injection  by  government. 
When  private  enterprise  then  fails,  it  calls 
for  making  up  the  "deficiency."  This  is  not 
the  vision  we  should  have  of  the  brave  new 
world  we  hope  to  build. 

The  concept  of  the  CIO  unions  is  not 
that  Congress  shall  benevolently  step  in 
when  private  enterprise  is  found  wanting 
and  give  the  people  something  to  keep 
them  from  starving.  Our  idea  is  govern- 
ment planning  and  preparation  of  a  na- 
tional program  which  will  permit  thej 
American  people  to  achieve  the  full  poten- 
tial of  what  they  can  do  for  themselves. 
We  say  that  the  federal  government  is  the 
instrument  through  which  we  can  all  work 
together  to  accomplish  full  employment 
and  a  high  annual  income.  We  do  not  like 
a  "deficiency"  approach  which  presupposes 
failure  to  reach  our  full  capacity  and  as- 
sumes that  the  duty  of  government  is  noth- 
ing more  than  to  "shore  up"  deficiency. 

"Deficiency"  thinking  is  an  upside-down 
approach  to  the  potentialities  of  today. 
Now,  for  the  first  time  in  our  history,  all 
Americans  can  have  abundance  because 
with  our  gains  in  science  and  technology 
we  can  create  abundance.  This  is  not  talk 
against  private  enterprise;  rather  it  is  a 
plea  for  a  program  that  will  permit  private 
enterprise  really  to  do  its  stuff.  Especially, 
we  conceive  of  it  as  a  plan  to  give  private 
enterprise  vast  new  markets  for  goods  and 


services  their  most  imaginative  sales  man 
agers  never  dreamed  of. 

Senate  Bill  380  provides  the  machinery 
for  the  planning,  the  estimating,  the  cal- 
culating of  our  full  potential.  We  do  not 
look  upon  this  and  related  legislation  in 
the  manner  of  a  vice-president  in  charge  oi 
sales  trying  to  figure  out  how  many  units 
of  his  company's  product  he  can  sell  in  a 
market  where  only  a  fraction  of  the  people 
are  employed,  and  where  those  who  do 
have  jobs  have  incomes  so  small  they  con- 
stitute only  a  trickle  instead  of  a  river  of 
purchasing  power.  We  are  approaching  the 
question  from  the  other  side. 

Social  Engineering  for  Abundance 
We  need  to  determine  not  how  many 
people  can  normally  buy  shoes  or  afford 
houses  with  plumbing,  but  how  many  pairs 
of  shoes  the  American  people  need  a  year 
and  how  much  plumbing.  We  need  to  gear 
our  economy  to  an  over-all  full  employ 
ment  plan  of  that  kind,  industry  by  in 
dustry,  with  some  governmental  guarantee 
that  the  individual  businessman  will  be  able 
to  dispose  profitably  of  output  expanded  in 
accordance  with  such  a  plan.  This  is  the 
concept  set  forth  in  the  CIO  Reemploymem 
Plan  adopted  in  Chicago  last  year. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  atomic  age  we 
need  to  make  an  entirely  new  approach  to 
the  question  of  production  and  consump- 
tion. It  is  a  problem  in  social  engineering, 
more  complex  than  designing  a  bridge  or 
computing  stresses  in  a  skyscraper  because 
people  and  their  feelings  and  desires  are 
involved.  The  job  can  be  done;  it  must  be 
done  if  our  institutions  are  to  survive. 

We  know  we  can  produce  abundantly; 
we  have  done  it  for  war.  This  bill  will  be 
a  first  step  toward  doing  it  for  peace.  Only 
such  full  production  will  keep  healthy  our 
agriculture,  labor,  industry,  and  business. 

There  are  people  in  the  nation  who  are 
afraid  of  a  program  of  full  employment 
and  production.  Even  in  Congress,  there 
are  those  who  have  village  minds  in  a  cos- 
mopolitan society  and  manage  to  hold  a 
penny  so  close  to  their  eyes  that  they  hide 
the  whole  blazing  sun.  The  existence  of 
these  timid  and  frightened  souls  make 
more  imperative  the  energy  and  devotion 
of  the  rest  in  advancing  this  constructive 
and  progressive  program. 

The  last  point  I  want  to  make  is  the 
urgent  necessity  'for  speed  in  the  passage  of 
this  bill,  and  of  the  supporting  legislation 
as  well.  If  the  bill  were  law  tomorrow,  it 
would  not  be  applicable  until  the  ne\v 
fiscal  year  which  begins  July  1,  1946. 

On  the  situation  we  confront  the  most 
important  fact  is  this:  Counting  the  twelve 
million  men  and  women  in  uniform,  we 
have  employed  64  million  people  in  the 
war  effort.  Allowing  that  some  five  mil- 
lion will  leave  the  employment  market  and 
that  two  million  will  remain  in  military 
service,  there  remain  57  million  who  need 
jobs.  To  them  there  is  added  an  annual 
increment  of  half  a  million  young  people 
of  employable  age. 

Congress,  like  the  rest  of  us,  needs  to  rise 
to  the  challenge  of  these  times  and  match 
its  decisions  and  its  performance  with  the 
opportunities  of  the  atomic  age. 


AS  UNIFORMS  ARE  SHED 

(Continued  from   page  401) 


has  been  particularly  under  fire,  and  the 
recommendations  of  the  report  would 
mean  a  complete  reorganization,  its  details 
based  on  the  findings  of  "a  small  fast- 
working  independent  committee  .  .  .  named 
to  make  an  impartial  study  of  every  aspect 
of  veterans'  medical  care." 

Instead  of  a  generalized  set-up  with 
hospital  and  medical  services  responsible  to 
lay  administration,  both  in  Washington 
and  locally,  Mr.  Baruch  would  create  a 
new  Veterans  Medical  Service  with  a  clean- 
cut  separation  of  responsibilities  at  all  levels. 
Headed  by  an  outstanding  medical  man 
as  director,  it  would  be  assisted  also  by  a 
professional  review  committee,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  would  serve  in  a  continuing 
advisory  capacity  on  all  matters  of  general 
policy  and  also  of  technical  administration. 

The  Veterans  Administration,  Mr.  Bar- 
uch submits,  should  give  immediate  atten- 
tion to  the  recruitment  and  training  of 
better  professional  personnel  —  doctors, 
nurses,  and  technicians.  Further,  the  pres- 
ent restrictive  emphasis  on  hospitalization 
should  be  broadened  into  a  more  flexible 
program  of  medical  care.  There  should  be 
"outpatient  clinics  for  veterans  who  do  not 
need  hospitalization;  more  extended  use  of 
local  physicians  and  medical  facilities";  re- 
habilitation centers,  sheltered  workshops, 
and  so  on.  New  plans  for  hospital  construc- 
tion should  be  made  in  line  with  this 
broader  policy,  and,  meeting  one  of  the 
major  criticisms  leveled  at  the  Administra- 
tion, there  should  be  "closer  contact  .  .  . 
with  established  medical  centers,"  and  also 
"effective  liaison  between  the  new  Veterans 
Medical  Service  and  the  medical  branches 
of  the  armed  services." 

Better  Medical  Care 

An  alert  and  professionally  qualified 
leadership  would  command  the  best  in 
modern  medical  science.  This  would  mean, 
for  example,  new  hope  for  "veterans  who 
have  been  paralyzed  through  wounds  to 
the  spinal  cord  or  key  nerves."  It  would 
mean,  too,  "a  continuous,  progressive  limb 
replacement  program,  since  designs  will 
steadily  improve,"  It  would  also  "eliminate 
or  reduce  deterrents  to  full  recovery  or  in- 
centives to  malingering,  while  still  retain- 
ing just  compensation  for  disability." 

A  major  recommendation  is  for  "a  psy- 
chiatric program  both  immediate  and  long 
range"  in  the  field  "where  perhaps  there 
is  the  widest  gap  between  need  and  estab- 
lished medical  facilities."  The  program 
would  emphasize  the  training  of  "a  vastly 
greater  personnel  over  the  years."  It  would 
stimulate  research,  and  provide  a  nation- 
wide network  of  out-patient  clinics,  "since 
most  psychoneurotic  ills  can  be  treated 
without  hospitalization." 

On  the  non-medical  side,  the  principal 
need  is  for  improved  administration  and 
for  a  decentralization  of  responsibility, 
which  would  speed  up  "payments  of  every 
kind  while  still  protecting  the  public  in- 


420 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


icrcit.  .  .  .  The  enormous  volume  of  vet- 
erans' laws  needs  codifying;  the  mass  of 
regulations  simplifying." 

Over-all  Coordination 

Eighteen  months  ago,  the  Baruch-Han 
cock  report  on  "War  and  Postwar  Adjust 
ment  Policies,"  made  the  case  lor  broad 
federal  planning  which  would  coordinate 
the  policies  of  both  veteran  and  civilian 
agencies  responsible  for  the  conversion  of 
i  he  country's  economy  from  war  to  peace. 
Disappointment  and  impatience  are  now 
expressed  by  Mr.  Baruch  over  the  fact 
that  "almost  a  year  since  Congress  created 
the  necessary  office  [Retraining  and  Re- 
employment  Administration],  an  effective' 
program  of  human  demobilization  still  is 
lacking." 

Many  of  the  fundamental  things  that 
need  to  be  done  for  the  veteran,  Mr.  Baruch 
tells  General  Bradley,  are  "beyond  your 
own  authority."  Dynamic  leadership  in  the 
over-all  Retraining  and  Re-employment 
Administration  is  necessary  in  order  "to 
maintain  a  running  review  of  the  plans  for 
demobilization  in  the  armed  forces,  ...  to 
see  that  any  faults  in  discharge  procedure 
are  promptly  corrected,  ...  see  that  veterans 
obtain  loans  to  start  businesses,  receive  the 
materials  and  commodities  they  need, 
to  step  up  and  coordinate  the  artificial  limb 
program."  To  this  end,  Mr.  Baruch  now 
recommends  the  appointment  of  a  "vigor- 
ous, imaginative  Work  Director,"  as  head 
of  Retraining  and  Re-employment. 

The  Work  Director  would  be  responsible 
for    seeing    that    "the    human    side   of    de- 


mobilization is  not  forgotten."  The  Vet- 
erans Administration  and  all  other  agencies 
dealing  with  aspects  of  demobilization 
should  be  able  to  look  to  the  Work  Direc- 
tor for  "a  unified,  detailed  employment 
program,"  including  settlement  of  the  con- 
flict on  seniority  rights,  adequate  job  place- 
ment machinery,  personalized  job  guidance, 
cooperation  with  both  labor  unions  and 
business  groups  in  relaxing  barriers  to  em- 
ployment— such  as  initiation  fees,  appren- 
ticeship rules,  and  so  on. 

He  would  develop  local  veterans  informa- 
tion centers,  coordinated  with  the  military 
separation  centers,  so  that  veterans  will  be 
hilly  informed  "of  what  they  need  to 
know."  He  would  see  that  in  each  com- 
munity "there  is  only  one  place  where 
veterans  need  go — in  dignity,  not  charity — 
to  learn  all  of  their  rights  and  how  to  get 
them."  We  may  assume,  although  the  re- 
port is  not  precise  on  this  point,  that  this 
responsibility  would  include  not  only  stim- 
ulating local  communities  to  set  up  these 
centers,  but  also  advising  them  about 
standards  of  personnel  and  methods  of  ef- 
fective operation. 

Experience  has  already  shown  up  many 
weaknesses  in  the  GI  Bill  of  Rights.  The 
report  points  to  a  number  of  these  and  pro- 
poses remedies.  Thus  it  recommends  that 
the  loan  provision  be  spread  over  ten  years 
instead  of  the  present  two.  The  present  50 
percent  guarantee  is  shown  to  be  too  low. 
The  report  suggests  "that  an  incentive  tax 
of  25  percent  less  than  the  normal  rate  be 
given  veterans  opening  new  businesses  .  .  . 
to  be  applied  in  repayment  of  their  loans 


up  to  $25,000."  Plans  for  home  loans  should 
IK  consolidated  in  a  "single  arrangement 
.  .  .  with  a  flat  4  percent  interest  rate,"  to 
be  administered  by  the  National  Housing 
Agency  rather  than  the  Veterans  Ad- 
ministration. 

To  Mr.  Baruch's  mind,  the  educational 
provisions  of  the  bill  "need  tightening  up" 
to  protect  the  veteran  "against  fly-by-night 
trade  schools."  "So-called  second  injury 
laws,"  which  are  proving  an  obstacle  to  the 
employment  of  disabled  veterans,  "should 
be  corrected." 

Finally,  the  matter  of  additional  benefits 
for  veterans  and  their  families  could  be 
part  of  this  legislative  study.  "I  know  it 
would  come  as  a  shock  to  the  American 
people  to  learn  dial  we  have  not  treated 
our  veterans  as  generously  as  some  other 
countries  have  theirs." 

The  first  Baruch  report  was  presented  in 
that  dark  hour  when  this  country  was  in 
grave  danger  of  losing  the  war  for  lack  of 
rubber.  The  background  of  that  report,  as 
of  this  one,  was  lack  of  foresight,  confused 
planning,  and  inept  administration.  The 
results  of  the  first  report  are  a  matter  of 
history — an  amazing  achievement  in  un- 
precedented industrial  cooperation,  techno- 
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OCTOBER     1945 


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421 


WILL  CONGRESS  CLEAN  HOUSE? 

(Continued  from   page  411) 


tees  could  draw  would  help  when  they  are 
snowed  under  in  a  blizzard  of  unexpected 
correspondence. 

Broadcasting  of  the  proceedings  of  Con- 
gress appeals  to  many  members.  Senator 
Glen  H.  Taylor  of  Idaho,  who  spent  much 
of  his  life  in  show  business,  said  that  broad- 
casting "probably  would  be  cheaper  than 
mailing  out  Congressional  Records  and  it 
would  be  more  effective,  a  great  deal  more 
effective."  Like  some  others,  he  doubted 
whether  the  full  session  should  be  put  on 
the  air. 

Despite  the  journalistic  furore  several 
years  ago  when  Congress  attempted  to  vote 
itself  retirement  funds,  it  is  generally  as- 
sumed that  both  houses  will  increase  their 
salaries  and  grant  either  retirement  allow- 
ances or  pensions.  Rising  living  costs,  espe- 
cially when  they  have  to  maintain  resi- 
dences in  Washington  and  in  their  home 
districts,  have  bitten  deeply  into  incomes 
already  reduced  by  greater  income  taxes. 
A  50  percent  raise  to  $15,000  is  considered 
a  minimum  and  Mr.  Heller  received  con- 
siderable support  when  he  advocated  $25,- 
000.  President  Truman  in  his  message  on 
postwar  planning  advocated  an  increase  in 
congressmen's  salaries  to  $20,000. 

While  all  the  rest  of  the  government's 
employes  contribute  to  retirement  funds, 
congressmen  were  frightened  from  their 
pension  stand  of  several  years  ago  by  the 
public  uproar  and  still  have  no  such  pro- 
vision. Logic  certainly  would  lump  them 
in  with  other  civil  servants  if  they  wish  to 
make  contributions  and  accumulate  benefit 
credits  on  the  same  basis. 

Two  other  proposals  presented  to  the 
joint  committee  include  enforced  recesses 
so  that  congressmen  could  periodically  keep 
in  touch  with  their  constituents,  established 
days  for  committee  hearings,  and  certain 
days  fixed  for  full-day  sessions  of  House 
and  Senate.  Over-long  sessions  keep  mem- 
bers in  Washington  without  contact  with 
the  people  they  are  supposed  to  represent. 
Under  the  present  arrangement  of  mornings 
allotted  to  hearings  and  afternoons  to  ses- 
sions, both  suffer  as  some  members  stay 
on  in  committee  and  others  go  to  the 
Capitol. 

Installation  of  an  automatic  electric  vot- 
ing machine  in  the  House,  similar  to  those 
used  in  state  legislatures,  could  save  an 
estimated  forty  legislative  days  during  a 
year.  The  dreary  business  of  calling  the 
list  of  435  members'  names  twice  for  every 
recorded  roll  call  shows  a  resistance  to  mod- 
ern progress  that  can  hardly  be  equalled. 

The  Larger  Issues 

Imperative  as  is  the  obligation  of  Con- 
gress to  put  its  own  house  in  order,  the 
need  for  a  legislative  follow-through  on 
acts  'already  on  the  law  books  is  of  equal, 
perhaps  greater,  importance.  The  national 
legislature  has  too  frequently  legislated  and 
then  forgotten.  No  restraining  hand  has 
been  laid  on  the  Executive  branch. 

"I  wonder  if  we  all  realize  how  grave  a 

422 


constitutional  crisis  exists  in  which  the  life 
of  representative  government  is  at  stake?" 
asked  Professor  Hamilton.  "A  wedge  has 
been  driven  between  the  exercise  of  power 
by  a  host  of  official  agencies  and  its  popular 
source.  .  .  .  Public  affairs  are  administered 
by  departments,  commissions,  authorities, 
corporations,  boards,  each  acting  more  or 
less  for  itself,  all  operating  with  only  the 
most  casual  oversight  of  the  Congress.  .  .  . 
The  institution  of  representation  runs  on; 
the  larger  conduct  of  government  operates 
outside  its  reach.  A  constitutional  crisis, 
one  of  the  gravest  in  our  history,  impends." 

In  brief,  the  three-branch  concept  of  fed- 
eral government  has  broken  down.  What 
can  be  done? 

If  the  democratic  will  is  to  be  carried 
through  to  accomplishment,  more  than  the 
passage  of  legislation  is  demanded.  Too 
frequently  a  corporation,  for  example,  has 
been  authorized  with  federal  funds  to 
launch  it  and  then  allowed  to  wander  along 
its  independent  path. 

One  reasonable  way  to  prevent  this 
would  be  through  more  frequent  reports — 
not  the  current  annual  documents  that  too 
often  are  bogged  down  in  unrevealing,  for- 
malized statistics  and  oratorical  generaliza- 
tions. 

Possibly  an  even  more  effective  way  is 
informal  meetings  between  representatives 
of  the  Executive  and  the  Congress.  These 
would  be  different  from  set  committee  hear- 
ings. Congressmen  would  seek  general 
knowledge  and  information  and  not  some- 
thing to  apply  specifically;  the  Executive 
representatives  would  try  to  determine  the 
congressional  intent  behind  the  legalistic 
phraseology  of  the  legislation.  The  Senate 
Foreign  Relations  Committee  and  the  De- 
partment of  State,  the  Federal  Housing 
Agency  and  the  House  Committee  on  Pub- 
lic Buildings  and  Grounds  have  pioneered 
along  this  line  with  considerable  success. 

John  B.  Blandford,  Jr.,  administrator  of 
the  National  Housing  Agency,  told  how 
his  agency  had  sought  to  overcome  "the 
infrequency  and  the  formality  of  our  con- 
tacts with  the  legislative  and  appropriation 
committees." 

"We  meet  ordinarily  once  a  month,"  he 
testified,  "and  the  occasion  is  one  of  infor- 
mality and  across-the-table  discussion.  There 
is  no  attempt  to  keep  a  record.  On  our  part 
we  endea.vor  to  report  on  the  current  hous- 
ing scene  as  it  has  developed  since  the  pre- 
vious meeting,  frankly  identify  problems — 
including  failures  as  well  as  successes — and 
seek  advice  and  reactions  as  to  the  progress 
of  the  program.  Our  immediate  subject 
matter,  of  course,  has  been  that  of  the  pub- 
licly financed  portion  of  the  war-housing 
program,  but  it  has  been  presented  against 
a  full  background  of  the  total  war-sheltei 
program  and  its  relationship  to  war  pro- 
duction. .  .  . 

"I  think  it  has  worked  because  it  has 
provided  both  the  committee  and  the  agen- 
cy an  opportunity  for  discussion  on  the 

basis  of  the  same  set  of  facts.    It  has  pro 


vided  an  occasion  for  the  speedy  resolving 
of  complaints  or  misunderstandings  and 
generally  has  developed  an  environment  in 
which  we  have  found  a  closer  acquaintance- 
ship and  have  built  up  a  foundation  of 
mutual  respect  and  confidence." 

Questions  from  Congress 

Representative  Estes  Kefauver  of  Tennes- 
see has  proposed  to  break  down  the  walls 
of  the  "air-tight  departments"  of  the  Con- 
gress and  the  Executive  by  establishing  a 
"report  and  question  period"  on  Capitol 
Hill.  The  idea  is  similar  to  that  of  the 
British  House  of  Commons  where  cabinet 
officials  appear  to  answer  the  members' 
questions.  A  major  committee  would  invite 
the  head  of  a  cabinet  department  or  federal 
agency  to  come  before  the  House  for  an 
oral  report  and  to  answer  questions  drafted 
by  the  committee  and  by  individual  mem- 
bers. These  queries  would  be  printed  in 
the  Congressional  Record  before  the  session 
and,  naturally,  given  to  the  Executive  offi- 
cer. The  "report  and  question  periods" 
would  be  limited  to  two  hours  and  would 
be  held  every  week  or  two. 

Supporters  of  this  idea  believe  that  it 
would  keep  Congress  better  informed  and 
provide  a  curb  on  the  Executive.  Oppo- 
nents say  that  the  less  formalized  monthly 
meetings  provide  more  real  information  and 
insist  that  grafting  the  parliamentary  tech- 
nique on  the  congressional  procedure  would 
serve  "only  a  ceremonial  purpose."  One 
modification  urged  that  each  Executive  de- 
partment and  major  agency  delegate  its 
own  assistant  secretary  or  director,  full 
time,  to  legislative  contacts.  The  Depart- 
ment of  State  has  such  an  arrangement. 
Dean  Acheson,  now  Under-Secretary,  but 
then  Assistant  Secretary  assigned  to  the 
Hill,  told  the  joint  committee  that  the 
Kefauver  proposal  would  "force  the  Execu- 
tive departments  to  have  a  unified  policy" 
because  reports  showing  dispersive,  con- 
flicting plans  would  be  discovered  and 
modified  promptly. 

A  neglected  check  on  the  Executive 
branch,  according  to  numerous  witnesse: 
is  through  the  General  Accounting  Office' 
existing  investigative  powers.  Instead 
merely  auditing  and  keeping  books,  th 
General  Accounting  Office  could  be  a 
agent  of  Congress  and  a  useful  critic  of 
Executive  expenditures.  Comptroller  Gen- 
eral Warren  suggested  that  "Congress 
could  better  inform  itself  as  to  how  expen 
ditures  have  been  made  and  as  to  the  sol 
spots  in  the  organization  or  activities 
the  agencies  requesting  funds"  if  the  ap- 
propriations committees  and  Congress  i 
self  increased  the  use  of  the  General  A< 
counting  Office.  This  information  would 
include  a  fidelity  audit  and  report  to  Con- 
gress on  the  fiscal  conditions  of  all  Execu- 
tive departments,  agencies  and  corporations. 

"Showcase"  accounting,  whereby  it  would 
be  possible  in  a  few  minutes  to  ascertain 
the  over-all  financial  goals,  expenditures, 
and  appropriations,  has  been  advocated  re- 
peatedly before  the  committee. 

A  unified  legislative  program,  instead  of 
the  diversified  individuality  of  531  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  would  somewhat  counter- 
balance the  singleness  of  the  Chief  Execu- 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


tive.  A  "legislative  council"  or  congres- 
sional "cabinet"  of  the  leadership  of  both 
houses,  including  the  major  committee 
chairmen,  could  draft  such  an  over-all  ap- 
proach to  pressing  contemporary  problems. 

The  "legislative  council"  idea  was  first 
tried  in  1933  in  Kansas.  Since  then,  it  has 
spread  to  nine  other  states;  two  more  have 
authorized  the  plan  but  have  not  yet  put 
it  in  operation.  These  state  councils  study 
the  legislative  program  so  that  major  prob- 
lems for  deliberation  are  identified  and  ap- 
propriate proposals  drafted;  they  coordi- 
nate the  work  between  the  two  houses; 
and  improved  relations  between  legislature 
and  governor  result  from  their  functioning. 

Some  advocates  would  enlarge  the  con- 
gressional "cabinet"  to  make  it  a  joint 
group  with  Executive  representatives.  Thus, 
if  Congress  and  the  White  House  were 
controlled  by  the  same  political  party,  both 
branches  of  the  government  could  consoli- 
date their  efforts.  Certainly  such  a  pro- 
cedure would  indelibly  fix  party  responsi- 
bility for  action  achieved  and  reforms  re- 
jected. 

What  is  the  joint  committee  going  to  do? 

A  careful  study  of  the  testimony  and  a 
survey  of  its  membership  indicates  that 
high  points  of  its  recommendations  will 
include: 

1.  Drastic   reduction   in   the   number   of 
standing   committees,   possibly   to   thirteen. 
These   would  be  parallel  for  both  houses 
and   would  be  organized  along   functional 
lines  so  that  overlapping  jurisdiction  would 
be,  as  far  as  possible,  eliminated. 

2.  Possibly  automatic  rotation  of  commit- 
tee chairmen  as  a  means  of  overcoming  the 
difficulties  with  seniority.   In  its  final  vote, 
the  committee  may  decide  to  pass  over  this 
ticklish  problem. 

3.  Better   staffing   of   the   Congress,   the 
committees,  and  the  congressmen's  offices. 

4.  A  salary  raise  for  congressmen  to  at 
least  $15,000  annually  and  provision  for  a 
$7,500  administrative  assistant  for  each. 

5.  Pruning   the    time-consuming   job   of 
serving  as  municipal  council  for  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  and  as  a  court  of  minor 
claims  against  the  government. 

6.  Possibly  some  sort  of  radio  broadcast- 
ing of  congressional  sessions  as  a  public  in- 
formation measure. 

7.  Retirement  pensions  along   the   same 
lines  as  other  government  employes. 

8.  Much  wider  use  of  the  General  Ac- 
counting   Office    to    insure    regular,    non- 
partisan  checks  on  Executive  expenditures. 

9.  Support  for  informal  liaison  between 
congressional  groups  and  the  Executive  de- 
partments and  agencies.  The  Kefauver  pro- 
posal,  which   will   receive   some   favorable 
comment,  probably  will  be  dismissed  as  too 
much  of  an  innovation. 

10.  Some    modification    of   the    "legisla- 
tive council"  idea. 

What  will  Congress  do? 

Unless  Congress  realizes  the  public  really 
means  business,  it  may  pick  and  choose 
from  the  recommendations  with  patronage- 
hungry  eyes.  As  Mr.  Heller  warned,  only 
an  integrated  reorganization,  not  a  piece- 
meal attack,  will  modernize  our  national 
legislature  and  free  it  for  its  tremendous 
tasks. 

(In    answering 
OCTOBER     1945 


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PUBLIC  RELATIONS  EXPERT— 6  years'  experi- 
ence major  public  relations  work  prior  to  entry 
into  the  Air  Force.  3  vears  Air  Forces  public 
relations  as  training  chief  with  17  commendations 
for  excitably  new  ideas  created  in  action  releases. 
Just  separated  from  the  Service.  Food  and  cos- 
metic statements,  aviation  and  political  advisory 
activities  on  promotional  work.  Founder  Press 
Publicists:  creator  idea  of  applying  art  to.  com- 
merce. 12>  years  newspaper,  magazine  and  motion 
picture  editorial  work.  Specialized  in  Pan-Ameri- 
can affairs,  Russian.  Polish  liaison  'public  relations. 
3  years  radio  writing,  directing  and  riroducing. 
Research  nprl  hotise  organ  expert.  Commercial 
and  personality  publicity.  Northwestern  Univer- 
-itv.  \Vot-M_  traveled.  Married,  n-e  4"  Seeks 
Public  Relations  post  with  olentv  of  challenge  in 
Southern  California  area  or  best  offer.  Member  5 
National  Public  "Relations  organizations.  Listed 
Public  Relations  Directory.  S227  Survey. 


SOCIAL  WORKER,  in  administrative  supervisory 
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K.I-'. -in  or  Southeastern  States  where  ability  to 
understand  and  handle  problems  of  ex-servicemen 
and  families  is  needed.  Valuable  psychiatric  ex- 
perience. S222  Survey. 

EXECUTIVE,  broad  exoerience  in  mental  hygiene, 
family  and  child  giiidance.  industry,  labor  and 
community  organization.  Available  on  short  no- 
tice. 822fi  Survey. 


EXECUTIVE  with  wide  experience  in  the  Rer 
relational  and  Institutional  field,  desires  connection 
with  a  children's  organization.  Can  only  consider 
work  in  New  York  City  or  within  commuting 
distance.  Am  also  experienced  in  fund-raising. 
8203  Survey. 


EXECUTIVE  POSITION  by  woman  groupworkcr 
with  fourteen  years'  experience  as  Department 
head  and  Director  Adult  Education.  Training, 
supervising  volunteers.  Camp  Director,  Community 
organization,  also  experienced  legal  secretary. 
$3600.  8224  Survey. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


WANTED:  SUPERINTENDENT  to  take  full 
charge  of  Jewish  Children's  Home  in  Minneapolis, 
Minnesota,  27-bed  capacity,  ages  3  to  13  years, 
tnve  full  details  of  experience  and  qualifications. 
Salary  open.  M.  Lorberbaum,  1134  Upton  Ave- 
nue, North,  Minneapolis,  Minnesota. 

CASEWORKER,  professional  school  graduate, 
wanted  by  newly  organized  Family  Service  Agency 
in  progressive.  Michigan  city  near  Detroit.  Worker 
with  some  experience  preferred,  but  recent  gradu- 
ate acceptable.  Agency  has  professionally  qualified 
supervisory  personnel.  Affiliation  with  profes- 
sional school  in  process  of  being  developed.  Salary 
standards  good.  8225  Survey. 

INSTITUTIONAL  MANAGER,  to  direct  a  cot- 
tage  plan  institution  for  175  Protestant  white  chil 
dren,  age  6  to  18.  Institution  is  part  of  a  child 
placing  agency  with  a  large  boarding  home  pro- 
gram. Complete  case  work  service  is  offered  to 
all  children.  Agency  is  over  eighty  years  old 
but  has  a  modern,  progressive  program.  Location 
is  in  a  large  midwestern  city.  Institution  is  lo- 
cated about  eight  miles  from  the  center  of  the 
city.  Applicant  should  state  training,  experience 
and  give  full  qualifications.  8223  Survey. 

W  A  NTED :  Person  to  develop  a  program  for  aged 
people  living  in  rooming  house  district.  Salary 
and  advancement  commensurate  with  applicant's 
experience  and  proven  abilities.  8220  Survey. 

WANTED:  Activities  Director — Man,  to  live  in 
residence  and  to  be  responsible  for  the  supervision 
and  group  work  program  In  settlement  hou^r 
Please  state  experience,  references  and  salary  .'\ 
peeled.  8219  Survey. 


: 


CASEWORKER— Catholic  family  or  child  welfarr 
caseworker,  salary  range  $1920  to  $2340.  Must 
have  graduate  training.  8178  Survey. 

SUPERVISOR,  professionally  trained  and  experi- 
enced, to  have  charge  of  a  family  service  depart- 
ment in  multiple  service  Jewish  case  work  agency. 
Responsibilities  include  supervision  of  workers  and 
students,  administration  of  unit  and  community 
committee  work.  Salary  range  $2700  to  $3800 
8215  Survey. 

SOCIAL  WORKER,  Starr  Commonwealth  for  Boys. 
Albion,  Michigan.  Duties:  general  case  work- 
services  for  adolescent  !K>.VS,  also  administrative 
work.  Good  salary  and  maintenance,  excellent 
working  conditions.  State  age,  education,  experi- 
ence. Write  Floyd  Starr. 

NATIONAL  JEWISH  WOMEN'S  ORGANIZA- 
TION  with  educational  and  service  program  has 
opening  for  professional  staff  member  with  com- 
munity organization  background  to  service  local 
groups  throughout  the  country.  Some  travelling 
involved.  8221  Survey. 


CASE  WORKERS.  Two.  professionally  qualified. 
by  Jewish  Family  and  Children's  Agency  offering 
good  supervision  and  special  interest  assignments. 
Classifications  Case  Worker  I  and  Case  Worker 
n  provide  excellent  salary  range.  8210  Survey. 


BOYS'  WORKER  for  new  settlement  house  in  mid- 
dle west.  Good  salary  and  opportunity  for  ad- 
vancement. 8205  Survey. 


YOUNG  SOCIAL  WORKER,  trained,  interested 
in  executive  work  in  middle  western  family  and 
children's  agency.  Good  pay  and  interesting  job. 
8206  Survey. 


WANTED — Assistant  Executive  Secretary,  Council 
of  Social  Agencies,  Winnipeg,  Manitoba,  Canada. 
Apply  stating  age,  social  work  training  and  ex- 
perience. 


HEAD     CASEWORK     SUPERVISOR,     man     or 

woman,  professionally  trained  and  experienced  for 
ageticy  working  with  the  armed  forces,  ex-service- 
men, and  their  dependents.  Community  served 
has  population  of  185,000.  Salary  commensurate 
with  qualifications.  Give  full  details.  Applv  Home 
Service,  Springfield  Chapter,  American  Red  Cross. 
31  Elm  Street,  Springfield,  Mass. 


OCCUPATIONAL  THERAPIST  wanted  for  sana- 
torium, $2000  plus  complete  maintenance.  Un- 
usual opportunity.  Write  Deborah,  Box  98, 
Browns  Mills,  X.  T. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 


SOCIAL  WORKER — Male,  age  38 — considering 
change— M.S.S.W.  from  recognized  school  of  social 
work — member  of  A.A.S.W.  Ten  years'  experi- 
ence in  public  and  private  agencies.  Last  five 
years  in  Children's  agencies.  Some  supervisory 
experience.  Interested  in  agency  in  Eastern  part 
of  country  offering  opportunity  for  community 
organization.  8228  Survey. 


424 


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Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
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Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
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THE  NEW  YORK  SCHOOL 
OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Columbia  University 

The  curriculum  of  the  New  York  School  of  Social 
Work  consists  of  a  combination  of  courses,  research, 
and  field  work  in  both  private  and  tax-supported  social 
agencies.  The  normal  program  of  study  covers  six 
quarters  or  eighteen  months  and  leads  to  the  Master 
of  Science  degree. 

• 

A  sequence  of  courses  selected  from  the  regular  cur- 
riculum is  given  in  the  late  afternoon  and  evening  for 
practicing  social  workers. 


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THE  BUSINESS  SIDE  OF  THE  WORLD'S  OLDEST  BUSINESS 

A.  F.  Niemoeller's  survey  of  the  organization,  management,  and  earnings  of  prostitution 
from  antiquity  to  the  present. 

This  15,000-word  book  (5}4x8^  inches  in  size,  printed  in  readable  type)  considers  pros- 
titution as  a  mercantile  enterprise,  the  establishments  in  which  the  negotiations  take 
place,  their  systems  of  doing  business,  types  of  workers,  and  the  remunerations  accruing 
to  the  workers.  This  is  an  original  piece  of  research  unlike  anything  available  in  print 
today. 

Mr.  Niemoeller  makes  it  apparent  that  prostitution  is  as  much  a  business  as  any  other 
commercial  endeavor,  and  as  justly  so.  You  will  enjoy  this  examination  of  the  structure, 
operation,  and  rewards  of  this  greatest  and  oldest  of  human  enterprises. 

This  book  not  only  surveys  the  subject  with  historical  accuracy  and  presents  a  valuable 
array  of  data,  but  approaches  this  fascinatingly  human  theme  with  humor,  wit  and  charm. 
This  book  represents  literary  artistry  and  scientific  scholarship  at  their  best.  Our  author 
amuses  as  he  informs.  Get  ready  for  a  safe  and  sane  good  time. 

Copies  of  THE  BUSINESS  SIDE  OF  THE  WORLD'S  OLDEST  BUSINESS  are 
available  at  2Sc  each,  prepaid.  Send  orders  to:  E.  HALDEMAN-JULIUS,  Box  1829, 
GIRARD,  KANSAS. 


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NEW  HARPER  BOOKS 
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AMERICAN 
LABOR  UNIONS 

What  They  Are  and  How  They  Work 

By  Florence  Peterson  ' 

Director,  Industrial  Relations  Division,  Bureau  of  Labor 
Statistics,    U.   S.   Department   of  Labor 

Here  for  the  first  time  in  some  years  is  an  informing 
and  objective  introduction  to  what  A.  F.  of  L.,  C.I.O. 
and  many  other  initials  and  references  mean  in  terms 
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long-felt  need  for  a  popular  but  comprehensive  state- 
ment of  how  labor  organizations  operate  in  this  country. 
"...  A  veritable  mine  of  information  and  a  most  useful 
source  of  reference" — New  York  Herald  Tribune. 

S3. 00 

PRIVATE 
MONOPOLY 

The  Enemy  at  Home 

By  David  Lasser 

How  monopoly  at  home  and  abroad  presents  a  tremen- 
dous challenge  to  all  lovers  of  democracy  is  the  theme 
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known  and  potential  harmful  effects  .  .  .  the  coverage 
of  the  subject  is  excellent  and  was  made  possible  only 
by  careful  and  extensive  research." — CLINTON  S. 
GOLDEN,  Vice-Chairman,  War  Manpower  Commission. 

$3.00 


HUMAN 

LEADERSHIP 

IN  INDUSTRY 

The  Challenge  of  Tomorrow 

By  Sam  A.  Lewisohn 

President,   Miami   Copper   Company 


A  challenge,  a  warning  and  a  guide  to  executive  leaders 
to  assume  the  full  responsibility  which  is  theirs  for  im- 
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ican management  and  labor  ...  it  is  as  smooth  and 
interesting  reading  as  a  best  seller."- — ALVIN  E.  DODD, 
American  Management  Association.  $2.00 


DEMOCRACY 

against 
UNEMPLOYMENT 

An  Analysis  of  the  Major  Problem 
of  Post- War  Planning 

By  William  H.  Stead 


Full  employment  of  our  peacetime  manpower  is  America's 
zoal.  How  may  this  be  done?  What  are  the  obstacles? 
This  penetrating  and  constructive  analysis  of  the  entire 
problem  will  be  indispensable  to  every  agency  and  in- 
dividual directly  concerned.  The  author's  own  proposals, 
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of  whatever  program  is  adopted.  $3.00 


FOR  US 
THE  LIVING 

An  Approach  To  Civic  Education 

By  John  J.  Mahoney 


Professor    of    Education,    Boston    University;    Director, 
Harvard-Boston  University  Extension  Courses  for  Teachers 


Making  better  citizens  through  education  for  democratic 
responsibility  is  the  significant  problem  with  which  this 
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NOVEMBER    IQ45 


SURVEV 


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1C 


Amphibious  Medicine-Commander  Endre  K.  Brunner,  MC,  USNR 
[Endless  Frontiers-James  T.  Shotwell  •  Germany  Today-Paul  Hagen 
ook  Section:  Morality  in  the  Modern  Way-Harry  Hansen  and  others 


So  you'll 
be  safer 


Radar  will  make  travel 
safer.  General  Electric 
scientists  are  working 
along  these  lines.  Among  many 
other  G-E  developments  are  bet- 
ter street  lighting,  which  reduced 
night  traffic  accidents  in  one  city 
93  per  cent  in  ten  months... a 
tiny  gage  which  prevents  acci- 
dents to  workers  around  cranes 
—  a  new  hay-drying  system  that 
helps  prevent  farm  fires  caused 
by  storing  wet  hay. 

Working  on  developments  such 
as  these,  G-E  engineers  and  re- 
search scientists  are  helping  to 
make  life  safer  for  you.  General 
Electric  Co.,  Schenectady,  N.  Y. 


Radar  prevents  collision.  This  actual  photograph  taken  on  the  bridge 
of  the  "American  Mariner,"  U  S.  Maritime  Service  Training  Ship, 
shows  General  Electric's  new  peacetime  radar  Electronic  Navigator 
helping  plot  a  safe  course.  The  officer  is  looking  at  the  G-E  Navi- 
gator's radar  screen,  which  shows  him  the  position  of  the  ship  and  the 
objects  around  it.  On  ships  or  planes,  in  fog  or  darkness,  radar  will 
warn  pilots  of  unseen  hazards. 


2-Inch  doll  saves  lives.  Central  character  of  an 
ingenious  apparatus  to  test  street  lighting  is  a 
tiny  doll  that  represents  the  average  pedestrian 
as  seen  at  a  distance.  The  complicated  device 
measures  visibility  and  glare.  It  was  devised  by 
General  Electric  engineers  to  help  make  streets 
and  highways  safer  for  night  driving. 


Bug-eyed  auto  was  the  car  used  in  development  of  G-E  Sealed  Beam 
headlights  adopted  by  the  automobile  industry.  The  Sealed  Beam  head- 
lamps give  more  and  safer  light.  Tests  show  that  the  average  G-E  Sealed 
Beam  lamp  gives  99  per  cent  as  much  light  near  the  end  of  its  life 
as  it  did  when  brand  new.  About  45  lamps  of  Sealed  Beam  type  have 
been  developed  by  General  Electric  for  the  Army  and  Navy. 


The  best  investment  in  the  world  is  in  your  country's  future. 
KEEP    ALL    BONDS    YOU    BUY 


GENERAL  m  ELECTRIC 


B52   63B   211 


Nationalism 
and  After 

By 

Edward  Hallett  Garr 

International  organization,  says 
Professor  Carr,  must  have  "a 
higher  ideal  than  orderly  stagna- 
tion." In  this  timely  and  stimulat- 
ing book  he  analyzes  the  develop- 
ment of  nationalism  in  the  past,  de- 
scribes its  crisis  at  present,  and  dis- 
cusses the  possibility  of  a  workable 
internationalism  for  the  future, 
based  not  on  the  security  of  nations 
but  on  the  welfare  of  individuals. 
Professor  Carr  is  the  author  of  the 
widely  discussed  Conditions  of 
Peace.  $1.25 


Science 

and  the 

Planned  State 

By 

John  R.  Baker 

Believing  that  central  planning 
would  gravely  damage  science,  Dr. 
Baker  has  written  a  readable  and 
outspoken  book  on  the  rights  and 
duties  of  scientists  and  their  need 
for  freedom  in  the  modern  state.  It 
will  stir  up  controversy  among  peo- 
ple concerned  with  the  effect  of 
planning  in  any  field  of  human  ac- 
tivity; for  persons  interested  in 
science  it  is  imperative  reading. 

$1.75 

• 

At  all  booksellers 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 


ATOMIC  ENERGY 

in  WAR 
and  PEACE 


By  GESSNER  G.  HAWLEY, 

Chief  Technical  Editor,  Reinhold  Publishing  Corp. 

and  SIGMUND  W.  LEIFSON, 

Professor  of  Physics,  University  of  Nevada 

Here  is  the  step-by-step  story  of  the  discovery  and 
understanding  of  atomic  energy,  the  conditions  of  its 
release,  and  its  harnessing  in  war  and  peace. 

Mr.  Hawley  informs  and  teaches,  but  does  it  in  so 
interesting  and  amiable  a  manner  that  the  intelligent 
reader  is  enlightened  and  inspired.  Professor  Leifson 
is  an  authority  on  (h^  structure  of  matter,  and  studied 
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Statue  by  Max  Kalish 


VANNEVAR  BUSH 

Director  of  the  Office  of  Scientific  Research  and  Development 
"The  frontier  of  science  remains." 


S  U  RVEV 


PHIC 


Our  "Endless  Frontier" 

First  came  the  scientific  path-breakers  in  the  era  of  atomic  energy.  Now  come  the 
settlers  to  work  out  civilian  law  and  order  in  the  "control  of  its  controllers." 


ABOUT   A    MONTH    BEFORE   THE   ATOMIC    BOMB 

broke  into  the  routine  of  the  centuries,  a 
great  state  paper  dealing  with  the  place  of 
science  in  our  national  life  was  presented 
to  the  President  by  Dr.  Vannevar  Bush,  di- 
rector of  the  Office  of  Scientific  Research 
and  Development.  It  bore  the  arresting  title, 
"Science,  The  Endless  Frontier";  and  its 
challenge  was  stated  in  terms  of  American 
history  as  well  as  of  the  outlook  on  the 
future: 

"It  has  been  basic  U.  S.  policy  that  gov- 
ernment should  foster  the  opening  of  new 
frontiers.  It  opened  the  seas  to  clipper  ships 
and  furnished  land  for  pioneers.  Although 
these  frontiers  have  more  or  less  dis- 
appeared, the  frontier  of  science  remains. 
It  is  in  keeping  with  the  American  tradition 
— one  which  has  made  the  U.  S.  great — 
that  new  frontiers  shall  be  made  accessible 
for  development  by  all  American  citizens." 

The  report  then  went  on  to  describe  the 
forward  movement  of  science,  beginning 
with  the  fi^d  of  public  health.  It  pointed 
to  the  lessening  of  the  rate  of  mortality  in 
peace  as  well  as  in  war  by  the  series  of 
great  discoveries  in  the  treatment  of  disease. 
This  short  but  startling  outline  culminated 
in  a  list  of  recent  achievements  with  a  final 
remark  of  great  significance:  "It  is  fair  to 
say  that  without  the  Office  of  Scientific  Re- 
search and  Development  or  its  equivalent, 
few  or  none  of  the  investigations  listed 
above  could  have  been  carried  out  with  the 
same  speed  and  thoroughness." 

The  conclusion  was  that  in  the  field  of 
science  there  is  need  of  both  national  finan- 
cial support  and  of  a  research  board  estab- 
lished not  for  war  emergency  but  for  public 
welfare  as  well  as  for  national  defense. 

In  making  this  proposal  for  national  gov- 
ernmental support  for  scientific  research, 
the  report  warned  against  any  plan  which 
would  result  in  a  loss  or  lessening  of  private 
initiative  and  freedom  of  thought.  No  bu- 
reaucratic control,  however  efficient,  can 
produce  an  Einstein,  but  properly  organized 
government  support  may  make  the  career 
of  future  Einsteins  possible. 

At  the  time  of  its  publication  this  report 


JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL 


BRIDGES  TO  THE  FUTURE 

— Eighth  in  Professor  Shotwell's  notable 
series  of  articles  for  Survey  Graphic, 
When  the  first  of  these  appeared  in  the 
February  issue,  we  invited  readers  to 
follow,  through  the  eyes  of  the  chairman 
of  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organi- 
zation of  Peace,  the  "developments  in 
the  tough  process  of  fabricating  a  new 
world."  Since  then  that  new  world  has 
become  a  new  era. 

Last  month  Professor  Shotwell  dis- 
cussed the  United  Nations  Charter — and 
control  of  atomic  energy.  In  this  thought- 
ful and  challenging  article  he  brings  his 
point  of  view  as  a  historian  to  bear  upon 
the  greatest  problem  of  today:  What 
can  thinking  people  do  to  harness  this 
mighty  new  power  for  the  good,  instead 
of  the  destruction,  of  mankind? 


did  not  attract  anything  like  the  attention 
which  it  deserved.  Although  there  was  a 
certain  amount  of  discussion  in  papers  like 
The  New  Yor^  Times  and  some  weeklies, 
it  was  soon  submerged  in  the  great  news  of 
the  atomic  bomb  which,  as  everyone  now 
knows,  had  been  prepared  under  the  di- 
rection of  this  Office  of  Scientific  Research 
and  Development  that  reported  to  the  na- 
tion, not  on  its  secret  activities,  but  on  the 
need  for  future  national  policies  in  the  fur- 
therance of  scientific  research. 

Recently  hearings  on  this  subject  before 
subcommittees  of  the  Senate  have  been 
widely  commented  upon  and  there  has 
been  universal  backing  of  the  idea  of  na- 
tional support  for  scientific  research.  The 
relation  of  the  government  to  the  research 
itself  has  brought  a  certain  amount  of  dis- 
agreement. The  only  serious  question  is 
how  to  ensure  the  fullest  amount  of  free- 
dom. 

Although  the  more  immediate  problem 
of  the  control  of  atomic  energy  still  must 
remain  in  the  foreground,  it  would  be  a 
sad  commentary  upon  our  national  intelli- 


gence if  we  should  fail  to  act  upon  the 
recommendation  of  this  most  highly  com- 
petent group  of  scientists  to  create  the 
necessary  agency  for  extending  the  frontiers 
of  our  knowledge  and  with  it  our  control 
over  the  conditions  of  life  here  and  every- 
where. 

The  greatest  of  all  democracies  is  that  of 
free  intelligence.  In  this  hour  scientific  men 
are  themselves  ready  to  assume  the  leader- 
ship. The  program  now  seems  like  a  dar- 
ing one,  but  before  long  it  will  be  a  com- 
monplace in  every  civilized  community. 

Only  Half  a  Program 

The  proposals  in  Dr.  Bush's  report  covet 
a  vast  field,  nothing  less  than  the  whole 
range  of  the  physical  sciences.  But  as  the 
frontiersmen  move  forward  in  the  conquest 
of  the  material  world,  they  create  wholly 
new  problems  for  the  people  who  have  to 
adjust  themselves  to  an  ever-increasing  ratio 
of  discovery.  The  old  routine  breaks  down 
when  the  forces  with  which  it  deals  are 
the  discoveries  of  only  yesterday. 

Therefore,  behind  these  frontiersmen 
come  the  settlers  who  have  to  work  out  law 
and  order  under  conditions  which  are  not 
only  new  but  forever  changing.  Unless  they 
succeed  in  this  difficult  task  of  establishing 
peace  and  justice  in  a  dynamic  world,  the 
discoveries  of  science  will  merely  put  more 
powerful  weapons  in  the  hands  of  anarchs 
and  oppressors.  The  whole  enterprise  of 
human  intelligence  would  then  break 
down.  The  conclusion  is  that  science  can- 
not be  left  to  itself  but  must  be  harnessed 
by  intelligence  for  the  welfare  of  society. 

This  is  the  other  half  of  the  program 
made  necessary  by  the  success  of  the  scien- 
tific revolution  already  in  mid-career.  The 
political  and  social  sciences  cannot  be  left 
out  of  the  reckoning.  The  physical  scientists 
themselves  have  suddenly  awakened  to  the 
fact  that  unless  mankind  can  be  made  more 
civilized,  the  advancement  of  knowledge 
will  be  an  advancement  towards  destruc- 
tion. Here  is  a  relatively  new  concern  of 
the  physical  scientists  for,  apart  from  their 
great  leaders,  they  have  upon  the  whole  re- 


429 


mained  indifferent  to  the  political  sciences, 
tending  to  look  down  upon  them  as  not 
capable  of  working  out  "laws  of  nature" 
by  mathematical  processes.  Now  this  is 
changed  and  the  atomic  bomb  will  make  it 
forever  impossible  to  go  back  to  the  former 
attitude  toward  economists,  historians,  and 
the  like. 

But  the  political  and  social  sciences,  too, 
must  change  their  method  and  outlook. 
Theirs  is  the  other  half  of  the  problem  of 
adaptation  to  the  world  of  tomorrow.  The 
social  sciences  must  be  transformed  from 
repositories  of  ancient  prejudice  and  careless 
methods  of  thinking  into  a  cooperative  en- 
terprise aware  of  the  need  of  adjusting  so- 
ciety to  a  never-changing  world. 

This  does  not  mean  that  the  political  and 
social  sciences  can  ever  take  on  the  methods 
of  the  physical  sciences.  The  forces  that 
release  human  energy,  unlike  those  which 
unlock  the  atom,  cannot  be  isolated  by  any 
scientific  device,  but  the  conditions  under 
which  that  energy  works  can  be  studied 
and  known. 

Facts  of  Life  and  History 

Just  as  the  control  of  the  atom  began 
with  the  exploration  of  it,  the  rational  con- 
trol of  human  affairs  begins  with  the  analy- 
sis and  understanding  of  the  oldest  and 
strongest  elements  in  man.  The  nuclei  of 
human  society  also  have  their  atomic  forces, 
repelling  attack  by  cohesive  energy.  This 
is  not  a  mere  figure  of  speech;  it  is  a  trans- 
lation into  the  language  of  science  of  the 
oldest  facts  of  history  and,  indeed,  of  life 
itself. 

As  life  is  psychic,  it  reacts  to  possible  at- 
tacks upon  it  by  the  apprehension  of  dan- 
ger. We  see  this  in  the  fundamental  re- 
action of  the  nervous  system,  beginning 
even  before  thought  itself — for  the  tingle  of 
the  nerves  is  what  links  the  squirm  of 
sensitized  protoplasm  with  the  final  de- 
velopment of  intelligence. 

In  the  course  of  evolution,  the  sense  of 


danger  grew  with  the  development  of  the 
nervous  system,  culminating  in  conscious- 
ness; and  therefore  defense  against  danger 
developed  at  equal  pace.  One  had  to  know 
what  to  do  when  it  threatened,  and  that 
meant  falling  back  upon  those  who  were 
especially  skilled  in  meeting  both  the  dan- 
gers of  the  unknown  and  those  of  the 
known  world.  Here,  in  a  nutshell,  we  have 
the  explanation  for  the  way  in  which  early 
society  was  dominated  by  priests  and  sol- 
diers. But  the  superstition  and  militarism 
that  resulted  were  both  embodiments,  in 
other  forms,  of  the  very  dangers  against 
which  men  sought  protection. 

If  this  were  a  correct  summing  up  of  the 
processes  of  history,  there  would  be  little 
hope  that  anything  could  be  done  about  it. 
However,  if  we  look  at  superstition  and 
militarism,  one  at  a  time,  the  situation  is 
by  no  means  so  discouraging. 

We  have  found  the  way  to  enlarge  the 
sphere  of  secular  life  without  denying  the 
validity  of  religion,  but  leaving  it  as  an 
affair  of  the  individual.  Priestly  control  over 
the  structure  of  society  has  been  lessened  or 
eliminated  with  the  growth  of  civilization, 
a  word  which  in  itself  bears  witness  to  the 
triumph  of  intelligence  by  the  homely 
process  of  taking  over  the  affairs  of  daily 
life  from  the  realm  of  the  taboo  to  that  of 
commonplace  dealings,  man  to  man. 

It  is  true,  of  course,  that  those  social 
forces  which  originated  in  the  taboo  retain 
a  continuing  influence,  lasting  on,  even  out- 
side of  religion,  in  a  reservoir  of  prejudices 
which  most  people  do  not  even  want  to 
overcome.  Whatever  claims  these  may  have 
upon  us,  however,  they  are  not  the  reaction 
to  reasoned  thought,  but  the  impulsive — or 
shall  we  say  instinctive — reactions  which 
are  inherited  from  an  immemorial  past. 

In  other  words,  the  stuff  of  which  man- 
kind is  made  is  far  more  difficult  to  crack 
than  uranium  or  any  other  element  of  the 
physical  world.  Most  of  life  is  governed  by 
habit,  and  habit  is  mostly  unrational,  being 


"Well—?" 


Fitzpatrick   in  the  St.   Louis  Post-Dispatch 


subconscious.  Nevertheless,  we  have  estab- 
lished social  control  in  the  field  of  religion 
by  putting  it  on  a  personal  basis. 

When  we  turn,  however,  from  this  brief 
survey  of  man's  relations  with  the  super- 
natural to  the  other  major  danger  in  primi- 
tive society,  war,  we  find  the  history  of 
militarism  almost  the  exact  opposite  of  that 
which  we  have  been  tracing.  Although  mili- 
tary affairs  do  not  now  dominate  as  largely 
as  in  primitive  life,  the  state  no  longer 
leaves  them  in  private  hands,  as  was  the 
case  in  feudalism,  but  takes  full  control  as 
a  necessary  part  of  politics. 

For  a  while,  especially  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  it  seemed  as  though  this  control 
of  the  state  was  working  toward  a  localiza- 
tion of  war  within  the  soldier  class,  and 
that  thus  war  itself  might  be  narrowed 
down  to  a  vanishing  point.  But,  with 
science  bringing  total  war,  and  especially 
with  the  advent  of  atomic  power,  war  and 
its  technicians  have  undone  the  processes  of 
the  slow  pacification  of  the  state,  and  we 
are  face  to  face  with  greater  danger  than 
ever  confronted  any  savage  tribe.  While 
superstition  gives  way  to  the  recognition  of 
beneficent  spiritual  forces,  militarism  has 
become  the  one  greatest  enemy  of  mankind. 

Turning  now  to  this  central  problem  of 
the  control  ot  militarism,  we  can  see  that  a 
revolutionary  change  is  called  for.  Nothing 
short  of  a  clitriactic  close  to  its  climactic 
triumph  will  do.  For  it  is  no  longer  pos- 
sible for  the  military  class  to  provide  se- 
curity for  any  nation  in  the  age  of  atomic 
energy.  The  full  significance  of  this  simple 
fact  does  not  seem  to  have  been  tully 
grasped.  Let  me  put  it  simply: 

The  General  Staff  is  no  longer  master  of 
the  art  and  science  of  warfare.  The  soldier 
must  turn  to  the  scientist  to  ask  what  he 
should  do  and  how. 

The  scientist,  on  the  other  hand,  has 
paid  little  attention  up  to  now  to  the  polit- 
ical aspects  of  this  problem,  and  for  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  science  is  calling 
upon  his  colleagues  in  the  social  and  po- 
litical sciences  for  cooperation  and  advice. 

But  neither  the  physical  nor  the  political 
scientist  feels  capable  of  dealing  with  the 
practical  problems  of  government  that 
emerge.  These  must  be  solved  by  experi- 
enced statesmen,  who  know  what  problems 
of  administration  are  involved  and  the  pace 
at  which  reforms  can  move  without  result- 
ing in  confusion. 

Mobilization  of  Intelligence 

We  must,  therefore,  have  a  mobilization 
of  knowledge,  first  within  each  nation,  then 
through  international  cooperation,  because 
the  problem  cannot  be  solved  by  any  one 
expert  or  any  one  country  alone.  The  call  is 
for  something  more  than  technical  skill  and 
experience  in  politics.  The  statesmanship 
of  today  cannot  do  less  for  the  creation  of 
a  world  community  than  did  Cleisthenes 
and  Servius  Tullius,  those  great  pioneers  in 
politics,  when  they  made  over  Athens  and 
Rome  from  primitive  tribalism  to  secular 
states. 

But  after  all,  although  the  task  before  us 
is  infinitely  more  difficult  than  any  other  in 
the  history  of  politics,  we  have  not  only 


430 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


greater  experience  to  go  upon,  but  a  greater 
urgency  for  carrying  out  this  major  advance 
in  the  relations  among  nations.  Let  no  one 
say  that  the  task  lies  beyond  the  wit  of 
man,  for  the  alternative  is,  if  not  the  de- 
struction of  civilization,  its  complete  de- 
naturing by  the  growth  of  a  new  and  all- 
enveloping  fear. 

The  call  for  mobilization  of  intelligence 
upon  this  problem  came  first  of  all  from 
those  scientists  who  made  the  atomic  bomb, 
a  group  without  parallel  in  the  history  of 
science — a  galaxy  of  genius  concentrating 
upon  a  single  great  creative  act.  From  first 
to  last  these  men  have  shown  a  vital  inter- 
est in  the  consequences  of  their  mastery  of 
power  and,  with  it,  a  growing  concern  as 
to  who  should  control  the  controllers  of 
atomic  energy.  From  their  point  of  view, 
that  is  not  a  secondary  matter,  but  part  of 
a  joint  enterprise  to  which  they  urge  the 
cooperation  of  governments,  universities, 
and  foundations  for  research,  as  well  as 
leaders  in  the  fields  of  thought  and  action. 
There  is  hardly  a  pronouncement  from  any 
authoritative  scientific  source  which  does 
not  emphasize  the  need  of  thus  extending 
the  cooperation  which  conquered  the  atom 
into  one  for  safeguarding  the  use  of  it. 

Test  of  Civilization 

Nowhere  has  this  felt  need  been  more 
clearly  expressed  than  in  the  concluding 
paragraphs  of  the  volume,  "Atomic  Energy 
for  Military  Purposes,"  by  Professor  Henry 
D.  Smyth  of  Princeton,  which  bears  the 
subtitle,  "The  Final  Report  on  the  Develop- 
ment of  the  Atomic  Bomb  under  the 
Auspices  of  the  United  States  Government, 
1940-1945."  The  passage  in  question  reads 
as  follows: 

"We  find  ourselves  with  an  e.;piosi\e 
which  is  far  from  completely  perfected.  Y-t 
the  future  possibilities  of  such  explosives 
are  appalling,  and  their  effects  on  future 
wars  and  international  affairs  are  of  funda- 
mental importance.  Here  is  a  new  tool  for 
mankind,  a  tool  of  unimaginable  destruc- 
tive power.  Its  development  raises  many 
questions  that  must  be  answered  in  the 
near  future. 

"Because  of  the  restrictions  of  military 
security  there  has  been  no  chance  for  the 
Congress  or  the  people  to  debate  such  ques- 
tions. They  have  been  seriously  considered 
by  all  concerned  and  vigorously  debated 
among  the  scientists,  and  the  conclusions 
reached  have  been  passed  along  to  the  high- 
est authorities.  These  questions  are  not 
technical  questions;  they  are  political  and 
social  questions,  and  the  answers  given  to 
them  may  affect  all  mankind  jor  genera- 
tions." [Italics  mine.] 

Although,  as  Dr.  Smyth  warns,  "there  is 
no  immediate  prospect  of  running  cars  with 
nuclear  power  or  lighting  houses  with 
radioactive  lamps,"  there  will  be  more 
plentiful  supplies  of  nuclear  power  within 
the  next  ten  years.  "The  energy  released  in 
uranium  fission  corresponds  to  a  utilization 
of  only  about  one  tenth  of  one  percent  of 
the  mass.  Should  a  scheme  be  devised  for 
converting  energy,  even  as  much  as  a  few 
percent  of  some  common  material,  civiliza- 
tion would  have  the  means  to  commit  sui- 


cide at  will"  or  to  develop  "nuclear  energy 
for  power  and  radioactive  by-products  for 
scientific,  medical,  and  industrial  purposes." 

Here,  in  brief,  we  have  the  horns  of  our 
problem: 

On  the  one  hand,  the  means  to  commit 
suicide  at  will. 

On  the  ot,her  hand,  a  long-distant  pros- 
pect of  a  society  which  makes  that  of  today 
look  antique. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the 
problem  can  and  will  be  solved,  if  the  pro- 
gram of  the  scientists  is  carried  out  and 
there  is  a  mobilization  of  intelligence  upon 
the  problems  of  peace  like  that  which  pro- 
duced the  atomic  bomb  for  purposes  of  war. 

The  fact  that  Germany  was  also  prepar- 
ing to  make  atomic  bombs  forced  the 
"Manhattan  Project"  to  become  almost 
overnight  the  greatest  national  adventure 
in  our  history.  Now  there  is  an  equal 
urgency  to  deal  with  this  second  half  of 
the  enterprise — the  control  of  the  control- 
lers of  energy.  Right  there  is  the  supreme 
test  of  whether  we  are  civilized  or  not. 

The  Government  Program 

One  of  the  incidental  effects  of  the  atomic 
bomb  was  the  exhaustion  of  superlatives  in 
the  description  of  it.  This  was  true  to  such 
an  extent  that  in  the  accounts  of  the  best 
observers,  such  as  William  L.  Lawrence, 
staff  member  of  The  New  Yort(  Times,  one 
has  almost  the  impression  of  a  groping  for 
language  in  a  fourth  dimension,  the  old 
habits  of  thought  not  being  sufficient  for  so 
revolutionary  a  fact  as  this  conquest  of  the 
basic  elements  of  the  'universe.  But  in  all 
the  comment  elicited  by  this  epochal  event, 
there  is  nolhing  more  thought-compelling 
than  President  Truman's  special  message  to 
Congress,  on  October  3.  Take  a  passage 
like  this: 

"It  [this  discovery]  may  some  day  prove 
to  be  more  revolutionary  in  the  develop- 
ment of  human  society  than  the  invention 
of  the  wheel,  the  use  of  metals,  or  the 
steam  or  internal  combustion  engine. 

"Never  in  history  has  society  been  con- 
fronted with  a  power  so  full  of  potential 
danger  and  at  the  same  time  so  full  of 
promise  for  the  future  of  man  and  for  the 
peace  of  the  world.  I  think  I  express  the 
faith  of  the  American  people  when  I  say 
that  we  can  use  the  knowledge  we  have 
won,  not  for  devastation  of  war,  but  for  the 
future  welfare  of  humanity. 

"To  accomplish  that  objective  we  must 
proceed  along  two  fronts — the  domestic  and 
the  international." 

The  President  then  called  for  the  creation 
of  an  "atomic  energy  commission,  with 
members  appointed  by.  the  President  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,"  to 
deal  with  all  questions  of  domestic  jurisdic- 
tion. In  the  international  field,  where  the 
responsibility  rests  with  the  Executive,  the 
President  will  initiate  discussions,  first  with 
our  associates  in  this  discovery,  Great  Bri- 
tain and  Canada,  and  then  with  other  na- 
tions, in  an  effort  to  effect  agreement  on 
the  conditions  under  which  cooperation 
might  replace  rivalry  in  the  field  of  atomic- 
power.  It  is  indicated,  although  not  ex- 
pressly so  stated,  that  these  discussions  of 


the  international  problem  are  but  prelimi- 
nary to  action  by  the  United  Nations  Or- 
ganization when  that  "is  functioning  and 
in  a  position  adequately  to  deal  with  it." 

Here  is  a  clearcut  program  of  govern- 
ment action.  Both  in  domestic  and  foreign 
affairs,  atomic  energy  becomes  a  national 
possession,  most  jealously  guarded  and  con- 
trolled. In  domestic  affairs,  the  Interim 
Committee  of  Scientists,  which  —  it  may 
be  surmised  —  had  a  hand  in  the  formula- 
tion of  the  program,  will  presumably  give 
way  to  a  permanent  commission,  because 
it  would  hardly  be  in  line  with  President 
Truman's  idea  of  efficient  administration 
to  have  two  bodies  of  substantially  the 
same  nature,  the  one  advising  Congress 
and  the  other  the  President.  Just  what  per- 
manent advisory  body  the  Executive  may 
require  in  dealing  with  the  international 
problem  is  not  yet  clear. 
•  Apparently  the  revolutionary  force  of 
atomic  energy  is  reaching  into  the  very 
structure  of  our  constitutional  arrange- 
ments for  getting  things  done  by  govern- 
ment. Senator  Arthur  H.  Vandenberg  was 
first  to  lay  his  finger  upon  this  point  when, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  discussion,  he  pro- 
posed that  there  be  a  joint  commission 
appointed  by  both  houses  of  Congress  to 
deal  with  the  atomic  energy  problem.  Sena- 
tor Alben  W.  Barkley,  however,  at  once 
pointed  out  that  such  an  ad  hoc  committee 
could  only  offer  advice  and  recommenda- 
tion, and  that  concrete  proposals  for  legis-# 
huion  would  have  to  come  through  the 
regular  committees  of  Congress,  none  of 
which  covers  the  wide  scope  of  legislation 
which  might  be  necessary  for  domestic- con- 
trol. 

Fortunately,  this  complication  does  not 
exist  in  the  Executive  division  of  the  gov- 
ernment because  all  offices  working  under 
the  President  are,  in  the  nature  of  the  case, 
merely  advisory,  the  ultimate  responsibility 
resting  with  the  President  himself.  This, 
at  least,  is  the  theory  of  the  Constitution, 
although  sometimes  the  departmentalizing 
of  the  Executive  branch  gives  a  different 
impression. 

The  commission  which  the  President  re- 
commended that  Congress  set  up  is  to  have 
supervision  and  control  of  all  existing  or 
future  sources  of  atomic  energy  and  all 
plants  for  its  development.  It  is  to  con- 
duct research  "for  military,  industrial, 
scientific  or  medical  purposes,"  using  exist- 
ing private  and  public  institutions  to  the 
full.  It  should  pursue  a  policy  of  wide- 
spread distribution  of  peacetime  products 
on  equitable  terms  which  will  prevent 
monopoly.  Finally,  it  should  establish 
security  regulations,  with  suitable  penalties 
for  their  violation. 

The  Problem  Is  International 

The  President's  recommendation  of  a 
commission  with  such  wide  powers  of 
supervision  and  control  seems  at  first  sight 
to  be  quite  in  line  with  the  operation  of 
the  federal  government  through  bodies 
like  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission 
or  the  Tariff  Commission,  while  not  exact- 
ly paralleling  the  constitution  of  any  previ- 
(Continued  on  page  463) 


NOVEMBER     1945 


431; 


A  National  Personnel  Department 

Why   is   a   sound   public   employment   service   essential   to  full   employment?   How 
can  we  get  the  kind  of  service  we  need?     Timely   questions   posed   and   answered. 

JOHN  J.  CORSON 


CONJURE  UP  TWO  EVENTUALITIES  OF  THE 
next  decade.  First,  a  half-million  cotton 
pickers  are  forced  off  southern  farms.  A 
cotton-picker,  in  every  way  the  equal  of 
human  hands,  at  last  has  been  produced  at 
a  price  within  the  reach  of  even  the  "forty 
acre  and  a  mule  farmer." 

Second,  a  million  oil  field  and  refinery 
workers  in  the  Southwest  lose  their  jobs. 
The  place  of  the  gas  engine  will  have  been 
taken  by  atomic  energy  harnessed  to  auto- 
mobiles, buses,  and  trucks. 

Then  consider  the  debates  in  Congress 
this  fall  on  maintaining  full  employment. 
These  debates  dwelt  on  the  national  job 
budget,  on  public  spending,  on  the  nature 
of  the  "right"  to  a  job,  and  on  the  preserva- 
tion of  private  enterprise.  How  are  these 
considerations  related  to  the  pragmatic  task 
of  reemploying  displaced  cotton  pickers  and 
oil  workers? 

The  Status  of  the  USES 

Before  answering  this  question,  consider 
another  apparently  unrelated  issue  —  the 
future  of  the  U.  S.  Employment  Service. 
On  September  8,  President  Truman  asked 
Congress  to  continue  the  employment  serv- 
ice as  a  national  system  operated  by  the 
federal  government  during  the  reconver- 
sion period.  Ultimately,  he  said,  it  should 
be  returned  to  the  states  from  which  it 
was  "borrowed"  at  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  but  now  it  was  needed  to  speed 
the  human  aspects  of  reconversion. 

Shortly  thereafter,  the  President  liqui- 
dated the  War  Manpower  Commission  and 
transferred  the  USES  to  the  Labor  Depart- 
ment. Hardly  had  this  been  done  before 
the  Senate  tacked  an  amendment  to  pend- 
ing legislation  ordering  the  return  of  the 
employment  offices  to  the  state  govern- 
ments. As  this  is  written  another  amend- 
ment has  been  tacked  on  a  current  appro- 
priations bill  directing  the  return  of  the 
employment  offices  to  the  states  within 
thirty  days. 

For  many  workers  the  employment  office 
is  a  symbol  of  jobs  —  or  the  lack  of  them. 
When  the  wage  earner  reads  of  full  em- 
ployment he  relates  the  employment  office 
to  the  idea  that  his  government  will  see 
that  there  are  jobs  for  all. 

Take  Joe  Brown's  wife.  She  has  seen 
Joe  stand  in  line  at  the  employment  office 
when  he  was  laid  off  annually  as  the  plant 
changed  models.  Her  father  spent  his  last 
years  on  the  shelf  —  because  mechanical 
equipment  had  superseded  human  glass- 
blowers.  Mamie  Brown  lived  through  the 
Thirties  and  saw  many  business  firms  close 
which  employed  her  neighbors.  If  the  gov- 
ernment enacts  a  bill  providing  for  "full 
employment"  she  assumes  that  somehow 
or  other  the  distressingly  long  lines  at  the 


— By  an  authority  on  employment 
problems,  former  director  of  the  Bureau 
of  Employment  Security,  who  in  the 
early  days  of  mobilization  for  war, 
served  as  head  of  the  U.S.  Employment 
Service. 

Mr.  Corson  is  now  director  of  research 
for  The  Washington  Post. 


employment  offices  will  soon  be  forgotten. 

Others  translate  Mrs.  Brown's  hopes  into 
the  assumption  that  full  employment  means 
at  least  that  only  one  of  every  twenty 
workers  will  be  unemployed  rather  than 
as  in  the  past  one  of  every  seven  or  eight. 
That  is,  in  the  "full  employment  age"  the 
total  number  of  unemployed  would  be  kept 
down  to  a  maximum  of,  say,  3,000,000  or 
less.  And  how? 

The  proposed  "Full  Employment  Act  of 
1945"  simply  provides  that  the  President 
shall  prepare  an  annual  job  budget  and 
shall  present  this  to  Congress  with  a  gen- 
eral program  as  to  what  action  is  needed 
to  insure  that  this  budget  be  balanced. 
Meaning  that  there  will  be  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  jobs  to  employ  the  number  of  work- 
ers that  are  looking  for  jobs.  The  bill  does 
not  spell  out  how  to  accomplish  this  end. 
It  provides  a  framework  —  an  approach  — 
with  examples  of  points  of  attack.  And 
from  the  testimony  of  numerous  witnesses 
before  the  Senate  committee  the  program 
can  be  compounded.  [See  "Reconversion  Is 
Not  Enough,"  by  William  Haber,  October 
Survey  Graphic.] 

Full  Employment  Proposals 

First,  the  bill  itself  prescribes  a  sufficient 
volume  of  investment  and  expenditure  by 
consumers,  business  and,  if  need  be,  gov- 
ernment each  year  to  assure  a  market  for 
"a  full  employment  volume  of  production." 

Some  authorities,  notably  Beardsley 
Ruml,  prescribe  these  additional  ingredi- 
ents, several  of  them  related  to  provisions 
of  the  bill  itself:  Reform  in  social  security 
financing;  stabilization  of  the  construction 
industry  through  a  regular  federal  policy 
in  public  works  and  conservation;  a  revised 
federal  tax  program  that  will  balance  the 
budget  at  high  employment;  a  federal  lend- 
ing program,  at  home  and  abroad,  har- 
monized with  federal  fiscal  policy;  main- 
tenance of  a  prosperous  agriculture. 

Two  other  ingredients  were  prescribed 
for  Britain  by  that  arch  planner,  Sir  Wil- 
liam Beveridge:  The  movement  of  capital 
to  where  there  is  labor;  and  the  movement 
of  labor  to  where  there  are  plants  and  jobs. 

Certain  opponents  of  the  Full  Employ- 
ment bill  have  criticized  it  as  simply  a 
"make  work"  or  "easy  money"  bill  in  line 
with  the  Keynes-Hansen  school  of  economic 


thinking.  To  listen  to  these  theorists  one 
might  conclude  that  it  would  be  possible 
to  put  out  the  fires  of  unemployment  by 
directing  a  flow  of  water  on  the  roof  of  the 
national  economy  in  sufficient  volume  and 
long  enough  for  it  to  seep  through  the 
entire  house.  But  playing  water,  even  a 
lot  of  water,  on  the  roof  is  not  enough. 

The  bill  itself  does  not  rely  upon  public 
spending  alone  to  generate  employment. 
It  suggests  national  policies  affecting  wages, 
foreign  trade,  agriculture,  taxation,  cur- 
rency, monopoly  and  competition,  social 
security,  and  the  development  of  natural 
resources  to  encourage  business  enterprise 
on  the  one  hand  and  consumers'  expendi- 
tures on  the  other,  and  hence,  to  stimulate 
private  employment.  Public  spending  is  to 
be  resorted  to  only  after  all  other  steps 
have  been  taken  to  encourage  this. 

Organizing  the  Labor  Market 

As  I  see  it,  if  we  are  to  keep  the  pool  of 
unemployed  at  less  than  3,000,000  it  will 
require  more  than  a  climate  suitable  for 
private  enterprise  and  the  will  to  spend 
public  funds.  It  will  require,  also,  deliber- 
ate, planned  efforts  to  develop  the  economy 
of  backward  areas.  Even  more,  it  will 
require  an  aggressive  system  of  employ- 
ment offices  to  bring  workers  and  work 
together,  with  a  minimum  of  time  between 
jebs.  It  must  become  a  national  "personnel 
department,"  charged  with  seeing  to  it  that 
workers  not  needed  in  one  plant  or  region 
are  employed — for  we  are  to  assume  suffi- 
cient jobs — where  they  are  required. 

Clearly  private  enterprise  will  and  must 
be  even  more  dynamic  in  the  "full  em- 
ployment age"  than  now.  Some  firms  will 
grow  and  expand;  others  will  wither,  de- 
cline, or  fail.  New  inventions,  new  prod- 
ucts, will  give  rise  to  new  plants  which 
will  make  older  plants  obsolescent.  Some 
businesses  will  employ  many  in  certain 
seasons  and  few  in  others.  Even  towns, 
cities  and  whole  regions  will  decay,  while 
others  flourish.  To  aid  expanding  em- 
ployers and  to  man  a  thriving  national 
economy,  and  at  the  same  time  to  help 
the  worker  who  is  caught  in  the  "float"  of 
unemployment  arising  from  these  dynamic 
developments,  such  a  national  "personnel 
department"  should: 

1.  Keep  continuous  files  on  job  oppor- 
tunities, and  serve  as  a  clearing  house  on 
employment    throughout    the    length    and 
breadth  of  the  country; 

2.  Set  up  machinery  insuring  each  work- 
er the  offer  of  any   job  for  which  he  is 
qualified  no  matter  where  it  is,  each  em- 
ployer   the    choice    of    the    best    qualified 
workers  throughout  the  country; 

(Continued  on  page  460) 


432 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


New  Boundaries  of  Collective  Bargaining 

How  labor  unions  in  wartime  invaded  domains  traditionally  looked  upon  as  manage- 
ment's own.  What  light  this  throws  on  strikes  today,  on  industrial  relations  tomorrow. 


REPRESENTATIVES  OF  MANAGEMENT  AND  OF 
labor  will  meet  together  in  Washington  on 
November  5  at  President  Truman's  call,  to 
work  out  procedures  for  the  orderly  han- 
dling of  industrial  relations  during  recon- 
version. Officials  o£  many  employer  organi- 
zations are  frankly  pessimistic  as  to  the 
results  of  such  a  conference  at  this  time. 
Union  leaders  are  not  hopeful.  Govern- 
ment spokesmen  express  the  optimistic  be- 
lief that  this  meeting  will  prove  to  be  as 
fruitful  as  the  similar  gathering  convened 
three  weeks  after  Pearl  Harbor  to  set  up 
new  policies  and  new  machinery  for  the 
peaceful  resolution  of  disputes  under  war- 
time conditions. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  the  1945 
labor-management  conference  will  meet  in 
a  very  different  climate  from  that  of  Janu- 
ary 1942.  Four  years  ago,  the  conferees 
were  driven  to  agreement  by  war's  dreadful 
urgency,  by  black  news  from  all  the  bat- 
tlefronts,  and  the  desperate  need  for  maxi- 
mum production  of  weapons  and  supplies. 
In  November  1945,  the  high  emotion  of 
wartime  and  victory  are  already  dissipated; 
war  controls  are  loosened;  the  War  Labor 
Board,  transferred  to  the  U.  S.  Department 
of  Labor,  is  winding  up  its  affairs;  strikes, 
unemployment,  conflicts  of  interest  are  the 
headlined  news. 

The  Climate  of  the  Conference 

There  are  other  and  less  dramatic  changes 
that  will  profoundly  influence  the  outcome 
of  the  labor-management  conference  and 
the  conduct  of  industrial  relations  in  the 
months  ahead.  This  article  will  consider 
some  of  the  changes  in  the  whole  concept 
and  practice  of  collective  bargaining  which 
have  been  brought  about  by  the  four  war 
years. 

The  commotion  surrounding  wage  stabili- 
zation has  tended  to  obscure  a  very  cru- 
cial development  in  collective  bargain- 
ing: the  "speeded  up"  encroachment  of 
unionism,  under  government  aegis,  into  do- 
mains customarily  regarded  as  manage- 
ment's own.  Yet  it  is  this  doctrine  that 
will  largely  determine  the  peacetime  climate 
of  collective  bargaining.  With  the  war  over, 
government  control  over  wages  almost  van- 
ishes. The  War  Labor  Board  is  not  to  be 
stationed  on  the  pay  front,  during  the  time 
of  transition,  to  prevent  too  sharp  a  defla- 
tionary movement  of  wages  in  peace  in  the 
same  way  that  it  prevented  their  too  sharp 
inflationary  movement  in  war. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  of  course,  that 
what  the  board  accomplished  in  helping  to 


Material  in  this  article  is  adapted  from  a  chapter 
in  "Trends  in  Collective  Bargaining:  A  Summary  of 
Recent  Experience,"  being  published  this  month  by 
«he  Twentieth  Century  Fund,  330  West  42  Street, 
New  York  18;  272  pp.,  $2.  Herbert  Harris  and 
Samuel  T.  Williamson  each  wrote  several  chapters 
for  this  volume,  which  also  includes  the  report  and 
recommendations  of  the  Fund's  labor  committee. 


HERBERT  HARRIS 

— By  a  special  student  of  labor  prob- 
lems, formerly  an  adviser  to  the  War 
Production  Board,  now  economics  editor 
of  The  Saturday  Review  of  Literature. 
Mr.  Harris  has  written  widely  on  indus- 
trial relations.  His  books  include  "Amer- 
ican Labor"  (Yale  University  Press)  and 
"Labor's  Civil  War"  (Knopf). 


rationalize  the  American  wage  structure  by 
plant,  industry,  and  region  will  have  its 
effect  on  peacetime  pay  practices,  as  such. 
But  even  more  significant  are  the  methods 
and  procedures  by  which  this  was  attained. 
It  is  these  means,  rather  than  the  end, 
which  represent  a  permanent  deepening 
and  broadening  of  the  collective  bargaining 
function. 

New  Pay  Practices 

From  the  first  month  that  the  WLB 
undertook  to  stabilize  wages,  whether  by 
correcting  maladjustments  or  inequities  or 
substandards  of  living  or  whatever,  it  dis- 
cerned that  the  wage  pattern  in  many 
plants  reflected  a  haphazard  and  fortuitous, 
rather  than  a  planned  and  comprehensible, 
series  of  relationships.  In  the  larger  com- 
panies the  WLB  frequently  found  as  many 
as  600  or  700  wage  rates,  many  of  which 
covered  only  a  single  individual.  The  un- 
derlying reason,  of  course,  is  that  most  of 
our  wage  structures  "just  growed,"  like 
Topsy.  They  embody  the  vestigial  remains 
of  an  earlier  day's  personnel  practice. 

The  rate  of  pay  was  based  on  the  market 
value  as  this  filtered  through  the  employ- 
er's estimate  of  an  applicant's  ability.  But 
with  the  great  growth  of  industrial  estab- 
lishments the  setting  of  rates  for  particular 
jobs  became  capricious,  especially  when  one 
man's  work  was  compared  with  another's. 
As  the  big  factory  replaced  the  small  shop, 
as  plants  had  thousands  rather  than  dozens 
on  their  payrolls,  an  intermediate  group  of 
foremen  and  supervisors  had  a  hand  in 
shaping  pay  schedules.  Often  wage  differ- 
entials were  used  to  ward  off  unionism. 
When  rates  that  seem  to  have  neither 
rhyme  nor  reason  exist,  the  suspicion  tends 
to  flourish  that  management  means  to  re- 
ward for  something  more  than  the  work 
done. 

All  this  fosters  resentment  among  a  labor 
force.  Indeed,  in  the  West  Coast  Airframe 
cases,  the  WLB  pointed  out:  "In  our  opin- 
ion there  is  no  single  factor  in  the  whole 
field  of  labor  relations  that  does  more  to 
break  down  morale,  create  individual  dis- 
satisfaction, encourage  absenteeism,  increase 
labor  turnover,  and  hamper  production 
than  obviously  unjust  inequalities  in  the 
wage  rates  paid  to  different  individuals  in 
the  same  labor  group  within  the  same 
plant." 


Since  such  conditions  constantly  promote 
disputes,  the  WLB  was  time  and  again 
compelled  to  remedy  "unjust  inequalities 
in  the  wage  rates,"  which  were  on  the 
whole  incorporated  in  crazy-quilt  systems 
of  job  classification.  A  job  classification, 
of  course,  is  a  category  of  jobs  and  positions 
similar  in  nature  and  content  and  in  the 
amount  of  knowledge,  skill,  experience,  and 
responsibility  required.  Payment  for  each 
classification  may  be  made  on  a  rate  basis 
under  which  everyone  in  this  category  gets' 
the  same  wage  or  salary;  or  payment  may 
be  made  on  a  rate  range  basis  whenever  a 
job  classification  contains  a  number  of  rates 
varying  from  a  minimum  of,  say,  75  cents 
an  hour  to  a  maximum  of  $1  an  hour  for 
the  same  job. 

When  it  came  to  stabilizing  wages  within 
a  plant,  the  WLB  found  that  altogether 
too  many  job  classifications,  notably  those 
with  rate  ranges,  were  an  admixture  of 
the  arbitrary  and  the  anarchic.  This  lack 
of  logic  aroused  among  the  workers  feel- 
ings of  being  unfairly  treated — feelings  in- 
tensified by  the  competitive  bidding  for 
labor  among  employers,  by  changes  in 
process  accompanied  by  changes  in  rates, 
by  a  general  impression  on  the  part  of  the 
individual  worker  that  he  wasn't  making 
out  as  well  as  others. 

When  Labor  Helps  Fix  Wages 

Before  the  war,  it  had  been  traditionally 
management's  prerogative  to  fix  rates  and 
rate  ranges  within  a  job  classification.  But 
under  war  conditions  this  practice  raised 
such  havoc  with  labor  morale  and  produc- 
tivity that  the  WLB  decided  that  if  the 
workers  themselves,  through  their  unions, 
could  participate  in  fixing  rates  and  rate 
ranges  a  great  deal  of  management-labor 
conflict  would  be  eradicated  at  the  source. 
Hence,  in  more  than  300  cases,  the  board 
directed  managements  and  unions  to  nego- 
tiate the  elimination  of  intra-plant  inequi- 
ties— different  rates  of  pay  for  jobs  entail- 
ing the  same  skill  and  experience.  To  gain 
this  goal,  the  board  ordered  what  amounted 
to  a  complete  reexamination  of  the  content 
and  character  of  every  job  in  a  company. 

More  important,  the  board  directed  that 
this  project  be  jointly  undertaken  by  man- 
agement and  the  union — a  minor  revolu- 
tion in  collective  bargaining.  For  to  trans- 
fer to  collective  bargaining  the  very  creation 
of  the  wage  rate  structure,  with  its  critical 
influence  on  costs  and  profits,  was  to  let 
the  union  invade  a  province  previously  pre- 
empted by  the  comptroller,  the  engineer, 
and  executive  management  generally. 

Although    first    imposed    as    a    wartime 

measure,   the    practice   of   developing   with 

the  union  the  exact  ranking  of  jobs  within 

the   hierachy   of   a    plant's   occupations,   of 

(Continued  on  page  458) 


NOVEMBER     1945 


433 


Four  Horsemen  over  Germany 

Turned  loose  by  Hitler  over  Europe,  they  have  ridden  herd  since  they 
wheeled  back   along  with   his  conquerors.   An   analysis  by   an   anti-Nazi. 


PAUL  HAGEN 


THIS  ARTICLE  MUST   BEGIN  WITH  A  WARNING. 

The  reader  should  know  that  my  writing  is 
not  as  an  eyewitness  to  what  is  happening 
to  a  people  and  a  country,  but  from  abroad 
— and  as  a  partisan. 

Growing  up  in  Austria  and  living  in 
Germany  after  the  first  World  War,  I 
took  part  in  the  pre-Hitler  labor  movement 
and  then  in  the  underground  resistance  to 
the  Nazis.  That  work  took  me  in  and  out 
of  the  Reich  in  the  1930's,  but  was  cut 
short  by  Allied  regulations  after  the  out- 
break of  World  War  II.  My  last  chance  to 
get  across  the  border  was  seven  years  back. 
Thereafter,  in  France  and  England,  and 
long  since  in  the  United  States,  I  have  kept 
up  as  close  contacts  as  possible  with  anti- 
Nazi  friends  in-  Germany;  interviewing 
more  fortunate  travelers;  following  the 
European  press;  and  making  it  a  practice 
to  read  every  available  report  or  shred  of 
evidence. 

As  to  my  partisanship,  I  would  not  have 
served  the  resistance  movement  if  I  had  not 
felt  that  Nazism  was  the  chief  enemy — 
first  of  Germans,  and  then  of  all  mankind. 
Convinced  of  Hitler-Germany's  guilt,  I 
have  worked  for  its  defeat.  I  have  shared 
the  opinion  of  those  who  not  only  see  the 
Fuehrer's  rise  to  power  as  an  historical  ac- 
cident but,  above  all,  see  it  as  a  product  of 
the  political  backwardness  of  Germany  as 
compared  to  the  Western  nations — and  as  a 
product  of  her  delayed  democratization. 

I  have  always  held  and  stated  publicly 
that  all  Germans  are  co-responsible  in  the 
sense  that  even  the  most  advanced  of  them 
were  able  to  prevent  neither  Hitlerism  nor 
the  German  aggression  it  brought  about. 
So  I  stood — and  still  stand — for  purgings 
and  reparations.  But,  also,  I  believe  that 
the  democratic  rights  of  a  defeated  nation 
are  "self-evident" — for  the  very  reason  for 
which  these  rights  have  been  denied  in 
high  decisions,  namely,  as  basis  of  security 
for  the  world  after  the  war. 

That  is  why  I  have  been  encouraged  by 
an  about-face  on  untoward  steps  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  Occupation;  why  I  have 
been  heartened  by  recent  positions  taken  in 
responsible  quarters  among  the  Western 
powers,  tending  to  confirm  what  some  of 
us  cried  in  the  wilderness.  But  that  is  why 
I  have  not  only  been  torn  by  stark  excesses 
and  policies  that  still  persist,  but  am  more 
than  skeptical  for  the  long  run  about  the 
overall  treatment  being  meted  out  to  Ger- 
many and  Austria  and  their  people.  I  can 
only  ask  readers  to  have  patience  to  scan 
my  analysis  before  they  condemn  my  stand. 

After  Six  Months 

A  corps  of  American  correspondents  and 
broadcasters  on  the  ground  have  inter- 
preted the  course  of  events  in  Occupied 
Germany.  In  the  change-over  from  coverage 

434 


— By  the  Austrian-born  author  of  three 
articles  in  Survey  Graphic — the  insight 
and  integrity  of  which  more  than  war- 
rant hearing  for  his  fresh  appraisal  of 
developments  at  this  crucial  stage  in  the 
troubled  fortunes  of  the  German  people. 
These  articles  were: 

"Underground  Germany" — 1939 
"Between  Hope  and  Despair" — 1940 
"The  Nazis  Last  Front" — 1944 
The  first  two  were  written  as  he  was 
carrying  out,  dangerously,  liaison  be- 
tween anti-Nazi  groups,  inside  and  out 
the  Reich.  They  were  signed  "Y"  to 
protect  his  kin,  vulnerable  to  reprisals. 
His  occupation  has  proved  otherwise 
hazardous.  The  Chicago  Tribune  de- 
nounced him — as  representative  of  the 
cartels;  Lord  Vansittart  tagged  him — as 
a  Pan-German.  Old-line  German  Social- 
ists washed  their  hands  of  him — as  a 
communist;  communists  did  likewise — 
but  as  a  Social  Democrat. 

Meanwhile  (1941-42)  he  was  research 
director,  American  Friends  of  German 
Freedom,  precursor  of  the  American  As- 
sociation for  a  Democratic  Germany. 


of  the  war,  some  have  stuck  to  preconcep- 
tions; but  more — when  their  accounts  are 
compared  with  continental  sources — have 
struck  out  to  see  and  hear  for  themselves 
after  the  American  habit  of  straight  report- 
ing. 

Their  revelation  of  the  full  measure  of 
horrors,  as  the  Nazi  concentration  camps 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  advancing  armies, 
shocked  the  Western  world.  Now  the  trials 
of  war  criminals  will  hold  the  spotlight. 
Meanwhile,  the  close  of  the  first  half-year 
of  Occupation  afforded  opportunity  for 
American  observers  to  take  stock  of  de- 
velopments affecting  civilians.  For  not  only 
had  military  disarmament  of  the  Reich  been 
completed  since  V-E  Day  but  there  were 
impressive  gains  in  denazification  by  fall. 

In  the  East,  isolated  by  what  Churchill 
called  an  "iron  wall,"  there  had  been  little 
doubt  that  Russians  were  radically  purging 
the  Nazis.  Less  convincing  was  their  or- 
ganization of  a  "democratic  front"  made  up 
(on  Marshal  Zhukov's  insistence)  of  four 
parties  —  Communists,  Social  Democrats, 
Christian-Democratic  Union  and,  for  full 
measure,  so-called  "liberal  democrats" 
whose  following  had  dissipated  long  before 
Hitler  in  the  days  of  the  Weimar  Republic. 
The  program  began  by  a  shift  to  Berlin 
from  Moscow  of  the  Central  Committee  of 
the  German  Communist  Party.  General 
Dwight  D.  Eisenhower,  in  October,  ex- 
pressed belief  that  communist  domination 
of  the  city  administration  might  prove 
much  weaker  if  a  fair  election  were  held. 

In  the  West,  the  military  government  had 


ousted  over  sixty  thousand  Nazis  in  posi- 
tions of  civil  and  industrial  importance. 
Since  the  Patton  incident  in  September,  ex- 
pediency or  leniency  toward  them  has  been 
outlawed  in  the  American  zone.  Even  more 
significant,  the  earlier  hesitance  to  collabor- 
ate with  ««//-Nazis  has  given  way  to  en- 
couragement both  of  trade  unions  and 
democratic  political  groups.  Early  local  elec- 
tions are  considered.  There  is  some  genuine 
reawakening  of  cultural  life — schools,  uni- 
versities, even  theaters  have  been  reopened 
in  the  devastated  cities.  Recently  a  speaker 
for  the  American  Military  Government 
warned  the  Germans  not  to  mistake  such 
liberties  as  the  establishment  of  "rights." 
While  the  punitive  character  of  the  occupa- 
tion is  thus  stressed,  the  simultaneous  drop- 
ping of  the  anti-fraternization  policy  cannot 
but  lead  to  a  status  with  more  freedom. 

The  Economic  Picture 

Less  cheerful  are  reports  in  the  American 
press  about  economic  reconstruction.  It  has 
been  assumed  that  Soviet  Russia  set  going 
an  effective  economic  disarmament — with 
Marshal  Zhukov's  order  to  all  industries  to 
take  up  production  immediately,  with  wage 
earners  in  his  zone  responding  by  a  kind  of 
German  Stakhanovism  (promising  longer 
work  hours  for  repair),  and  with  peasants 
hailing  a  break-up  of  Junker  land  holdings. 

But,  "lax  execution"  of  the  economic  de- 
militarization agreement  of  the  Big  Three 
has  been  ascribed  by  certain  commentators 
to  the  American  Military  Government. 
The  economic  control  and  industrial  pro- 
duction sections  of  the  AMG  have  been 
under  fire  in  "liberal"  journals  on  the 
ground  that  key  posts  have  been  held  by 
American  bankers,  auto-makers,  steel-mak- 
ers, copper  and  oil  executives,  who  had  rep- 
resented American  interests  in  Germany. 
The  Patton  incident  closed,  there  is  another 
fear — that  expediency  will  revive  the  Ger- 
man cartel  system. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  most 
drastic  measures  taken  in  the  Western  zone 
are  hardly  known  in  this  country.  Such  are 
the  arrest  of  the  entire  coal  syndicate  (mine 
owners  in  the  Ruhr)  by  the  British  author- 
ities; and  that  of  hundreds  of  German 
businessmen,  big  and  small,  in  the  Ameri- 
can zone.  These  moves  have  been  widely 
publicized  in  Germany,  if  not  here.  So  has 
Law  No.  8  of  the  AMG  which,  if  strictly 
applied,  will  entirely  wipe  out  Nazis  (and 
former  Nazi  helpers)  as  entrepreneurs,  pro- 
duction managers  or  engineers.  This  for- 
bids German  companies  from  employing 
any  Nazi  as  head  or  on  the  staff;  interdicts 
his  holding  or  acquiring  industrial  prop- 
erty. 

British  criticism  has  been  at  once  more 
outspoken  and  different  in  emphasis.  Nor- 
man Clark,  Berlin  correspondent  of  the 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


German  families  who  fled  from  bombing  are  now  trekking  back  to  a  devastated  and  truncated  homeland 


Press  Association 


London  Neu'S  Chronicle,  wrote  in  Septem- 
ber: "Faced  with  the  prospect  of  a  disaster 
overwhelming  a  whole  nation,  the  Allied 
public  health  authorities  are  ordering 
burgomasters  to  take  measures  ensuring  the 
easy  burial  of  the  dead  in  the  winter. 
Graves  are  to  be  dug  now  which  men,  de- 
bilitated by  weeks  of  undernourishment, 
will  not  have  the  strength  to  dig  in  a  few 
months  time. "  The  New  Statesman  and 
Nation  called  the  mood  of  the  occupation 
authorities  one  of  "indifferent  fatalism 
reminiscent  of  Bengal,"  as  they  "await  the 
winter  famine." 

Newspapers  like  the  Manchester  Guard- 
ian, even  the  London  Times,  challenged 
that  wholesale  explusion  of  Germans  from 
the  Polish-occupied  area  was  continuing  in 
spite  of  the  Big  Three  decision  at  Potsdam 
to  halt  evacuation  for  the  time  being.  Re- 
vising his  own  earlier  stand,  Mr.  Churchill 
expressed  a  belief  common  in  England 
when  he  referred  to  "tragedy  on  a  pro- 
digious scale  behind  the  iron  curtain  in 
Central  Europe."  Robert  Boothby,  a  con- 
servative member  of  Parliament,  used 
stronger  words  against  "a  conspiracy  of 
silence  upon  this  matter  on  both  sides  the 
Atlantic." 

Since  much  British  criticism  has  been  di- 
rected against  Russian  methods,  there  have 
been  sharp  retorts  on  the  Moscow  radio 
and  in  the  Russian-controlled  German 
press.  Nor  has  the  U.  S.  A.  escaped.  In 
criticizing  the  Patton  incident,  the  Russian 
radio  pilloried  "atom  democracy,"  charging 
that  the  United  States  is  encouraging  in- 
dustries and  organizations  that  formed  "the 
foundation  of  the  German  war  potential." 

Small  wonder  that  frictions  are  reported 
in  the  Berlin  Kommandatura  (the  Four- 
Power  Allied  Council  governing  Berlin). 
In  the  American  sector  the  "Block  War- 
den" institution  inherited  from  the  Nazi 
system,  and  transformed  by  the  Russian 
"front"  into  a  leftish  police  organ,  has  been 
dissolved  by  AMG.  Protests  by  the  mayor 
of  Berlin  and  by  the  mayor  of  Zehlendorf 


in  the  American  sector  were  followed  by 
dismissal  of  the  latter.  A  trade  union  com- 
mittee encouraged  by  the  Russians  to  call 
together  a  meeting  of  "delegates"  from  all 
sectors  was  rejected  after  a  long  debate  in 
the  Kommandatura.  Both  American  and 
British  representatives  balked  at  such  a 
move  before  screening  the  2,000  delegates 
and  their  democratic  mandates.  An  applica- 
tion for  publishing  an  illustrated  paper  was 
rejected  by  the  American  authorities  but  it 
appeared  a  few  days  later  in  the  Russian 
sector.  These  incidents  are  not  unimportant. 
Even  more  serious  is  the  basic  difference, 
disclosed  in  October,  between  Russian  and 
American  experts  on  the  future  economic 
and  political  treatment  of  Germany.  Of 
this  more  later. 

Let  me  say  quite  clearly  there  may  be 
fools  and  German  nationalists  who  expect 
to  gain  from  fishing  in  troubled  waters. 
This  may  encourage  a  new  Nazi  under- 
ground, but  it  spells  dread  for  responsible 
democratic  leaders  as  they  emerge  from 
their  long  night  of  terror.  If  the  tiger  and 
the  bear  fight,  the  deer  get  killed,  says  a 
Chinese  proverb. 

1918 — 1945 

Six  months  after  the  end  of  World  War 
I,  Germany,  badly  hurt  but  not  mortally 
wounded,  had  initiated  successful  first  steps 
toward  reconstruction.  Demobilization  and 
reconversion  of  an  industry  worn  out,  but 
not  destroyed,  by  the  war  was  under  way. 
There  was  no  loss  of  essential  food-grow- 
ing areas.  The  war  had  been  fought  out- 
side the  homeland.  For  two  months,  fol- 
lowing free  elections,  a  coalition  of  liberal 
and  socialist  parties  had  replaced  the  Kais- 
er's government.  Revolutionary  movements 
had  been  crushed,  and  because  of  that  the 
blockade  was  lifted.  Meanwhile,  beaten  re- 
actionary forces  bided  their  time  to  rein- 
vigorate  militarism  and  embark  on  im- 
perialism. But  that  is  a  different  story,  to 
which  the  Allied  powers  now  propose  to 
write  finis. 


Six  months  after  the  surrender  of  Hitler 
Germany,  democratic  reconstruction  starts 
on  an  immeasurably  lower  level  than  after 
World  War  I;  human,  economic  and  moral 
losses  have  been  incomparably  higher.  The 
country  is  to  be  occupied  for  an  indefinite 
period.  It  is  dismembered  in  the  East.  Dis- 
memberment of  Ruhr  and  Rhineland  in  the 
West  is  threatened.  In  addition  to  the  de- 
vastation of  about  seventy  large  cities,  mas- 
sive removals  of  industry  as  reparations  in 
kind  have  already  taken  place  in  the  East 
and  others  are  beginning  in  the  West. 

In  spite  of  the  tremendous  losses  in 
military  and  civilian  dead,  the  truncated 
country  is  overcrowded.  About  ten  million 
German  evacuees  have  arrived  from  their 
former  settlements  in  the  East  and  more 
are  expected.  After  six  months  of  occupa- 
tion and  impressive  efforts  of  the  military 
authorities  to  repair  communications  and 
start  essential  production,  that  of  coal  is 
still  down  to  about  10  percent  of  the  pre- 
war level.  In  spite  of  decisions  on  the  part 
of  the  Western  Allies  to  provide  additional 
food  supplies,  millions  of  homeless  and  ex- 
hausted people  face  the  worst  winter  in 
German  history  since  the  Thirty  Years 
War.  In  addition,  there  is  widespread  moral 
breakdown  after  twelve  years  of  Nazi  rule, 
terror  and  endless  bombings;  and  after  a 
first  real  experience  with  the  scorn  of 
peoples  victimized  by  Hitler  Germany. 

Some  American  correspondents  have  com- 
plained that  only  a  few  Germans  of  any 
class  "are  doing  anything  toward  solving 
Germany's  present  problems."  True,  the 
days  when  only  dazed  and  bombed  out 
people  were  wandering  aimlessly  through 
the  rubble  heaps  of  their  cities  and  towns, 
or  digging  for  bodies  in  the  debris,  are 
over.  But  there  is  still  a  mass  of  human 
wreckage  wandering  on  the  German  roads, 
homeless  and  jobless.  With  the  Occupation 
Authorities  prepared  to  impose  a  hard  re- 
gime in  accordance  with  the  Allied  condi- 
tions, their  leaders  by  now  may  well  be 
more  concerned  with  the  problem  of  how 


NOVEMBER     1945 


435 


to  keep  those  not  on  the  war  criminal  list 
going — rather  than  with  how  to  keep  them 
down. 

In  a  national  catastrophe  like  the  one  the 
Germans  are  now  experiencing,  the  com- 
mon reaction  may  be  compared  to  that  of 
an  individual  suffering  from  a  traumatic 
neurosis.  A  deep  regression  sets  in;  the 
patient  may  temporarily  lose  his  capacity  to 
push  himself  out  of  the  lethargy  (such  as 
American  correspondents  noted  this  fall), 
to  regain  his  ability  to  work,  or  to  adjust 
himself  to  disagreeable  reality.  He  may  lose 
what  strength  he  has  left.  Not  all  people 
in  any  nation  act  the  same  way.  Past  al- 
legiances are  of  prime  importance  to  a 
German  now.  Was  he  pro-  or  anti-Nazi? 
An  exploited  laborer,  a  coerced  soldier- — 
or  a  member  of  the  military  or  industrial 
hierarchy?  It  makes  a  difference,  also,  what 
spiritual  reserves  he  possesses  of  a  political 
or  religious  nature.  Yet  defeat  is  a  big 
leveler. 

War  and  Terror 

The  Apocalyptic  Horsemen  once  rode 
herd  over  Europe  as  a  cavalry  of  hate  under 
the  banner  of  Hitler's  New  Order.  Again 
they  represented  War,  Famine,  Pestilence, 
Death.  And  now  with  Nazism  crushed, 
they  are  over  Germany.  They  came  back  as 
shock  troops  striking  without  discrimina- 
tion at  Hitler's  tools  and  Hitler's  opponents 
alike. 

To  understand  the  series  of  shocks  ex- 
perienced by  German  survivors  of  the  Hit- 
ler war,  place  yourself  in  the  position  of 
average  Germans  who  in  some  respect  may 
have  been  less  infected  by  Nazism  than 
others.  It  is  workers  and  farmers  who  are 
out  of  jobs  today  because  of  enforced  re- 
prisals and  removals;  it  is  their  families 
who  tread  the  bitter  road  of  expiation. 

Whether  as  soldiers  in  the  Russian  win- 
ters or  in  the  fierce  campaigns  for  conquest 
or  defense  in  the  West,  or  as  townsfolk  on 
the  bombed  home  front,  their  kind  suffered 
vastly  greater  losses  than  in  World  War  I. 
Documents  have  been  found  giving  Ger- 
man Army  statistics  of  1,900,000  soldiers 
killed  up  to  November  1944.  That  was  be- 
fore the  bloodiest  battles  began.  A  million 
and  a  half  were  missing.  No  figures  are 
available  as  to  civilian  deaths.  It  has  been 
estimated,  however,  that  five  million  tons 
of  explosives  were  dropped  in  Allied  bomb- 
ing and  that,  on  the  average,  one  ton  killed 
at  least  one  civilian.  A  Berlin  statement 
refers  to  six  million  cripples  throughout  the 
country.  There  is  hardly  a  German  family 
without  one  or  more  members  killed,  in- 
jured or  missing. 

There  can  be  no  possible  extenuation  of 
the  sadistic  extermination  of  Jews  by  the 
Nazi  regime.  The  first  victims  of  the  con- 
centration camps  were  anti-Nazis  of  all 
races  and  creeds.  Certainly  several  millions 
have  gone  through  the  camps,  and  Gestapo 
files  have  now  been  found  registering  more 
than  310,000  arrests  in  the  Greater  Reich 
in  1944  alone,  250,000  of  them  mostly  Ger- 
mans in  Germany  proper.  That  amounts 
to  about  2,000  arrests  daily;  and  from  all 
parts  of  Germany  today  come  stories  of 
how  the  victims  were  rounded  up.  Ex- 


inmates  of  concentration  camps  have  form- 
ed societies  in  some  places.  They  often 
wear  badges  and  get  special  care.  How 
many  were  executed  nobody  knows. 

Eyewitness  accounts  of  Berlin,  before  it 
fell,  describe  the  last-ditch  weeks  of  the 
Nazis  as  "grauenhaft" — as  inexplicable  hor- 
ror. "There  were  buildings  in  which  they 
slaughtered  everybody  without  exception. 
They  swung  the  bodies  of  simple  people, 
whose  offense  was  that  they  wanted  peace, 
from  the  balconies.  Let  us  bear  in  mind 
what  other  observers  say,  but  what  Max 
Lerner  formulated  best  in  PM:  "There  can 
be  no  question  that  the  thought  of  such 
naked  terror  has  never  been  known  in 
world  history  before;  the  Germans  were 
not  equipped  to  meet  it.  The  terror  of  the 
Gestapo  would  have  been  hard  for  any 
people  to  confront;  it  was  especially  hard 
for  the  Germans." 

Meanwhile,  battle  raged  around  and 
above  them.  People  were  shelled  in  their 
breadlines;  bombed  out  in  their  shelters. 
As  S.  S.  troops  fought  on,  many  civilian 
survivors  looked  forward  to  the  Allies  as 
liberators,  but  they  were  not  to  be  treated 
as  liberated. 

Rape  and  Reprisals 

Earlier,  Germany's  neighbors  had  suf- 
fered all  manner  of  outrages  when  the 
Nazis  invaded  their  countries.  So  personal 
accounts  were  settled  as  their  armies  in 
turn  reached  German  soil,  and  more  after 
the  Nazi  power  had  been  broken.  This 
started  with  indiscriminate  mass  looting  of 
stores  and  homes,  and  led  on  to  the  strip- 
ping of  factories — as  reparations  in  kind 
on  the  spot.  These  things  are  linked  in  the 
minds  of  simple  people  with  their  expulsion 
from  the  farms  and  work  places  of  their 
ancestors,  and  with  the  official  removal, 
later,  of  equipment  from  industrial  plants. 

Both  the  early  and  the  later  period  of 
reprisals  seriously  damaged  German  pro- 
ductive power,  paralyzing  the  hope  and 
will  power  of  many  who  had  looked  for- 
ward to  freedom  from  Nazi  gangsterism. 
American,  British,  and  European  neutral 
correspondents  have  reported  this.  One 
New  Yor^  Times  correspondent,  John 
MacCormac,  wrote  a  series  of  articles  about 
similar  happenings  in  the  Tyrol,  Vienna, 
Budapest. 

The  deepest  humiliation  of  a  people  are 
the  excesses  against  their  undefended  wom- 
en and  girls.  When  the  Nazis  first  behaved 
like  tribesmen  of  the  Stone  Age,  killing 
people  and  taking  the  women  in  the  coun- 
tries they  overran,  they  turned  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  whole  world  against  themselves. 
Less  well  known  is  how  the  bill  was  paid 
back — by  parts  of  the  Russian  armies  in 
Berlin,  for  example.  The  neutral  Swiss  St. 
Galen  Tagblatt  (June  13)  reported  "dis- 
gusting scenes  of  raping  everywhere,  in 
apartments,  corridors,  cellars,  on  the  street 
corners,  in  the  rubble  heaps,  among  the 
debris,"  .and  singled  out  great  numbers  of 
teen-age  girls  among  the  victims.  Viennese 
women  risked  the  same  sort  of  duress  for 
a  week,  nor  did  those  in  other  parts  of 
Russian  occupied  territory  escape. 

Most  reporters  who  dealt  with  these  ex- 


cesses at  all,  pointed  out  in  fairness  that 
the  Russian  High  Command  intervened 
and  got  the  troops  in  hand.  Yet  as  late  as 
October  come  reports  of  a  "lot  of  raping 
still  going  on  in  the  outlying  districts  of 
Berlin." 

In  defense  of  the  Russians,  some  cor- 
respondents have  said  that  in  the  West, 
also,  there  was  "considerable  raping  and 
looting  during  the  days  of  Allied  advance 
in  the  Reich."  True;  but  this  defense  limps. 
When  French  Senegalese  were  accused  of 
outrages  in  Stuttgart,  correspondents  de- 
fended Negroes  in  American  and  French 
armies  convincingly.  Victor  Bernstein,  PM 
correspondent,  drew  a  distinction  as  to  the 
behavior  of  troops  in  the  French  occupied 
zone.  There  were  no  mass  rapings,  he 
wrote,  but  probably  a  couple  of  thousand 
cases,  "one  by  one,  or  two  by  two,  which  is 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  white  man's 
tradition."  As  late  as  mid-September,  how- 
ever, the  Swiss  border  press  charged  the 
French  occupation  forces  with  a  continuing 
"orgy"  of  marauding  and  violation.  "Ger- 
mans in  this  region  are  never  sure  what 
the  night  will  bring,  and  if  nothing  hap- 
pens to  one  family,  it  is  disquieting  to  hear 
the  next  morning  what  happened  in  the 
neighborhood."  (Arbeiterzeitung,  Basel.) 

The  intention  of  such  reprisals  in  the 
first  weeks  has  been  construed  as  just  pun- 
ishment for  Nazi  gangsters  and  the  crimes 
they  had  committed.  Yet  in  Berlin  the  S.  S. 
troops,  having  terrorized  the  population  up 
to  the  last  minute,  got  rid  of  their  black 
uniforms  and  disappeared.  Meanwhile,  with 
the  entrance  of  the  Russians,  civilians  in 
the  surviving  suburbs  had  hoisted  the  Sov- 
iet flag  and  put  on  red  armbands.  They 
intended  to  round  up  the  Nazis  as  had 
been  done  in  many  other  German  cities 
in  the  West.  But  this  intention  died  down 
in  Berlin.  Flags  and  armbands  disappeared. 
Soviet  prestige  suffered  even  among  ardent 
German  communists  after  what  members 
of  their  own  families  experienced.  A  wave 
of  suicides  among  women  and  girls  fol- 
lowed; others  were  hospitalized;  and  some 
of  those  abducted  have  never  returned. 

"Against  it  all,"  writes  an  American  ob- 
server, "the  thousands  of  posters  proclaim- 
ing Stalin's  conviction  that  'Hitlers  come 
and  go  but  Germany  remains,'  will  amount 
to  little." 

Mass  Expulsions 

The  American  public  has  been  more 
aware  of  the  enforced  evacuation  of  Ger- 
mans from  the  East  which  had  its  proto- 
type in  the  enforced  labor  requisitioned  by 
Nazis  in  their  conquests.  Potentially,  ten 
million  people  are  involved  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Oder-Neisse  line,  to  which  two 
and  a  half  million  Sudeten  Germans  will 
be  added.  With  few  exceptions,  American 
correspondents  have  stuck  to  reporting  sta- 
tistics of  the  movement. 

It  was  visualized  for  Americans  when 
Life  magazine,  in  its  October  15th  issue, 
published  nine  pages  of  eyewitness  photo- 
graphs of  "Displaced  Germans,"  comment- 
ing drily  that  "millions  of  them  can  seri- 
ously consider  the  prospect  of  dying  this 
winter." 


436 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


British  newspapers  have  portrayed  the  ex- 
cruciating trek.  Thus,  after  a  visit  to  the 
Robert  Koch  Hospital  in  Berlin,  a  London 
Times  correspondent  wired  on  September 
10:  "There  are  more  than  sixty  German 
women  and  children,  many  of  whom  were 
evicted  from  a  hospital  and  an  orphanage 
in  Danzig  last  month.  Without  food  and 
water,  or  even  straw  to  lie  on,  they  were 
dispatched  in  cattle  trucks  to  Germany. 
When  the  train  arrived,  they  said  that  of 
83  persons  crammed  into  two  of  the  trucks, 
20  were  dead." 

R.  H.  Grossman,  in  The  New  Statesman 
and  Nation,  in  September  gave  a  broader 
picture:  "Berlin  is  officially  a  forbidden 
city  to  the  refugees.  .  .  .  After  24  hours 
pause,  they  are  forcibly  moved  on  to  re- 
ception areas  in  Mecklenburg  and  Brand- 
enburg; already  filled  to  overflowing.  What 
happens  there,  or  in  Saxony,  where  the 
population  has  already  been  doubled  on 
the  arrival  of  four  million  homeless  Ger- 
mans, remains  invisible  to  Western  eyes. 
It  is  only  because  the  seat  of  the  inter- 
Allied  control  happens  to  be  a  city  inside 
the  Russian  zone  that  we  have  an  inkling 
of  this  appalling  human  tragedy." 

At  the  Potsdam  meeting  of  the  Big 
Three  in  July,  it  was  decided  to  stop  the 
evacuation  until  military  commanders  in 
Germany  were  able  to  make  preparation 
for  an  "equitable  distribution"  and  "orderly 
and  humane  treatment"  of  the  people 
forced  to  leave.  Lieutenant  General  Lucius 
D.  Clay  "suggested  at  a  recent  meeting  of 
the  coordinating  committee  of  the  Allied 
Control  Authority  that  the  move  should 
be  postponed  until  spring,  but  his  proposal 
was  turned  down."  (Russell  Hill,  in  the 
New  Yor{  Herald  Tribune  October  16.) 

It  is  known  that  many  refugees  have  been 
given  scarcely  20  minutes  time  to  start 
and  to  take  some  40  pounds  of  food  and 
personal  belongings  on  the  road.  Nobody 
knows  how  many  people  have  been  dis- 
lodged. Between  July  1  and  August  15 
around  900,000  had  reached  Berlin  alone. 
In  the  first  days  of  September  the  rate  had 
mounted  to  26,500  per  day,  according  to 
the  Russian-controlled  Berlin  radio.  That 
is  more  than  the  fifty-six  Berlin  camps 
could  accommodate  overnight.  They  get 
some  bread  and  soup  before  they  are  pushed 
out  again. 

The  Berlin  radio  attributes  the  acute 
food  shortage  in  the  Russian  zone  to  these 
fugitives.  The  Berlin  Magistral  reports 
that  in  the  province  of  Brandenburg  alone 
1,500,000  have  arrived;  in  Saxony  5,500,- 
000,  twice  the  population;  500,000  in  Thur- 
ingia.  The  "iron  curtain"  has  not  yet  been  . 
raised  on  the  full  tragedy.  "Effective  Octo- 
ber 15  ...  the  human  flood  is  being  loosed 
again,"  ran  a  warning  from  Russell  Hill 
to  the  New  Yorl(  Herald  Tribune  from 
Berlin  on  October  16. 

The  New  Yorl^  Times  points  out  that, 
in  the  past,  national  borders  were  drawn 
around  ethnographic  groups.  Now  we 
move  whole  nations  away  from  their  an- 
cient settlements  and  push  them  behind 
artificial  borders.  On  a  small  scale,  this 
method  started  with  the  removal  of  Greeks 
from  Asia  Minor  after  World  War  I.  Lord 


Robert  Cecil,  chief  supervisor  of  this  re- 
settlement under  control  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  called  it  barbaric. 

Hitler  came  and  with  him,  enforced  mi- 
gration took  on  new  dimensions.  But  even 
Hitler  has  never  pushed  around  so  many 
millions  as  are  now  wandering  over 
Europe's  roads.  To  quote  Mr.  Grossman 
again:  "As  long  as  Russian  policy  seemed  to 
be  limited  to  the  large  scale  removal  of  war 
booty,  the  British  people  accepted  it  as  a 
rough  justice.  .  .  .  But  to  strip  a  country 
bare,  to  lop  off  its  richest  food  producing 
and  industrial  areas,  and  then  ...  to  flood 
it  with  millions  of  homeless  refugees  shortly 
before  the  coming  winter — by  no  stretch 
of  language  can  we  call  this  rough  justice 
any  longer,  or  pretend  that  it  is  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Potsdam  agreement." 

The  outcry  was  taken  up  by  the  entire 
British  press.  By  wireless  to  The  New  Yort{ 
Times  (October  27),  Herbert  L.  Matthews 
told  of  an  "extraordinary  swing  of  opinion" 
in  Parliament.  With  Sir  Arthur  Salter  lead- 
ing off,  Ernest  Bevin,  Foreign  Minister,  de- 
clared that  the  "blackout  over  Europe"  was 
creating  both  spiritual  and  physical  hunger. 

Removals:  Tools  and  Jobs 

"Removals"  is  the  term  applied  to  dis- 
mantling and  shipping  machines  and  tools 
to  Russian  destinations  in  reparation  for 
the  vast  destruction  wrought  by  Hitler's 
invasion  of  the  Soviet  Union.  Even  so,  the 
definition  falls  short  of  the  economic  wound 
to  postwar  Germany.  It  takes  no  account 
of  the  loss  of  an  entire  region  including 
Upper  Silesia,  Germany's  second  Ruhr,  nor 
of  whole  industries  taken  over  in  areas  west 
of  the  Oder  and  Neisse.  It  does  not  reckon 
with  lost  means  of  livelihood  for  a  vast 
labor  population,  nor  with  the  retention  by 
Russia  of  large  numbers  of  war  prisoners 
and  labor  groups. 

To  say  this,  is  not  to  blur  the  fact  that 
Nazi  invaders  destroyed  plants  and  raided 
vast  machineries  in  Poland,  France,  the 
Lowlands,  and  elsewhere. 

But  to  say,  contrariwise,  that  75  per- 
cent of  German  industries  have  survived 
the  war,  or  can  be  repaired,  is  misleading. 
The  Russian-occupied  zone  and  the  dis- 
membered areas,  taken  together,  repre- 
sented 45  percent  of  the  manufacturing 
capacity  of  pre-Hitler  Germany. 

There  have  been  no  over-all  reports 
about  Saxony  with  cities  like  Dresden, 
Leipzig,  and  Chemnitz;  about  Thuringia 
or  the  central  region  of  Germany;  or  about 
what  remains  of  the  former  provinces  of 
Pomerania  and  Brandenburg.  There  are 
only  clues,  such  as  this  one  as  to  the  Opel 
plant  in  Brandenburg,  in  a  London  report 
to  The  New  Yorf^  Times  of  October  10: 
"Being  in  the  Russian  zone  everything  re- 
movable in  it,  including  lavatories,  was 
taken  to  Russia." 

In  Berlin  and  Vienna,  the  two  capital 
cities  in  the  Russian-occupied  zone  whert 
the  Allies  have  observation  points,  we  have 
a  measure  of  what  has  been  exacted: 

"Reparations  in  kind  are  already  being 
carried  out  on  a  large  scale.  In  districts 


now  being  taken  over  by  American  and 
British  troops,  factories  were  stripped  of 
heavy  machinery  four  to  eight  weeks  ago. 
.  .  .  The  Russian  dismemberment  is  not 
confined  to  armament  works.  .  .  ." — As- 
sociated Press,  July  4. 

"The  question  of  industry  is  solved  here 
in  Berlin — there  is  none  left." — AP  dis- 
patch, July  19. 

"Between  the  fall  of  Berlin  and  the  entry 
of  troops  from  the  West,  the  whole  eco- 
nomic aspect  of  the  city  as  one  of  the  great 
industrial  centers  of  Germany  was  radically 
changed'  by  the  wholesale  removal  of  ma- 
chinery— and  sometimes  complete  factories. 
.  .  .  Industrial  surveys  of  the  British  and 
American  sectors  show  that  it  will  be  easier 
to  restore  50  percent  of  prewar  production  to 
the  Ruhr  than  5  percent  to  Berlin,  for  the 
simple  reason  that  .  .  .  factories  have  had 
90  percent  of  their  machinery  and  raw  ma- 
terials removed.  .  .  ." — The  London  Times, 
August  9. 

"The  Russians  stripped  virtually  every 
large  American-owned  factory  still  stand- 
ing in  the  U.  S.  occupational  sector  in 
Berlin!"— AP,  August  20. 

"Out  of  50  thousand  persons  employed 
by  the  two  great  Siemen's  concerns  in  the 
British  sector,  which  used  to  supply  80 
percent  of  Germany's  electrical  equipment, 
only  250  are  now  working.  ...  In  Spandau 
.  .  .  where  122,000  people  were  working  at 
the  end  of  the  war,  only  5,000  are  now 
employed  and  three  quarters  of  them  are 
clearing  rubble." — The  London  Times. 

The  same  sort  of  grim  tidings  issued 
from  Vienna  no  less  than  Berlin.  Thus: 

"Ten  large  plants  have  already  lost  all 
their  machinery,  11  have  lost  nearly  all, 
besides  ...  a  host  of  smaller  firms  that 
have  been  stripped" — John  MacCormac  by 
radio  from  Vienna  to  The  New  Yor\ 
Times  on  August  2. 

In  both  cities  reporters  say  important 
machinery  was  removed  by  experts,  but  in 
other  cases  German  workers  complained 
"less  that  the  soldiers  looted"  than  "that 
they  wasted  and  destroyed.  .  .  .  Machines 
were  ripped  from  their  bearings  and 
smashed  with  sledge  hammers  or  thrown 
out  the  windows."  Factories  originally  over- 
looked were  raided  overnight  and  workers 
turning  up  in  the  morning  found  only  the 
empty  halls.  Lorries  and  trucks  which  were 
taking  part  in  the  process  of  cleaning  up 
wreckage  simply  disappeared.  A  telegram 
to  the  London  Times  on  September  11, 
reported  that  food  and  coal  transportation 
to  Berlin  had  met  great  difficulties  because 
long  stretches  of  track  had  been  ripped  up 
and  sent  to  Russia,  thus  reducing  much 
railway  movement  to  single  line  operations. 

To  complete  the  picture,  removals  have 
gone  on  not  only  in  the  cities  but  also  in 
the  country.  Thus:  "Manpower  and  live- 
stock have  been  taken  away  from  the  area 
west  of  Berlin." — Drew  Middleton  to  The 
New  Yorf(  Times,  July  23.  Permanent 
requisitions  prompted  peasants  in  the  low- 
er Austrian  granary  to  refuse  "to  thresh 
their  grain  .  .  .  but  the  Russian  soldiers 
countered  this  by  threshing  it  themselves 
(Continued  on  page  456) 


NOVEMBER     1945 


437 


Babies  on  the  Doorstep 


A   GOOD  OLD   FRIEND  OF   MINE,   SEVERAL   TIMES 

a  grandfather,  was  shocked  when  I  told 
him  that  ten  senators,  headed  by  Senator 
Claude  A.  Pepper  of  Florida,  had  intro- 
duced a  bill  whereby — through  federal  aid 
to  the  states — services  and  facilities  for  the 
care  of  mothers  through  pregnancy  and  de- 
livery, and  of  their  children,  shall  be  avail- 
able to  all  mothers  and  children  who  want 
them,  with  "no  discrimination  because  of 
race,  creed,  color  or  national  origin  and  no 
residence  requirements." 

"All  women?"  he  cried.  "Not  just  the 
poor?  That's  socialism.  Why  should  our 
taxes  be  spent  for  people  who  can — and 
should — pay  for  themselves?  My  children 
have  been  brought  up  to  depend  on  them- 
selves." 

"Are  state  roads  and  public  schools  social- 
ism?" I  ventured. 

"Those  New  Dealers,"  he  swept  on, 
"would  spend  everything  for  anything  for 
everybody." 

"Two  of  the  senators  are  Republicans,"  I 
told  him,  "and  several  are  Democrats  not 
labeled  as  New  Dealers."  In  gloomy  tones 
he  spoke:  "The  poison  spreads." 

A  trickle  of  national  help  to  the  states 
began  in  1935  under  Tide  V  of  the  Social 
Security  Act.  Charts  show  how  the  ma- 
ternity deathrate  has  dropped  since  then. 
The  chart  lines  are  life-lines.  They  mean 
lives  saved. 

Thus  the  method  of  doing  the  job  has 
been  mapped.  Now  the  bill  (S.  1318)  put 
forth  last  July  by  Senator  Pepper  and  his 
colleagues  proposes  to  do  the  job.  Instead 
of  $5,800,000  for  maternal  and  child  health 
(now  administered  by  the  U.  S.  Children's 
Bureau),  the  bill  would  authorize  an  addi- 
tional $50,000,000  for  the  first  year;  instead 
of  $5,800,000  for  naternal  and  child  health 
000,000  more;  instead  of  $1,500,000  for 
child  welfare— $20,000,000.  After  the  first 
year  the  authorization  is  for  whatever 
amounts  Congress  deems  necessary  to  ex- 
pand services  year  by  year  during  the  next 
ten  years  until  every  mother  and  child  who 
want  service  will  have  it. 

Equalizing  Life  Opportunities 

That  means  more  lives  saved  in  the 
poorer  states,  the  places  that  need  help 
most.  North  Dakota,  West  Virginia,  New 
Mexico,  and  ten  southern  states  now  have 
maternal  deathrates  over  twice  as  high  as 
Minnesota's.  Tree  thousand  mothers'  lives 
would  be  saved  every  year  if  all  states 
brought  their  rates  down  to  Minnesota's. 

Divergences  are  great  also  within  the 
states,  between  cities  and  countryside.  In 
rural  areas,  generally  only  half  the  births 
are  in  hospitals,  whereas  in  large  cities  the 
ratio  is  over  90  percent.  In  1943,  160,000 
rural  mothers  had  babies  without  a  doctor 
in  attendance.  Only  a  quarter  of  our  rural 
counties  have  any  prenatal  clinics. 

Babies  born  in  Connecticut  or  Oregon 
show  a  deathrate  of  only  thirty  per  thou- 


MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


HEALTH— TODAY  8C  TOMORROW 

— A  series  by  the  chairman,  Committee 
on  Research  in  Medical  Economics;  asso- 
ciate editor,  Survey  Graphic. 

sand  in  their  first  year,  but  there  are  nine 
states — Maine,  Texas,  Arizona,  for  example 
— where  the  figure  is  fifty  or  more.  The 
nation  would  save  30,000  baby  deaths  a  year 
if  all  states  had  the  thirty-per-thousand  rate. 
So  much  for  the  aims  of  this  bill.  What  of 
the  methods  of  administration  it  proposes? 
As  in  Title  V  of  the  Social  Security  Act, 
and  as  in  the  amended  form  of  that  Title 
which  appears  as  Section  5  of  the  Wagner- 
Murray-Dingell  bill  (S.  1050),  the  Child- 
dren's  Bureau  is  the  responsible  federal 
agency.  The  actual  services  are  carried  on 
by  the  states  and  localities — usually  through 
the  state  health  department.  Under  S.  1318, 
the  first  five  million  dollars  allocated  to  the 
states  for  maternal  and  child  health  must 
be  matched  by  the  states,  dollar  for  dollar. 
The  remaining  allocations — that  is,  most  of 
the  money — need  not  be  matched,  but 
would  be  granted  under  a  formula  through 
which  the  poorer  states  would  get  larger 
ratios  of  aid.  Section  5  of  the  Wagner- 
Murray-Dingell  bill  incorporates  the  same 
principle,  although  with  a  different  formula 
which  some  may  not  like  as  much  as  the 
method  proposed  in  S.  1318. 

Public  Hearings 

S.  1318  comes  up  for  hearings  this  fall 
before  the  Senate  Coi  imittee  on  Education 
and  Labor.  If  you  were  to  appear  before 
the  committee,  what  would  you  say  about 
it?  My  white-haired  Foxy  Grandpa  will  be 
against  it.  So  will  the  American  Medical 
Association.  An  editorial  in  its  Journal 
(August  11,  1945,  page  1101)  sees  in  the 
bill  "perhaps  the  official  opening  of  a  cam- 
paign to  make  permanent  some  of  the  activ- 
ities that  prevail  under  the  so-called  EMIC 
program." 

"EMIC"  is  the  Emergency  Maternity  and 
Infant  Care  Program,  established  by  Con- 
gress in  1943  for  servicemen's  wives  and 
babies.  Some  state  medical  societies  tried 
to  get  in  its  way,  but  the  program  will 
have  taken  care  of  over  a  million  mothers 
and  babies  before  the  war's  crop  is  over. 
The  National  Commission  on  Children  in 
Wartime  is  more  responsible  for  Senator 
Pepper's  bill  than  is  EMIC. 

The  American  Medical  Association  does 
not  like  "control  in  the  Children's  Bureau." 
"The  chief  of  the  Children's  Bureau,"'  an 
editorial  in  its  Journal  recites,  "is  to  formu- 
late the  policies  after  consultation  with  the 
state  health  officers  and  an  advisory  com- 
mittee. Nothing  in  the  act  says  that  the 
advisory  committee  is  to  have  any  authority 
or  that  its  advice  need  necessarily  be  fol- 
lowed." 

Is  the  alternative  to  give  the  committee 


mandatory  power:  Experience  shows  that 
such  a  diffusion  of  executive  responsibility 
blurs  that  of  the  full  time  administrator  and 
invites  logrolling,  especially  when  the  com- 
mittee members  serve  as  volunteers,  repre- 
senting varied  interests. 

The  deeper  question  is  one  of  policy: 
How  far  should  Uncle  Sam's  fingers  reach? 

Will  local  responsibility  and  individual 
self-reliance  be  weakened  among  the  people 
of  North  Dakota  and  South  Carolina  if, 
through  more  federal  funds,  they  are  en- 
abled to  do  what  the  people  of  Minnesota 
with  their  present  federal  help  are  already 
doing?  Is  it  fair  to  require  the  people  of 
New  York  and  Illinois  to  pay  doctors  and 
hospitals  to  care  for  mothers  and  babies  of 
sharecroppers  in  Alabama  or  dry-farmers  in 
Western  Kansas? 

New  York  and  other  well-to-do  industrial 
states  gain  part  of  their  profits  not  only 
from  capital  investments  in  the  poorer 
states  but  from  selling  their  manufactured 
goods  there.  In  the  future,  as  in  wartime, 
industrial  centers  the  country  over  will 
draw  vast  numbers  of  workers  from  rural 
sections,  particularly  the  poorer  sections, 
where  the  population  growth  is  largest. 
These  facts  supply  sound  business  reasons 
why  it  is  fair  to  spend  general  national 
revenues  in  ways  which  will  equalize  health 
opportunities  for  mothers  and  children 
everywhere. 

But  "How  far  shall  we  go?"  ask  other 
people — including  many  who  don't  think 
Uncle  Sam's  fingers  are  claws. 

As  proposed  under  S.  1318,  care  would 
be  available  without  any  income  limit  or 
means  test,  but  for  tax-s.upported  services  to 
so  large  a  part  of  the  population  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  Congress  or  the  states  would 
wish  to  impose  a  means  test — a  demand 
that  would  not  arise  if  the  services  were 
supported  by  contributory  insurance. 

There  is  full  provision  in  S.  1318  for 
state  administration,  but  with  most  of  the 
money  coming  from  federal  sources.  Foxy 
Grandpa  and  others  will  ask:  Would  not 
authoritative  administration  come  from 
Washington? 

In  its  child  welfare  section,  S.  1318  would 
broaden  greatly  the  scope  of  services  avail- 
able. It  would  however  permit  federal 
payments  only  to  public  welfare  agencies — 
a  restriction  that  may  rouse  opposition  from 
some  private  ones. 

Is  National  Health  Insurance  Hit? 

"To  be  most  effective,"  declared  the  Na- 
tional Commission  on  Children  in  War- 
time, "the  maternal  and  child  health  and 
crippled  children's  programs  must  ulti- 
mately fit  into  a  total  medical  care  plan  .  .  . 
for  all  the  people." 

That's  right.  I  should  change  only  one 
word  in  that  statement.  I  would  take  out 
"ultimately."  I  am  bothered  about  the  risk 
of  mix-up  between  the  medical  care  that 
could  be  furnished  under  this  bill  to  all 


438 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


mothers  and  children — potentially  perhaps 
forty  million  people — and  general,  medical 
care  through  health  insurance,  such  as  is 
contemplated  for  all  the  people  under  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill. 

The  general  medical  program  would  be 
financed  through  contributory  insurance, 
the  maternity  and  child  care  from  general 
public  revenues,  but  this  mere  difference 
in  source  of  funds  does  not  seem  to  me  the 
major  point  of  difficulty. 

The  risk  lies  in  divided  administration. 
We  don't  want  a  situation  under  which 
the  medical  care  of  a  family  would  be 
split  into  two  segments,  one  system  for  the 
children  and  for  the  mothers  during  preg- 
nancy and  childbirth,  the  other  system  for 
the  rest  of  the  family  and  for  the  mothers 
at  all  times  except  during  their  periods  of 
maternity.  Suppose  doctors,  hospitals,  and 
other  local  bodies  had  to  deal  with  two 
different  state  agencies  to  effectuate  medical 
care  within  the  same  family  at  the  same 
time — and  then  with  two  different  national 
agencies  in  separate  federal  departments. 
The  result  would  be  confusing,  costly,  and 
deteriorative  to  the  medical  service.  Would 
S.  1318  invite  such  a  result? 

As  to  the  states:  Under  S.  1318,  respon- 
sibility for  maternal  and  child  health  is 
placed  upon  the  state  health  agencies.  If 
these  agencies  are  also  administering  any 
"general  health  and  medical  care  pro- 
grams," the  bill  requires  them  to  coordin- 
ate the  two.  If,  however,  a  general  medical 
tare  program  were  set  up  by  a  state  under 
another  agency — a  health  insurance  com- 
mission, for  instance,  as  in  the  1945  Cali- 
fornia bills — coordination  would  be  only 
permissive,  not  mandatory. 

As  to  the  federal  government:  The 
Children's  Bureau  is  the  administrative 
agent  under  S.  1318.  This  Bureau  is  in 
the  Labor  Department.  The  Public  Health 
Service  is  the  administrative  agent  for 
health  insurance  as  designated  in  S.  1050 
(the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill).  This 
service  is  in  the  Federal  Security  Agency. 
There  is  the  possibility  that  these  two 
agencies  might  work  out  full  coordination 
of  their  policies,  procedures,  and  staffs,  but 
there  is  likelihood  that  the  coordination 
would  be  far  from  complete. 

Under  Section  5  of  the  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill,  administration  of  federal 
grants  for  maternal  and  child  health  would 
be  under  the  Children's  Bureau  as  now, 
and  through  the  state  health  agencies,  but 
the  grants  would  then  be  supplements  to 
provide  (1)  preventive  services  for  all 
mothers  and  children;  (2)  full  care  for  the 
relatively  small  number  of  mothers  and 
children  who  for  one  reason  or  another 
were  not  covered  by  health  insurance.  The 
health  insurance  funds  would  provide  full 
medical  care,  including  maternity  care,  for 
the  vast  majority. 

The  program  of  preventive  and  curative 
services  should  be  the  same  for  all,  regard- 
less of  the  source  of  funds.  It  is  essential 
to  have  methods  of  administration  that 
will  ensure  unity  and  continuity  in  these 
services.  And  as  one  who  wants  to  see  a 
maternal-child-health-and-welfare  program 
extended  promptly,  I  believe  the  friends  of 
this  cause  would  do  much  to  ensure  the 

NOVEMBER     1945 


passage  of  some  desirable  legislation  if  they 
would — 

(1)  Reconsider  the  provisions  of  S.  1318 
before  the  public  hearings  take  place. 

(2)  Consider  whether  the  pattern  of  Sec- 
tion   5  of    S.    1050    (the   Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill)   would  be  a  better  model  for 
an  enlarged  program  than  S.  1318,  even  I] 
Congress  enacted  the  legislation  in  advance 
of  the  general  health  insurance  program. 

(3)  Remember  that  the  Foxy  Grandpas 
and   others    who   will    oppose    S.    1318   on 
general  grounds  will  make  the  most  of  the 
risk  of  administrative  duplication. 

(4)  Be  prepared  to  endorse  publicly  the 
transfer   of   the   Children's   Bureau   to   the 
proposed     new     Federal     Department     of 
Health  and  Welfare,  if  and  when  created. 
The  integrity  of  the  Children's  Bureau,  in 
its    service    to    mothers    and    children    of 
America,   socially,  economically,  medically, 
should  not  be  impaired.    If  both  the  Chil- 
dren's Bureau  and  the  Public  Health  Serv- 
ice   were    responsible    to    a    single   cabinet 
officer,   it    would    be    practicable   to    bring 
about  administrative  unification  of  all  the 
federal  medical  programs   for  the  general 
population,  whether  maintained  by  taxation 
or  by  insurance. 

NEW  YORK'S  DOORSTEP 

"WATCH  CALIFORNIA.  WATCH  NEW  YORK," 
I  wrote  in  this  column  some  months  ago. 
For  California,  see  page  440.  For  New 
York,  Governor  Dewey's  State  Commission 
on  Medical  Care  is  due  to  set  an  offspring 
on  the  legislature's  doorstep  next  February. 
The  commission  includes  four  members  of 
the  legislature,  a  businessman,  a  social 
worker,  five  physicians,  three  nurses,  and 
three  heads  of  state  departments  ex-officio. 
The  physicians  do  not  represent  the  State 
Medical  Society  as  such,  and  several  of 
the  physicians,  including  the  chairman,  are 
much  too  progressive  for  the  society's  taste. 

Like  a  Victorian  mother,  the  commission 
has  given  no  publicity  to  its  processes  of 
gestation.  It  has  conducted  studies  and  held 
informal  conferences  with  representatives  of 
state  agencies  of  medicine,  hospitals,  in- 
surance plans,  business  and  labor.  The 
governor  gave  definite  instructions  that  the 
commission  should  be  concerned  with  the 
medical  care  of  all  the  people,  not  merely 
"the  poor."  The  commission  must  make  a 
major  decision:  Shall  it  recommend  some 
kind  of  statewide  obligatory  insurance 
plan,  more  or  less  comprehensive  as  to 
people  covered  and  services  offered?  Or 
shall  it  propose  only  some  extension  of 
welfare  services,  such  as  the  State  Medical 
Society  would  like,  or  some  public  encour- 
agement of  voluntary  insurance  plans,  such 
as  their  administrators  would  accept? 

Up  to  date  the  Blue  Cross  and  other 
voluntary  hospital  insurance  plans  cover 
about  20  percent  of  the  fourteen  million 
people  in  New  York  State.  The  Medical 
Society-sponsored  plans  serve  less  than  2 
percent.  The  decision  of  the  commission 
will,  however,  turn  less  on  statistics  than 
on  its  prevision  of  the  political  time  of  day. 

How  will  the  commission  answer  that 
$64  question?  It  must  take  into  account 
the  desires  and  demands  of  major  groups 
such  as  business,  agriculture,  labor,  and  the 


medical  profession.  It  must  also  consider 
practical  questions  of  cost  and  adminis- 
tration. 

The  State  Medical  Society  would  itself 
recommend  state-aided  diagnostic  centers, 
extension  of  public  health  work  and  more 
publicly-supported  medical  care  for  the 
needy.  The  society  might  be  pushed  to  ac- 
cept state-aided  health  insurance;  meaning 
by  that  help  to  voluntary  plans  on  the 
cash  indemnity  basis,  provided  the  admin- 
istration was  controlled  by  the  organized 
medical  profession.  There  are  differences 
of  opinion  on  these  points  among  medical 
society  leaders  and  there  is  unity  only  in 
frenetic  opposition  to  compulsory  health 
insurance. 

Governor  Dewey  is  rumored  to  have  said 
unofficially  last  year  to  a  gathering  of  state 
medical  leaders,  in  substance:  "The  people 
of  this  state  want  something  done  about 
medical  care.  You  have  to  offer  them  some- 
thing big  enough  and  soon  enough  to 
arouse  popular  support.  So  far,  what  you 
have  offered  is  negative.  If  you  follow  that 
policy  you'll  be  washed  out." 

New  York  Political  Bedfellows 

If  this  political  analysis  is  sound,  a  com- 
mission that  wants  to  make  more  than  a 
gesture  must  propose  a  program  having 
popular  appeal.  Maybe  the  opposition  in 
the  Medical  Society  can  defeat  any  compul- 
sory health  insurance  bill.  The  commission 
must  however  consider  not  only  what  might 
be  defeated,  but  what  program  could  be 
passed.  Certainly  none  can  be  enacted  in 
New  York  without  the  support  of  labor. 
Labor  wants  compulsory  health  insurance 
but  labor  alone  cannot  pass  a  bill.  What 
other  support  then  would  get  behind  it? 
What  allies  could  the  Medical  Society  rally 
on  the  other  side?  The  answers  will  de- 
pend in  great  part  on  the  specific  provisions 
of  the  bill  as  to  services  offered,  people 
covered,  cost,  ways  of  financing,  and 
method  of  administration. 

Thus  we  may  expect  the  commission  to 
recommend  compulsory  health  insurance. 
This  is  a  bold  step,  but  how  comprehensive 
medically,  how  vote-catching  politically, 
will  the  program  be?  The  commission  will 
give  this  question  a  work-out  when  it  holds 
public  hearings  in  December. 

Nineteen  forty-six  is  an  election  year  in 
New  York  State,  when  a  governor  and 
many  members  of  the  legislature  have  to  be 
elected  or  reelected.  Candidates  must  con- 
sider whether  they  want  to  make  medical 
care  an  issue  in  the  campaign  for  them- 
selves or  their  party.  Party  platform-makers 
must  decide  the  same  question  in  the  spring 
of  1946.  Both  Republicans  and  Democrats 
must  bid  for  the  "labor  vote."  The  Demo- 
crats and  minority  parties  might  try  to 
force  the  Republicans'  hand  by  introducing 
health  insurance  bills  soon  after  the  first  of 
January,  before  the  commission  reports.  But 
so  far  as  action  on  bills  during  1946  is  con- 
cerned, these  parties  can  only  propose.  The 
Republican  majority  in  the  legislature  will 
dispose.  And  jockeying  for  advantage  in  the 
1946  state  campaign,  and  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  that  looms  two  years  beyond,  will 
be  a  pervasive  element  in  Republican, 
Democratic,  and  Labor  strategy. 

439 


California's  Health  Insurance  Drama 

The  recent  fight  to  put  legislation  on  the  books  of  a  western  commonwealth 
may  have  the  stuff  of  a  play,  yet  valuable  lessons  can  be  learned  from  it. 


UNDER  THE  BENEFICENT  SKIES  OF  THE  STATE 
where  anything  can  happen,  the  curtain 
has  just  gone  down  on  a  dramatic  struggle 
for  statewide  health  insurance.  California 
was  the  first  state  in  the  union  to  have  vol- 
untary health  insurance.*  It  is  the  state 
which  probably  has  more  voluntary  health 
insurance  than  any  other.  It  is  also  the 
state  in  which  demand  for  compulsory 
health  insurance  has  reached  a  peak.  A 
Republican  governor,  the  Democratic  mi- 
nority in  the  legislature,  organized  labor, 
and  other  advocates  fought  for  it  last 
spring,  though  they  were  defeated  by  the 
powerful  lobby  of  the  organized  doctors 
and  associated  business  interests.  The  Cali- 
fornia Medical  Association  worked  with 
such  groups  as  the  notorious  Associated 
Farmers  of  La  Follette  investigation  fame 
and  the  anti-union  Merchants  and  Manu- 
facturers Association  of  Los  Angeles. 

Two  straight  health  insurance  bills  were 
killed  in  legislative  committee.  Then  a 
compulsory  hospitalization  measure,  framed 
by  the  unified  forces  behind  the  other  bills, 
was  handled  in  the  same  manner.  None  of 
the  bills  was  permitted  to  come  to  a  vote  on 
the  floor  of  the  legislature. 

When  Will  the  Next  Act  Come? 

Health  insurance  supporters  look  for- 
ward, however,  to  a  different  outcome 
when  the  final  acts  of  the  play  are  staged. 
Just  how  soon  that  will  be  depends  upon 
whether  organized  labor — which  spear- 
headed the  battle  for  health  insurance — 
must  again  fight  for  its  very  life,  as  was 
necessary  at  the  last  election.  Then  labor 
had  to  save  itself  from  anti-union  Amend- 
ment 12,  fathered  by  the  same  business 
and  farm  groups  that  massacred  health 
insurance. 

It  depends  even  more  upon  how  shatter- 
ing a  blow  peace  will  deal  to  the  high- 
geared,  rapidly  mushroomed  industrial 
economy  of  the  West — upon  how  many 
workers  will  have  their  heads  lopped  off 
by  gigantic  cutbacks  as  war  orders  cease, 
and  upon  what  provision  Congress  and/or 
the  California  legislature  make  for  them. 
War  workers  and  their  families  to  the 
number  of  1,800,000  people  rushed  into 
California  (more  than  into  any  other  sec- 
tion), swelling  the  state's  population  to 
9,000,000.  In  the  final  analysis,  reconver- 
sion and  jobs  will  determine  whether  or- 
ganized labor  and  the  liberals  of  the  state 
have  enough  numerical  strength  and  po- 
lical  power  to  carry  on  the  struggle  for  a 
statewide  system  of  prepaid  medical  care. 

The  health  insurance  epic  of  1945  was 
initiated  when  Republican  Governor  Earl 

•  In  18S4,  the  French  and  German  benevolent 
societies  started  a  prepaid  health  plan  through  their 
San  Francisco  hospitals,  and  in  1864  the  Southern 
1'acific  Health  Service  system  was  born. 


GERALDINE  SARTAIN 

— By  a  native  of  California  and  a  gradu- 
ate of  its  state  university,  who  started 
her  writing  career  on  the  San  Francisco 
Chronicle.  Miss  Sartain  has  published 
articles  and  stories  in  many  magazines. 
Recently  she  has  been  public  informa- 
tion consultant  for  the  Committee  on 
Research  in  Medical  Economics. 

A  trip  to  California  last  summer  gave 
her  opportunity  for  a  firsthand  review 
of  the  medical-political  events  reported 
in  this  article. 


Warren  and  the  Congress  of  Industrial 
Organizations  each  presented  a  compulsory 
health  insurance  measure  to  the  legisla- 
ture, demanding  passage.  A  Governor's  bill 
is  nothing  new  to  California.  In  1914,  Re- 
publican Hiram  Johnson's  gubernatorial 
platform  contained  a  health  insurance  plank 
written  by  the  grand  old  fighting  liberal 
editor  of  the  West,  Chester  Rowell,  who 
had  helped  frame  a  similar  plank  for  Teddy 
Roosevelt's  platform  two  years  before.  In 
1939,  Democratic  Governor  Cuthbert  Olson 
made  health  insurance  the  keystone  of  his 
social  program,  and  might  have  gotten  it 
through  had  he  not  become  involved  in 
personal  and  political  bickerings  with  his 
labor  following. 

Many  state  commissions  and  lay  bodies 
in  California  have  studied  health  insurance 
during  the  last  quarter  century.  Some  peo- 
ple say  it  has  been  studied  to  death.  There 
was  action  as  well  as  study,  however.  Vol- 
untary health  insurance  plans  have  devel- 
oped in  great  variety  under  industrial 
concerns,  hospital  bodies,  commercial  agen- 
cies, private  medical  groups,  and  lately  the 
state  medical  society  itself.  By  1939,  the 
California  Medical  Association  and  the  big 
business  interests  had  embraced  voluntary 
plans  as  escape  from  the  compulsory  type. 
The  CMA's  own  plan  was  the  California 
Physicians  Service.  Thus  was  laid  the  basis 
for  the  long  conflict  along  these  lines. 

Governor  Warren  undoubtedly  wanted 
California  to  be  the  first  state  to  pass  a 
bona  fide  health  insurance  law.  He  attempt- 
ed to  win  the  support  of  both  the  Cali- 
fornia Medical  Association  and  of  the  CIO, 
but  in  the  end  lost  both. 

The  CIO  pressed  for  its  own  bill,  ac- 
cording to  Paul  Pinsky,  its  state  research 
director,  when  the  governor  made  a  com- 
mitment to  the  CMA  on  the  principle  of 
fee-for-service  as  a  method  of  paying  the 
doctors  and  did  not  provide  for  citizen- 
doctor  representation  in  local  areas.  The 
medical  profession  has  always  held  out  for 
the  traditional  fee-for-service.  The  CIO  be- 
lieved with  the  foremost  medical  econ- 
omists in  the  country  that  the  capitation 
method  (by  which  a  doctor  is  paid  so  much 
per  capita  for  his  patients)  places  emphasis 


upon  preventive  care  and  that  fee-for-ser- 
vice invites  misuse  as  well  as  financial 
breakdown  of  the  program,  increases  the 
administrative  costs  and  requires  annoying 
and  complicated  regulations. 

On  the  fee-for-service  commitment.  Pro- 
fessor Barbara  Nachtrieb  Armstrong,  one 
of  the  early  health  insurance  experts,  com- 
ments: "Appeasement  was  of  no  more  use 
with  the  doctors  than  it  was  at  Munich. 
Even  though  Governor  Warren  called  in 
the  doctors  and  told  them  to  write  their 
own  ticket,  it  was  no  go  with  them." 

Minor  points  of  difference  were  forgotten 
between  A.B.  800,  "the  Governor's  bill," 
introduced  by  a  San  Francisco  Republican, 
Assemblyman  Albert  C.  Wollenberg,  and 
A.B.  449,  known  as  the  "Thomas  bill"  or 
the  CIO  bill,  sponsored  by  Assemblyman 
Vincent  Thomas  of  San  Pedro,  when  it 
became  apparent  that  the  two  groups  would 
have  to  join  forces  against  the  strong  op- 
position to  any  compulsory  health  insurance 
bill  regardless  of  the  method  of  payment 
to  doctors. 

On  the  Basis  of  Need 

Either  bill  would  have  provided  complete 
prepaid  medical  and  hospital  care  for  six 
million  Californians  on  the  basis  of  need 
rather  than  of  ability  to  pay,  to  be  financed 
by  a  three  percent  payroll  tax,  1.5  percent 
to  be  paid  by  employers  and  1.5  percent 
by  employes.  This  parallels  the  provision 
in  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill,  the 
national  health  insurance  measure  now 
pending  in  Congress.  Both  excepted  farm- 
ers, agricultural  labor,  those  engaged  in 
domestic  service,  and  members  of  faith- 
healing  religions.  Both  guaranteed  that  pa- 
tients would  be  free  to  choose  their  own 
doctors  and  to  change  them,  that  doctors 
would  be  free  to  accept  or  reject  patients, 
to  enter  the  system  or  remain  in  private 
practice. 

The  CIO  feared  the  organized  doctors 
might  run  the  governor's  plan  because  it 
vested  control  in  an  eleven-man  board  of 
lay  and  professional  people  with  a  manager 
who  could  be  a  doctor.  So  the  CIO  bill 
set  up  a  State  Health  Insurance  Commis- 
sion of  seven  to  be  appointed  by  the  gov- 
ernor, with  two  representatives  each  for 
employers,  organized  labor,  and  the  medi- 
cal profession  (one  to  be  a  practicing 
physician  and  the  other  a  representative  of 
the  teaching  and  research  field)  and  one 
public  member  as  chairman.  The  executive 
director  was  to  be  a  layman,  the  medical 
director  a  physician  to  whom  complete 
authority  was  guaranteed  in  all  strictly 
medical  matters.  The  state  was  to  be 
divided  into  medical  service  areas,  each 
administered  by  a  physician  medical  di- 
rector, aided  by  an  area  advisory  council 
composed  like  the  state  commission.  The 


440 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


medical  teaching  field  should  be  on  the 
stipulations  that  a  representative  of  the 
council  and  that  a  professional  advisory 
council  should  be  established  showed  the 
CIO's  concern  with  quality  of  care. 

Line-Up  of  Forces 

Both  the  governor  and  the  CIO  launched 
their  campaigns  by  hammering  home  facts 
on  the  serious  loss  of  income  and  produc- 
tion due  to  illness  and  the  great  human 
waste  caused  by  preventable  disease. 

Both  emphasized  that  the  vast  majority 
of  Americans  cannot  afford  adequate  medi- 
cal attention  and  hospitalization.  The  gov- 
ernor boldly  anticipated  the  contentions  of 
his  opponents. 

"I  am  not  for  state  medicine  nor  social 
ized  medicine,"  he  said.  "I  am  for  a  system 
of  health  insurance  that  would  improve 
the  general  health  by  providing  the  people 
with  prepaid  medical  service.  Thirty-eight 
out  of  every  one  hundred  Californians 
called  by  selective  service  were  rejected  be- 
cause of  physical  or  mental  defects.  One 
and  a  half  million  people  are  substandard 
in  this  state." 

A  storm  of  opposition  burst  forth.  The 
legislative  hoppers  overflowed  with  health 
insurance  measures,  a  familiar  opposition 
device  for  confusing  the  issue.  Some  of  the 
thirteen  medical  care  bills  were  in  good 
faith,  such  as  the  State  Farm  Bureau's  pro- 
posals to  open  county  hospitals  to  paying 
patients  and  to  encourage  "the  practice  of 
group  medicine"  through  state  licensure. 
The  CM  A  put  in  a  bill  to  subsidize  volun- 
tary health  insurance  without  any  addition- 
al taxation,  by  drawing  on  the  large  reserve 
funds  of  the  state's  unemployment  insur- 
ance. It  got  nowhere  because  of  reaction 
against  the  proposed  "raid"  on  the  reserves. 


The  line-up  of  forces  was  swift.  The 
state  Chamber  of  Commerce  joined  with 
the  Los  Angeles  Chamber  and  the  Blue 
Cross,  chiropractors,  tax  leagues,  the 
Grange,  Farm  Bureau  Federation,  fraternal 
societies  (with  an  economic  stake  in  some 
already  established  voluntary  plans),  vet- 
erans groups,  and  diverse  business  interests 
running  the  gamut  from  laundry  and 
apartment  owners'  organizations  and  so- 
called  "efficiency  leagues,"  to  the  Associ- 
ated Farmers  (which  put  on  an  expensive 
radio  campaign). 

They  did  not  dare  fight  health  insurance 
on  its  own  merits  because  of  strong  public 
sentiment  for  it.  A  CMA  poll  had  revealed, 
to  the  dismay  of  the  doctors,  that  50  per- 
cent of  all  Californians  favored  "govern- 
ment medicine,"  while  34  percent  opposed 
it  and  16  percent  hadn't  made  up  their 
minds.  All  sorts  of  spurious  issues  were 
injected.  The  doctors  leaped  on  the  word 
"compulsory,"  to  play  upon  the  fears  of 
the  uninformed,  although  the  payroll  tax 
was  the  only  "compulsory"  feature  of  the 
proposed  legislation. 

They  used  all  the  familiar  scare  words, 
compulsory  health  insurance  becoming  "un- 
American,  socialistic,  revolutionary,  and 
Bolshevistic,  and  tending  to  lead  to  a 
breakdown  of  the  free  enterprise  system  for 
the  doctors."  They  fell  back  on  the  same 
arguments  used  when  the  issue  was  a  com- 
pulsory education  system,  workmen's  com- 
pensation, the  eight-hour  law,  the  Social 
Security  Act  of  1935. 

The  business  group  mobilized  against 
payments  by  employers  through  payroll  tax- 
ation. They  attacked  'he  "extension  of  the 
check-off  system,"  bem<_dning  the  fact  that 
if  anything  more  were  taken  from  the 
worker's  pay  envelope  he  would  have  no 


"take  home"  pay  at  all.  The  legislative 
auditor  predicted  that  the  governor's  bill 
would  produce  a  state  deficit  of  1 100 ,000,- 
000  a  year. 

Professor  Samuel  May,  director  of  the 
Bureau  of  Public  Administration,  Univer- 
sity of  California,  and  an  authority  on 
health  insurance,  nailed  this  prediction  as 
a  fantasy.  He  snowed  that  the  opposition 
had  incorrectly  applied  a  certain  budget  as 
a  basis  (the  Heller  budget)  for  the  deficit 
without  showing  that  it  included  all  health 
services,  such  as  dentistry  and  private  nurs- 
ing which  were  not  covered  by  either  of 
the  bills  before  the  legislature. 

Deficits  and  Horse  Doctors 

The  legislative  auditor  was.  protected 
from  any  brass-tacks  cross  examination, 
however,  and  according  to  the  press  and 
charges  made  on  the  floor  of  the  commit- 
tee room,  Professor  May's  complete  refuta- 
tion of  the  "deficit"  went  unheeded.  Floods 
of  pamphlets  were  put  out  and.  radio  cam- 
paigns carried  into  thousands  of  ihomes  the 
message  of  the  dread  "deficit."  The  "defi- 
cit" itself  grew  under  CMA  ministrations 
from  1100,000,000  annually  to  an  estimated 
1280,000,000.  Further,  the.  citizens  were 
told  that  California  business  and  industry 
would  be  ruined  by  the  competitive  dis- 
advantage with  other  states. 

The  newspapers  largely  followed  the  in- 
terests of  the  advertisers.  On  the  other  side 
of  the  ledger,  however,  the  San  Francisco 
Chronicle,  the  Sacramento  Bee,  the  San 
Francisco  News,  the  Los  Angeles  News, 
and  some  others,  including  many  small 
town  papers,  tried  to  show  their  readers 
the  real  issue — the  health  care  of  every 
Californian. 

The  California  League  of  Women  Vot- 


Chloroformed! 


X 


'/"i>...         „„,..       (\\\ 

19      REPUBLICAN          ANn         10     OEMOCUATIC    ASSEMIJUYMEN  < 


COMPULSORY     HEMTH 
LEGISLATION 


Pratt  in  the  Sacramento  Bee 


NOVEMBER     1945 


Sweigert   in  the   San  Francisco   Chronicle 

441 


ers  framed  a  set  of  principles  calling  for 
compulsory  health  insurance  as  did  the 
Northern  California  Union  Health  Com- 
mittee, the  spearhead  group  that  linked  all 
proponents  together — an  able  organization 
dedicated  to  work  with  all  labor,  health, 
and  medical  bodies.  A  militant  Citizens 
Committee  representing  men  and  women 
prominent  in  civic  and  club  life  joined  with 
organized  labor,  with  the  National  Law- 
yers Guild,  the  Physicians  Forum,  the 
Parent-Teachers  Congress,  some  public 
housing,  church  and  social  welfare  groups 
to  testify  for  the  compulsory  principle.  The 
San  Francisco  Chamber  of  Commerce 
adopted  a  resolution  favoring  the  gover- 
nor's plan  in  principle,  but  declined  to 
support  any  specific  bill. 

The  state  branch  of  the  American  Fed- 
eration of  Labor,  which  is  much  stronger 
numerically  in  California  than  the  CIO, 
officially  ok'd  the  Governor's  bill.  Many 
rank  and  file  AFL  unions,  however,  sup- 

Krted  the  Thomas  bill,  and  President  Wil- 
m  Green  informed  the  state  officials  by 
wire  that  the  "fee-for-service  method  in- 
vites abuse  and  is  generally  not  as  desirable 
as  the  capitation  method." 

The  Public  Health  Committee  of  the 
Assembly,  to  which  the  bills  were  referred, 
was  accused  of  treating  the  bills  and  wit- 
nesses cavalierly.  For  example,  one  of  the 
proponents'  main  experts,  Prof.  Nathan 
Sinai,  Dr.  P.H.,  of  the  University  of  Michi- 
gan, internationally  known  as  a  medical 
economist,  was  Labeled  a  "horse  doctor"  be- 
cause he  once  received  a  veterinarian's  de- 
gree, and  he  was  submitted  to  a  barrage  of 
questions  about  who  underwrote  his  ex- 
penses. The  committee  majority  showed  no 
interest  in  his  factual  and  analytical  evi- 
dence. 

In  the  end,  the  majority  report  of  the 
committee  postponing  action  caused  tre- 
mendous repercussions,  because  it  was  is- 
sued before  the  hearings  were  completed 
and  at  a  time  when  some  of  the  most  im- 
portant testimony  was  still  to  be  given.  It 
repeated  all  the  CMA  arguments,  in  vir- 
tually identical  language.  Assemblyman 
Wolieaberg  tdd  his  fellow  legislators  that 
the  hearings  were  "mere  window  dressing." 


When  the  governor  and  the  CIO  tried  to 
get  their  bills  on  the  floor  for  consideration 
of  the  entire  assembly,  they  were  snowed 
under. 

"One  Foot  In" 

A  last  flurry  of  drama  occurred  when 
the  governor,  the  CIO,  the  AFL,  the 
Physicians  Forum,  and  all  the  groups  com- 
mitted to  improve  public  health  joined 
forces  under  the  leadership  of  the  North- 
ern California  Union  Health  Committee  in 
an  eleventh  hour  effort.  They  prepared  a 
hospital  insurance  bill  and  Governor  War- 
ren urged  the  legislature  to  approve  a 
state-administered  system  of  prepaid  hos- 
pitalization  for  all  workers  covered  by  un- 
employment insurance.  It  was  not  actually 
a  compromise,  for  it  contained  no  medical 
provisions  and  it  was  thus  possible  for 
health  insurance  advocates  to  stand  un- 
comprisingly  for  their  original  principles 
on  medical  care  while  at  the  same  time 
attempting  to  win  some  health  benefits  for 
the  people  in  1945. 

But  it  was  too  late.  The  Association  of 
California  Hospitals  charged  that  the  hos- 
pitals would  be  "sovietized."  Dr.  Philip  K. 
Gilman,  president  of  the  CMA,  stigma- 
tized the  hospital  bill  as  a  "poorly  dis- 
guised piece  of  political  trickery,  designed 
to  enable  the  advocates  of  state  medicine 
to  get  one  foot  in  the  door  now  and  an- 
other later  on."  So  bitter  did  the  opposing 
sides  become  that  when  the  governor  fol- 
lowed the  state  constitution  by  sending  a 
message  to  the  legislature  urging  enact- 
ment, Speaker  Charles  W.  Lyon  of  the 
assembly  accused  him  of  lobbying. 

The  governor  promptly  hurled  the 
charge  back  by  demanding  an  investigation 
of  the  lobbying  activities  in  the  assembly. 
The  legislature  ignored  this  demand. 

After  the  bill  was  duly  smothered,  in- 
terim legislative  committees  were  named 
to  give  weary  Californians  two  more  "sur- 
veys" on  the  need  for  medical  care.  Little- 
is  expected  from  these  studies.  The  Sac- 
ramento  Bee  commented: 

"Perpetuating  the  same  callous  indiffer- 
ence to  the  public  welfare,  the  same  dis- 
regard of  fair  play  which  characterized 


De^r  Senator: 

Please  vote  against  all  Compulsory  Health  Insur- 
ance Bills  pending  before  the  Legislature.     We  have 
enough  regimentation  in  this  country  now.     Certainly  we 
don't  .rant  to  be  forced  to  go  to  "A  State  doctor",  or  to 
pay  for  such  a  doctor  whether  we  use  him  or  not.  That 
system  was  born  in  Germany— and  is  part  and  parcel  of 
what  our  boys  are  fighting  overseas.  Let's  not  adopt  it 
here. 

If  you  want  to  vote  some  program  which  will  encour- 
age people  to  enroll  in  Voluntary  Medical  and  Hospital 
plans  do  so,  by  all  means.     But  don't  give  us  political 
medicine  in  California.     We  don't  want  it. 

Sincerely, 


Postcard   (widely  distributed  by  antt-hpalth  insurance  forces)  mailed  to  a  mem- 
ber    of     the     California     legislature.     Signature     blotted     out     in     reproduction 


the  assembly  committee's  several  actions  on 
health  insurance  at  the  last  session,  [Speak- 
er] Lyon  has  named  a  committee  which 
could  write  its  report  right  now  and  save 
the  taxpayers  the  expense  of  junkets 
throughout  the  state  to  hold  meaningless 
hearings.  Of  the  seven  members,  only  one 
has  shown  he  holds  a  spark  of  sympathy 
for  the  principles  of  a  state  operated  com- 
pulsory health  insurance  system.  The  in- 
terim committee  follows  the  ruthless  pat- 
tern set  up  by  the  assembly  public  health 
committee  at  the  last  session  in  chloroform- 
ing all  attempts  to  provide  millions  ot 
Californians  with  the  means  of  keeping 
well  and  healthy  short  of  bankruptcy." 

The  CMA  in  Action 

Throughout,  the  California  Medical  As- 
sociation played  the  role  that  it  has  filled 
since  the  first  threat  of  compulsory  health 
insurance  many  years  ago.  Akhough  the 
CMA  had  its  own  struggles  in  the  national 
doctors'  organization,  the  American  Medi- 
cal Association,  and  even  went  so  far  as 
to  press  at  the  last  AMA  convention  for 
the  removal  of  Dr.  Morris  Fishbein  from 
the  top  secretariat,  it  followed  the  AMA 
line  against  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingel 
bill  in  its  own  California  battle  against 
the  governor's  and  labor's  measures. 

In  1938  the  CMA  established  its  own 
prepaid  voluntary  system,  the  California 
Physicians  Service,  in  order  to  head  off  a 
compulsory  system.  The  doctors  were  not 
really  sold  on  their  brain  child,  however, 
and  they  ran  into  difficulties  ef  finance  and 
of  public  repute  because  of  overuse  of  the 
comprehensive  service  they  gave  at  first 
and  because  of  doctor  sabotage,  according 
to  one  of  San  Francisco's  leading  physi- 
cians. By  1945,  the  Physicians  Service  had 
only  100,000  members  for  its  partial  medi- 
cal service  out  of  a  population  of  nine 
million,  but  it  is  now  engaged  in  a  brisk 
subscription  campaign. 

In  this  latest  health  insurance  tilt,  the 
CMA  engaged  a  survey  firm  to  test  public 
opinion.  The  survey  report  characterized 
the  California  Physicians  Service  as  "mas- 
terful," and  chided  the  CMA  for  not  pro- 
moting it  effectively.  The  CMA  was  further 
advised  to  make  the  CPS  more  acceptable 
to  the  physicians  "in  order  to  save  free 
enterprise  in  medicine." 

The  CMA  also  sent  Ben  H.  Read,  execu- 
tive secretary  of  its  lobbying  arm,  to  Wash- 
ington to  study  attitudes  of  congressmen. 
He  recommended  the  immediate  establish- 
ment of  an  "information  bureau"  in  Wash- 
ington. Read  led  the  CMA  lobby  in 
Sacramento.  According  to  a  United  Press 
story  published  in  the  San  Francisco  Chron- 
icle, the  Republican  members  of  the  leg- 
islature were  entertained  the  night  before 
the  Republican  caucus  "as  the  guests  of 
Ben  H.  Read,  lobbyist  for  the  Public  Health 
League,  political  wing  of  CMA,  and  Jay 
H.  Kugler,  legislative  representative  for 
the  Dairy  Institute  of  California." 

Senator    John    F.    Shelley,    representative 

of  the  AFL  in  the  California  senate,  said 

publicly,    "This    session    of    the    legislature 

was    probably    the    most    stinking    in    the 

(Continued  on  page  461 ) 


442 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Amphibious  Medicine 

Here  is  the  dramatic  story  of  naval  medical  victories  as  we  invaded  enemy 
strongholds,  whether  on  the  beaches  of  Europe  or  the  islands  of  the  Pacific. 

COMMANDER  ENDRE  K.  BRUNNER,  M.C.,  U.S,      R. 


Ix  WORLD  WAR  II,  SUCCESSIVE  INVASIONS  OF 
enemy  strongholds  were  accomplished  by 
amphibious  operations  in  which  the  navy 
transported,  protected  en  route,  established 
and  supported  on  hostile  shores,  large  num- 
bers of  troops  far  from  their  original  bases. 
These  operations  involved  action  on  sea, 
on  land  and  in  the  air  by  the  navy  and 
by  the  landing  force,  which  at  times  was 
the  army  or  the  marine  corps,  and  in  most 
instances  a  combination  of  the  two. 

In  past  wars  amphibious  operations  have 
been  very  costly  in  men  and  equipment, 
with  the  defenders  having  a  tremendous 
advantage  over  the  attackers.  A  35  percent 
casualty  rate  for  a  successful  operation  was 
considered  a  fair  price.  During  the  first 
World  War  the  Dardanelles  invasion  by 
the  British  was  abandoned  in  spite  of  its 
tremendous  importance,  because  of  the  ex- 
cessive loss  in  human  lives. 

That  and  other  lessons  taught  us  that 
it  is  not  enough  to  win  a  war  on  the  battle- 
field. It  must  also  be  won  on  the  medical 
field.  Consequently,  medical  officers  are  now 
included  on  the  staffs  which  plan  the 
operations  and  which  are  in  command  at 
their  execution. 

During  the  last  four  years  of  hard  fought 
war,  navy  medicine  adapted  its  techniques 
to  the  military  problems  we  confronted. 
Looking  back  now,  it  is  not  difficult  to 
remember  the  suspense  anil  dread  that 
cloaked  the  months  of  preparation  for  in- 
vasion. Amphibious  operations  on  a  world 
scale  created  a  looming  question  mark. 

The  answer  as  it  was  evolved  by  navy 
medicine  —  experimental  at  the  start,  then 
confidently  formulated  -  -  might  now  be 
given  a  name  of  its  own:  amphibious 
medicine. 

The  Navy's  Wards 

How  it  was  worked  out,  how  amphibi- 
ous medicine  was  meshed  into  the  larger 
frame  of  modern  warfare,  is  a  story  that 
at  last  there  is  time  to  tell. 

At  the  start  of  the  war,  our  armies  were 
at  no  place  in  direct  contact  with  the 
enemy,  whose  defeat  depended  on  our  abil- 
ity to  reach  him.  It  was  obvious  that  we 
had  to  devise  means  to  invade  well  de- 
fended enemy  territories  and  accomplish 
this  without  prohibitive  sacrifice  of  human 
life  and  limb. 

All  branches  of  the  various  services  co- 
operated and  contributed  to  the  perfected 
methods  which  made  possible  such  huge 
invasions  as  that  of  France,  the  Philippine 
Islands  or  Okinawa,  with  minimum  fatality 
on  the  assault  beaches.  Further,  excellent 
medical  care  of  the  wounded  and  of  the 
sick  resulted  in  a  recovery  rate  even  more 
favorable  than  on  stationary  fronts  with 
well  established  field  hospital  facilities. 


The  first  principle  of  a  successful  in- 
vasion is  the  thorough  understanding  of 
the  combined  responsibility  of  the  navy 
and  the  landing  forces.  Each  must  know 
the  other's  problems  and  realize  that  the 
failure  of  one  will  destroy  the  possibility 
of  success  for  both  branches  of  the  service. 
Staffs  of  the  navy,  and  of  the  army  or 
marine  corps  worked  out  their  problems 
together  and  went  to  the  area  of  operation 
on  board  the  same  ships. 

Vessels  were  especially  equipped  or  built 
as  command  and  communication  ships  for 
this  very  purpose.  The  first  ship  so  used 
was  the  "Ancon"  of  the  Panama  Railroad 
Line  (AGC4),  which  was  Vice  Admiral 
Kirk's  flagship  at  the  invasion  of  Sicily. 

The  command  ship  idea  was  so  success- 
ful that  by  the  middle  of  October  1943 
three  more  such  ships  had  been  built  and 
were  in  commission:  the  "Blue  Ridge" 
(AGC1),  flagship  of  Vice  Admiral  Barbey; 
the  "Appalachian"  (AGC2),  flagship  of 
Rear  Admiral  Connolly;  and  the  "Rocky 
Mount"  (AGC3),  flagship  of  Admiral 
Turner.  More  than  a  dozen  such  ships 
were  on  the  job  when  victory  was  won. 

The  initial  phases  of  amphibious  opera- 
tions being  navy  responsibility,  over-all 
tactical  command  was  exercised  by  the  navy 
up  to  the  point  when  the  commander  of 
the  landing  forces  had  gone  ashore  and 
secured  enough  beachhead  to  enable  him 
to  take  over  the  command  safely. 

All  other  functions  of  the  staff  and  de- 
partments paralleled  this  division  of  com- 
mand responsibility.  It  follows  that  from 
the  minute  the  soldier  or  marine  embarked 
for  an  amphibious  assault,  until  the  time 
when  his  force  was  thoroughly  established 
ashore,  he  was  a  navy  problem  and  ward 
in  all  respects,  including  his  medical  and 
surgical  care. 

When  the  G.  I.  arrived  at  the  embarka- 
tion point  he  was  a  young  man  in  prime 
physical  condition,  immunized  against  the 
chief  communicable  diseases.  If  he  was  to 
go  to  a  malaria  infested  region,  the  daily 
ingestion  of  atabrine  had  prepared  him,  not 
against  getting  the  disease  but  at  least  from 
becoming  incapacitated  by  it. 


— By  a  commander  in  the  Medical 
Corps,  USNR,  only  recently  returned  to 
the  United  States  after  what  the  Bureau 
of  Medicine  and  Surgery  of  the  Navy 
Department  quietly  designates  as  "an 
extended  tour  of  duty  in  the  Pacific, 
where  he  was  in  a  position  of  great  re- 
sponsibility." 

Commander  Brunner  knows  his  mate- 
rial firsthand,  and  knows  how  to  write 
about  it.  He  now  is  stationed  at  the  U.S. 
Naval  Hospital  at  Parris  Island,  S.  C. 


He  was  well  trained,  hardened  to  physi- 
cal labor,  exercise,  and  landing  in  water 
up  to  his  middle.  His  naval  experience 
ended  at  that  point  however.  This  was 
going  to  be  his  first  sea  voyage.  He  was 
crowded — not  like  his  Japanese  counter- 
part, but  crowded — in  tiers  of  bunks,  four 
or  five  bunks  high,  with  poor  ventilation 
when  the  ships  were  darkened.  The  deck 
space  was  crowded  too,  with  trucks,  jeeps 
and  all  the  mountainous  and  manifold 
equipment  of  modern  battle. 

And  the  Navy's  Patients 

For  security's  sake  he  was  embarked 
SOP— <imes  three  to  five  days  before  sail- 
ing >nd  frequently  he  was  first  taken  on  a 
rehearsal  which  the  army  likes  to  call  a 
"dry  run."  There  he  went  ashore  with 
his  equipment,  simulating  the  actual  prob- 
lems in  every  detail.  This  was  in  most  in- 
stances his  last  physical  activity  until  the 
Day,  which  might  be  two  weeks  or  more 
distant.  The  lack  of  exercise  or  work,  the 
boredom,  the  anticipation  of  action,  and  the 
motion  of  the  ship,  combined  to  create  a 
problem  for  troop  officers,  chaplains,  and 
doctors. 

Although  a  routine  sick  call  was  con- 
ducted by  the  troops'  own  medical  officers, 
all  patients  requiring  sick-bay  care  or  sur- 
gery were  attended  by  the  navy  medical 
personnel  and  with  navy  equipment.  This 
was  because  the  troops'  medical  equipment 
was  stowed  for  transportation  to  the 
beaches  on  the  Day. 

Attacks  by  enemy  planes,  a  usual  fea- 
ture of  these  long  distance  invasions,  fre- 
quently taxed  the  facilities  of  the  sick-bay, 
because  even  without  a  hit  on  the  ship, 
passengers  who  had  no  business  on  the 
decks  were  often  hurt  by  strafing  or  by 
the  ship's  own  anti-aircraft  fire. 

At  the  target,  naval  bombardment  and 
mine-sweeping,  geodetic  survey  and  demo- 
lition of  under-water  and  beach  obstruc- 
tions, were  conducted  by  naval  forces  be- 
fore landing.  Explosions  and  enemy  re- 
sistance took  their  casualty  toll.  Combatant 
ships  in  action,  however,  are  well  able  to 
take  care  of  their  own  casualties,  cruisers 
and  battleships  assisting  the  smaller  units 
with  traditional  medical  corps  efficiency. 
We  are  here  concerned  with  the  new  chap- 
ters of  that  story:  the  practice  of  medicine 
and  surgery  amid  a  vast  armada  of  troop- 
ships and  service  ships,  advancing  to  meet 
a  land-based  enemy. 

Not  only  the  performers  but  the  plan- 
ners or  writers  of  the  drama  of  invasion 
are  at  white  heat  of  excitement  at  that  mo- 
ment when  the  command  is  given  by  the 
Admiral,  O.T.C.  (officer  in  tactical  com- 
mand)— "Land  the  landing  forces."  It  was 
for  this  instant  they  had  labored  for  months, 


NOVEMBER     1945 


443 


Coast  guard  and  navy  medical  corpsmen  giving  plasma  and  other  first  aid  on  the  beach  at  Eniwetok,  before  evacuating  casualties 


and  the  time  at  last  had  come  to  prove  their 
judgment  and  their  preparations. 

The  medical  department  had  been  rep- 
resented at  the  planning  table  by  an  officer 
on  the  amphibious  staff.  It  was  his  duty  to 
know  about  the  strategical  background  and 
tactical  considerations,  to  prepare  a  medical 
plan  for  his  commander  and  to  oversee  the 
execution  of  this  plan  on  the  critical  day 
of  action. 

When  the  ships  arrived  at  the  invasion 
beaches,  they  took  their  assigned  places  in 
the  transport  area  and  immediately  lowered 
their  landing  boats  and  launched  their  am- 
phibious vehicles.  These  went  to  the  line 
of  departure,  where  they  were  shepherded  by 
guide  boats  into  assault  waves  which  landed 
when  the  word  was  given,  with  split  sec- 
ond accuracy. 

Their  own  medical  units  landed  with  the 
assault  troops,  carrying  light  first  aid  equip- 
ment. Casualties  occurring  at  this  time  re- 
ceived self-administered  or  at  best  tem- 
porary medical  help.  If  a  man  was  hurt  in 
the  boat  he  remained  there  and  was  evacu- 
ated to  the  first  ship  to  which  the  landing 
boat  or  amphibious  craft  reported  for  fur- 
ther duty.  If  the  casualty  occurred  on  the 
beach,  the  wounded  man  was  not  evacu- 
ated until  all  assault  troops  had  landed  and 
the  tactical  situation  on  the  beach  per- 
mitted or  required  the  evacuation. 

Depending  upon  the  number  of  troops 
landing,  the  number  of  boats,  "ducks,"  and 
"buffaloes"  available,  the  distance  of  the 
line  of  departure  from  the  beach,  and  the 
tide  condition,  it  took  from  half  an  hour  to 
an  hour  to  land  all  the  assault  troops.  They 


were  then  rapidly  followed  by  reinforce- 
ments of  reserve  troops,  service  troops,  and 
heavy  equipment. 

Medical  Sections  of  Beach  Parties 

Within  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  after 
the  landing  of  the  first  wave  (somewhere 
between  the  third  and  fifth  wave),  the  navy 
sent  ashore  naval  beach  parties,  one  for 
every  assault  battalion  of  troops.  A  compo- 
nent part  of  the  beach  party  was  the  medi- 
cal section,  which  consisted  of  a  medical  offi- 
cer and  eight  pharmacist's  mates  or  corps- 
men.  They  were  in  at  least  two  boats  to 
avoid  the  risk  of  complete  destruction  by  an 
unlucky,  direct  hit.  These  boats  were 
marked  by  small  Red  Cross  flags  to  indicate 
the  whereabouts  of  medical  facilities.  Thus 
they  could  serve  in  first  aid  capacity,  even 
before  they  landed. 

Medical  sections  of  beach  parties  carried 
a  full  equipment  of  first  aid  appliances,  med- 
ications, food  and  drinking  water,  and 
were  prepared  to  remain  for  days  on  the 
beaches.  Their  mission  was  to: 

1.  Set  up  as  quickly  as  possible  a  first 
aid  and  casualty  evacuation  center. 

2.  Render  first  aid  to  casualties  occurring 
on  the  beach  or  returning  to  it  from  ad- 
vanced areas. 

3.  Return  casualties  still  able  to  fight  to 
their  units. 

4.  Evacuate  patients  requiring  hospitali- 
zation  to  the  casualty-handling  ships. 

5.  Keep  accurate  records  concerning  cas- 
ualties. 

6.  Maintain    close    contact    between    the 
landing    force    medical    establishment,    the 


forces  afloat,  and  the  beach  parties  to  right 
and  left  of  them. 

To  accomplish  these  missions,  the  medi- 
cal officer,  in  consultation  with  the  beach 
master  (a  line  officer  commanding  the  beach 
party)  would  select  the  place  for  his  first 
aid  station,  close  to  the  shoreline  where  the 
boats  were  bringing  troops  and  equipment 
and  where  communication  units  were  being 
set  up. 

This  first  aid  and  evacuation  center  was 
as  far  as  possible  hidden  from  enemy  snip- 
ers and  planes.  It  was  clearly  marked  for 
casualties  and  casualty  carriers  ashore  and 
afloat.  Foxholes  were  dug  into  the  sand  for 
patients,  personnel,  and.  equipment.  Blood 
plasma  was  broken  out,  stretchers  and  frac- 
ture equipment  laid  on  empty  boxes  to 
facilitate  quick  treatment.  Again,  every- 
thing was  divided  and  grouped  in  several 
shelters,  to  minimize  the  effect  of  bomb  hits. 
This  center  was  frequently  utilized  by  the 
medical  units  of  the  landing  forces,  aug- 
menting each  other's  facilities. 

Here  a  quick  screening  of  the  patients 
took  place.  The  ones  mildly  injured,  or 
suffering  with  heat  exhaustion,  extreme  fa- 
tigue, urinary  bleeding  from  dehydration, 
were  allowed  to  rest  up  until  they  could  be 
returned  to  their  units;  or,  if  the  depth  of 
penetration  permitted,  to  a  "Casual  Camp." 
Those  requiring  hospitalization  were  treated 
until  conditions  and  available  transportation 
made  possible  their  evacuation  to  the  ships. 

The  most  important  treatment  rendered 
on  the  beaches  was  the  care  of  patients  in 
shock.  Practically  all  war  injuries  are  ac- 
companied by  surgical  shock,  manifest  or 


444 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Operating  room  on  an  attack  transport  (APA),  during  action  off  Iwo  Jirna.  An  APA  could  take  care  of  about  200  casualties 

latent.  Intravenous  fluids  like  glucose,  blood 
plasma,  and  whole  blood  were  given. 

For  the  first  time,  at  Leyte,  whole  blood 
was  used  in  the  early  assault  phase.  This 
blood  was  obtained  from  volunteers  among 
the  crews  of  the  task  group  under  the  com- 
mand of  Rear  Admiral  Forrest  Royal,  and 
the  men  of  the  96th  Infantry  Division. 
Making  their  deposits  in  this  life-bloo  1 
bank,  universal  donors  (international  blood 
group  O)  invested  against  the  unknown 
immediate  future  of  their  comrades  or 
themselves.  The  whole  blood  was  packed  in 
makeshift  portable  ice  boxes  (converted  am- 
munition boxes),  taken  to  the  assault 
beaches  and  made  available  there  within  an 
hour  after  landing.  Blood  being  the  only 
real  substitute  for  major  blood  loss,  it  will 
save  life  where  plasma  and  glucose  fail. 

Later,  during  that  invasion  and  all  others, 
whole  processed  blood  in  suitable  contain- 
ers was  flown  in  large  quantities  from  the 
U.  S.  A.  to  distribution  centers  such  as 
Pearl  Harbor  or  Manus.  Thence  it  was 
further  flown  or  taken  along  in  the  refrig- 
erating sections  of  transports  and  army  reef- 
ers, and  used  for  casualties  both  on  board 
and  ashore. 

Evacuation  of  the  Wounded 

In  the  initial  stages  on  "Dog  Day,"  the 
casualties  came  to  the  navy  medical  sec- 
tions mostly  on  foot  or  assisted  by  a  buddy. 
These  patients,  of  course,  required  primary 
care.  However,  with  penetration  inland  the 
fighting  gradually  was  removed  from  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  evacuation  cen- 
ters; and  with  the  landing  of  the  army  or 
marine  corps  service  troops,  collecting  com- 
panies with  jeeps  or  standard  size  am- 


U.   S.    N'avy   Photos 
Marine  receiving  oxygen  therapy  aboard  the  USS  Solace,  fully  equipped  hospital  ship 


bulances     brought     the    wounded    to     the 
beaches  for  further  care  and  evacuation. 

For  the  evacuation  of  wounded  to  the 
ships,  the  medical  section  employed  the 
boats  which  brought  troops,  supplies,  and 
equipment  from  ships  to  shore.  Since,  in 
early  stages,  vital  military  requirements 
take  precedence  over  casualties,  the  evacua- 
tion was  necessarily  made  to  the  ships  to 
which  the  landing  crafts  had  to  return.  In 
later  stages,  some  boats  could  be  diverted 


for  the  exclusive  purpose  of  casualty  evacua- 
tion. 

All  ships  were  prepared  to  receive  and 
care  for  casualties,  but  those  primarily 
utilized  were  the  attack  transports  (APAs), 
the  evacuation  transports  (APHs) — both 
fast  troop-carriers  with  very  little  cargo — 
and  certain  designated  landing  ships  (LSV 
and  LSTs).  An  APA  has  three  to  five 
medical  officers  and  28  to  40  hospital  corps- 
men.  It  can  handle  about  200  casualties. 


NOVEMBER     1945 


445 


An  APH,  with  two  to  three  times  that 
staff,  is  expected  to  handle  about  200 
stretcher  cases  and  500  ambulatory  patients. 

All  these  ships  immediately  after  com- 
pleting their  outbound  mission  converted 
themselves  into  casualty  carriers — cleaned 
up  the  spaces  recently  vacated  by  troops 
and  established  reception  places  for  the  in- 
coming casualties.  Here  the  patients  were 
once  again  screened  into  those  needing 
shock  treatment,  immediate  surgery,  elec- 
tive surgery;  and  medical  cases  requiring 
isolation  or  psychiatric  care. 

This  screening  was  most  essential,  be- 
cause immediate  surgery  in  abdominal  and 
in  some  chest  cases  is  life  saving.  Among 
medical  cases,  the  recognition  of  transient 
psychoneurosis  and  its  segregation  from  the 
true  psychotics,  with  immediate  intelligent 
treatment  and  some  sedatives,  returned 
many  a  man  to  the  right,  and  saved  him 
from  long  hospitalization,  stigma,  and  use- 
lessness. 

To  avoid  crowding  and  to  guarantee 
early  and  adequate  care  for  each  patient, 
an  effort  was  made  to  distribute  the  casual- 
ties among  many  ships,  and  to  send  pa- 
tients requiring  specialist  care  to  the  ships 
where  it  was  available.  For  example,  an  eye 
surgeon  with  good  equipment  was  on  duty 
on  all  the  amphibious  command  ships; 
orthopedic,  brain,  and  chest  surgeons  were 
ordered  to  several  transports  and  their 
whereabouts  widely  circulated.  Correspond- 
ingly, medical  specialists  and  psychiatrists 
were  included  on  the  staffs  of  many  ships. 

Ambulance  and  Hospital  Ships 

When  the  terrain  was  suitable  for  the 
beaching  of  LSTs,  as  was  frequently  the 
case  in  the  European  theater  and  the  South- 
west Pacific,  these  ships  were  exten- 
sively used  for  the  evacuation  and  carrying 
of  casualties  to  the  advanced  bases  and  to 
land-based  hospitals.  After  the  bulkheads 
and  deck  of  the  tank  decks  had  been 
washed  off,  folding  cots  were  set  up,  thus 
converting  these  large  floating  garages  into 
huge  ambulance  ships,  each  capable  of 
caring  for  about  150  patients. 

The  ferrying  of  patients  from  shore  to 
ship  was  not  a  simple  operation.  Aside 
from  enemy  action,  there  were  the  tides, 
the  ground  swells,  the  distance  from  shore 
to  ship,  and  on  most  of  the  Central  Pacific 
beaches  the  coral  reef,  to  complicate  the 
evacuation.  In  each  invasion  a  careful  plan 
had  to  be  devised  to  deal  with  these  fac- 
tors. In  some  instances,  specially  manned 
and  equipped  LSTs  with  a  pontoon  barge 
moored  alongside  were  anchored  at  the 
reef  and  casualties  were  received  and  held, 
or  further  dispatched  by  ambulance  boats, 
as  seemed  reasonable  to  the  medical  staffs. 

Wounded  were  placed  on  the  ships  by 
taking  the  landing  boats  aboard  by  means 
of  davits  and  raising  them  to  the  level  of 
the  sick  bay  where  stretcher  parties  bore  the 
casualties  to  the  sorting  station;  or  patients 
were  lifted  out  of  the  boats  in  their  stretch- 
ers, two  stretchers  at  a  time,  by  means  of 
special  slings,  and  raised  to  the  desired 
deck. 

The  majority  of  the  invasion  fleet  left  the 
area  the  first  or  second  day,  carrying  as 


many  casualties  as  could  be  evacuated.  The 
military  situation  demanded  that  they  leave 
the  scene  for  a  "Turn  Around"  resupply 
run  which  also  protected  them  from  enemy 
action.  Most  of  this  exodus  occurred  at 
dusk  on  the  day  of  landing.  The  sudden 
emptiness,  after  the  long  day's  teeming  ef- 
fort, was  always  startling. 

A  command  ship,  and  some  LSTs  or 
other  specially  designated  ships,  remained 
in  the  area  and  continued  to  assist  with  the 
casualties  until  the  reinforcement  group 
was  due  to  arrive.  This  group  moved  in 
on  the  third  day  or  later. 

Unarmed,  Geneva-protected  hospital  ships 
are  distinctively  painted  white  with  red 
crosses  and  a  green  band,  so  they  cannot  be 
mistaken  for  combatant  vessels.  These  hos- 
pital ships  never  travel  in  the  company  of 
the  invasion  fleets.  They  were  scheduled  to 
arrive  between  convoys,  and  when  it  was 
anticipated  that  the  number  of  accumu- 
lated casualties  would  warrant.  Thus  at 
Kwajelein,  two  such  ships  arrived  on  the 
third  day,  at  Saipan  on  the  second  day,  at 
Guam  on  the  second  day.  They  stayed 
only  as  long  as  the  light  held.  The  Geneva 
convention  precludes  their  black-out,  so 
they  must  load  and  go — or  serve  as  beacons 
for  attacking  enemy  night  bombers,  sub- 
marines, and  suicide  boats. 

These  ships  are  fully  equipped  floating 
hospitals,  with  medical  and  surgical  staffs 
capable  ol  performing  any  kind  of  surgery. 
They  carry  an  average  of  500  patients  each. 

In  the  planning  stage  of  amphibious 
operations,  arrangements  always  were  made 
with  navy  and  army  hospitals,  in  the  vari- 
ous ports  to  which  the  ships  leaving  the 
assault  area  would  go,  to  hold  a  certain 
number  of  beds  in  readiness.  Without  this 
bed-credit  system,  a  ship  loaded  with 
casualties  might  have  returned  to  face  de- 
lays in  delivering  its  wounded  to  hospitals 
and  in  sailing  on  its  next  mission. 

Usually  on  D-Day  and  every  day  there- 
after, courier  planes  arrived  in  the  combat 
area.  They  were  sea  planes,  tender-based, 
carrying  official  mail,  personnel,  and  essen- 
tial re-supply  of  critical  material,  including 
whole  blood.  At  times  these  planes  were 
used  also  to  evacuate  selected  casualties. 

As  soon  as  a  landing  strip  was  secured 
and  cargo  runs  established,  the  returning 
planes  were  regularly  used  for  evacuating 
casualties.  The  large  majority  of  wounded 
taken  from  Tinian  to  Saipan  were  carried 
out  by  air.  In  the  Iwo  Jima  and  Okinawa 
campaigns  too,  air  evacuation  played  an  im- 
portant role,  though  it  was  secondary  to 
over-water  evacuation. 

This  then  is  a  composite  sketch  of  the 
medical  problems  faced  by  the  navy  in  its 
mobile  war  and  in  the  support  of  the  land- 
ing forces. 

Men  in  Charge 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  medical  of- 
ficers sat  at  the  planning  tables  and  were 
included  in  the  staffs  that  directed  the  field 
work  of  invading  continents  and  island  em- 
pires. The  picture  would  be  incomplete 
without  adding  that  the  over-all  plans 
originated  in  Washington.  There  the  Joint 
and  Combined  Chiefs  of  Staffs,  represent- 


ing all  branches  of  the  services  of  U.  S.  A. 
and  Great  Britain,  decided  where  and 
when  an  invasion  was  to  take  place  and 
what  forces  were  to  participate.  From  this 
inception,  each  successive  command  added 
its  work  to  produce  the  finished  product. 

The  next  command  to  receive  the  plans 
was  the  area  commander,  who  assigned  the 
force  commanders  and  their  associates,  the 
group  commanders.  These  force  and  group 
commanders,  in  charge  of  their  respective 
task  organizations,  elaborated  on  the  essen- 
tial directives  as  they  were  originally  re- 
ceived, obtained  all  available  intelligence, 
formulated  their  needs  and  put  all  the 
plans  into  what  was  called  an  Attack 
Order  for  their  forces  and  groups. 

The  execution  of  these  amphibious  opera- 
tions was  carried  out  almost  entirely  by 
naval  reserve  personnel — a  statement  true 
also  for  medical  and  hospital  corps. 

Many  of  the  ships,  when  they  had  per- 
formed their  assigned  function  with  one 
task  organization,  were  immediately  re- 
leased and  transferred  to  another  one,  and 
thus  they  went  from  invasion  to  invasion. 
It  was  the  staff  medical  officer's  respon- 
sibility to  foresee  these  shifts,  and  to  make 
sure  that  such  ships  would  not  be  counted 
on  to  play  a  role  in  casualty  handling.  It 
was  also  his  responsibility  to  assure  each 
ship  of  medical  resupply  at  the  advanced 
base  to  which  the  casualties  were  brought. 
Provision  had  also  to  be  made  for  the  pos- 
sible loss  of  a  ship,  which  meant  not  only 
the  loss  of  space,  personnel,  and  materials, 
but  also  an  added  casualty  load  for  other 
ships. 

The  fluid  nature  of  this  complex  medical 
job  makes  it  impossible  to  draw  up  a  true 
organizational  chart  of  its  hierarchies  and 
lines  of  duty.  The  two  constants  of  these 
years  of  amphibious  medicine  appear  to 
have  been:  it  changed;  and  it  worked. 

Vice  Admiral  Mclntire 

The  task  organizations  were  essentially 
executive  arms  of  the  navy,  and  not  ad- 
ministrative organizations.  The  administra- 
tion was  carried  out  along  well  established 
channels  centering  in  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment; medically,  in  the  office  of  the^  Chief 
of  the  Bureau  of  Medicine  and  Surgery, 
Ross  T.  Mclntire,  first  doctor  to  hold  the 
rank  of  Vice  Admiral. 

All  orders  originated  at  the  Bureau  and 
all  reports  ended  there.  It  was  the  Bureau 
that  provided  and  assigned  key  personnel. 
All  supplies  were  procured  and  distributed 
by  the  Bureau,  with  its  main  medical  supply 
depot  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  but  other  large 
depots  in  key  bases  the  world  over.  The 
primary  depot  for  the  Pacific  area  is  in 
Pearl  Harbor,  but  storerooms  are  found  in 
all  important  advanced  bases.  Many  supply 
and  cargo  ships  were  provided  with  medi- 
cal stores  for  re-issue  to  ships  of  the  fleet. 
All  large  ships  were  responsible  for  helping 
out  the  smaller  ones. 

The  U.  S.  Army  Command  was  also  al- 
ways ready  to  fill  the  requisitions  of  the 
ships  in  the  staging  and  combat  zones,  just 
as  the  navy  was  ever  ready  to  share  with 
the  army  all  its  supplies — and  larger  for- 
tunes— during  their  efforts  for  victory. 


446 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


SPECIAL    BOOK    SECTION 


LETTERS     AND     LIFE 


Morality  in  the  Modern  World 


HARRY  HANSEN 


IN     THE     PRESENT     CONFUSED    STATE     OF     THE 

world  the  search  for  security,  individual 
and  national,  has  become  so  feverish  that 
ancient  standards  of  right,  justice,  and 
morality  are  distorted  daily  to  serve  some 
special  purpose. 

Justification  for  the  most  horrible  prac- 
tices in  the  history  of  man,  such  as  mass 
murder  by  gas  and  dissection  of  living  hu- 
man bodies,  was  found  in  high-sounding 
aims  by  our  enemies;  whereas  we,  on  our 
side,  went  to  prodigious  effort  to  create  the 
most  devastating  explosive  known  to  man- 
kind and  used  it  on  two  open  cities — with 
the  explanation  that  this  would  save  Ameri- 
cans from  being  killed  in  frontal  assault. 
The  term  "rationalization"  is  used  freely  to 
excuse  practically  everything  on  the  ground 
that  the  action  is  feasible,  logical,  and  use- 
ful and  this  applies  to  individuals  as  well 
as  to  groups  and  communities. 

The  Place  of  Conscience 

So  it  is  only  natural  that  religious  leaders 
and  philosophers,  like  students  of  society, 
should  begin  to  renew  discussion  of  the 
place  «f  the  conscience  in  all  these  matters, 
meaning  thereby  not  merely  a  sense  of 
responsibility  for  the  common  good  but  a 
recognition  of  moral  values  that  transcend 
material  advantage.  The  criticism  of  the 
clergy,  however,  no  longer  makes  the  head- 
lines, while  the  philosophers  speak  either 
to  the  restricted  circles  of  their  college 
classes  or  address  that  small  body  of  men 
willing  to  take  time  to  weigh  unpopular 
matters. 

There  is  more  hope  in  the  latter  than  in 
the  former,  for  the  effectiveness  of  warn- 
ings by  the  religious  has  been  dulled  and 
many  leading  men  today  merely  give  lip 
service  to  the  church  and  evade  argument. 
The  colleges,  however,  address  impression- 
able youth,  and  books  by  philosophers  who 
avoid  mysticism  may  get  a  hearing  from  in 
telligent  readers,  among  them,  possibly, 
some  of  those  trying  to  put  international 
relations  on  a  secure  basis. 

This  makes  me  very  much  interested  in 
the  way  Ralph  Barton  Perry,  professor  of 
philosophy  at  Harvard,  has  discussed  the 
development  of  conscience  in  human  affairs 
and  its  place  in  the  coming  world  order  in 
his  new  book,  "One  World  in  the  Mak- 
ing."* It  is  not  accident  that  the  title  re- 
minds one  of  Wendell  Willkie's,  for  the 
book  is  dedicated  to  him  as  "the  first  pri- 
vate citizen  of  that  One  World  which. 


*"ONE  WORLD  IN  THE  WAKING,"  by  Ralph 
liarton    Perry.    Current    Books,    Inc.,    A.    A.    Wyn, 

publisher.  New  York.  $5. 


NOVEMBER     1945 


having  discovered  for  himself,  he  disclosed 
to  his  fellow  Americans." 

Mr.  Perry's  support  of  a  world  organiza- 
tion has  been  fervent  and  continuous.  His 
prescription  for  democratic  progress  em- 
braces constant  readjustment  so  that  equal- 
ity and  general  well  being  may  be  better 
served,  but  it  avoids  sudden,  uncertain  ex- 
periment. His  writings  on  modern  affairs 
are  many;  his  recent  book,  "Puritanism  and 
Democracy,"  reiterated  the  theme  that  so- 
ciety rises  as  the  individual  rises,  for  the 
individual  must  know  the  moral  bases  of 
right  and  wrong,  good  and  evil,  and  act 
on  them  with  the  exercise  of  mind  and 
conscience.  As  a  pragmatic  philosopher, 
Mr.  Perry  is  convinced  that  this  alone  will 
make  international  cooperation  workable. 

"The  realist,"  says  Mr.  Perry  in  this  new 
book,  "will  adapt  his  action  to  the  terrain 
and  to  the  strength  and  maneuvers  of  the 
enemy,  but  he  will  also  look  ahead  to  the 
distant  future — his  feet  on  the  ground,  but 
his  eyes  in  the  front  of  his  head.  In  other 
words,  the  more  realistic,  the  more  idealis- 
tic." This  is  compatible  with  the  belief  that 
what  benefits  the  man  or  the  nation  in  the 
long  run  also  serves  the  purpose  of  aims 
not  immediately  materialistic. 

"It  is  of  the  essence  of  the  moral  man 
that  he  is  on  his  way,  somewhere  between 
what  is  and  what  ought  to  be."  This,  he 
argues,  is  also  true  of  the  citizens  of  a 
democracy.  It  is  not  true  that  only  com- 
munism is  dynamic  and  democracy  merely 
static — democracy  is  begun,  not  finished, 
and  we  are  on  our  way. 

Thus,  Mr.  Perry  accepts  things  as  they 
are  only  on  the  basis  of  what  they  ought  to 
be,  aware  that  we  cannot  move  forward  if 
we  throw  away  all  our  tools.  "Nations  can- 
not suspend  their  lives  or  their  governments 
or  their  responsibility  to  their  peoples  until 
they  can  all  be  housed  in  the  new  inter- 
national structure." 

Moral  Education  vs.  Indoctrination 

Every  teacher  has  theories  of  how  the 
brave  new  world  shall  be  educated  and  Mr. 
Perry  offers  his,  but  they  are  actually  more 
national  than  international.  One  reform, 
however,  is  related  to  his  main  thesis:  he 
thinks  that  those  dealing  with  the  "moral 
sciences,"  meaning  politics,  law,  and  eco- 
nomics, and  the  constructive  side  of  psy- 
chology and  sociology,  should  make  "their 
moral  end  explicit,  instead  of  leaving  it  to 
their  readers  and  students,  who,  pursuing 
other  studies  as  well  and  therefore  taking  a 
rounder  view  of  the  matter,  must  teach  it 
to  their  teachers." 
(All  books  orJrrrJ  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  hr 


For  moral  education  is  the  most  impor- 
tant part  of  education,  yet  "only  preachers 
and  parents  have  the  courage  to  admit  that 
they  engage  in  this  kind  of  educating,  and 
the  preachers  try  to  pretend  that  they  are 
not  'preachers,'  while  the  parents  try  to 
sit  at  the  feet  of  their  children."  Mr.  Perry 
denies  that  moral  education  can  be  left  to 
itself,  even  though  teachers  be  accused  of 
indoctrination. 

Even  the  teacher  who  refuses  to  implant 
any  positive  beliefs  on  the  ground  of  inter- 
fering with  the  students'  freedom,  must  at 
least  implant  in  them  this  respect  for  free- 
dom, by  example  if  not  by  precept,  and 
thus  enlarge  the  students'  social  usefulness. 
"It  should  be  made  extremely  difficult,  if 
not  impossible,  for  the  members  of  such  an 

institution  to  remain  unfree." 

> 

Morality  and  Religion 

The  world  order  of  the  future  must  be 
based  on  moral  institutions.  Such  morality, 
argues  Mr.  Perry,  begins  in  the  mind  of 
the  individual  and  influences  nations  and 
associated  nations.  The  experiences  of  the 
war  have  brought  home  to  the  individual 
the  helplessness  of  the  isolated  man,  the 
interdependence  of  all.  The  horrors  let 
loose  on  the  world  have  caused  a  revulsion 
that  is  deep  and  personal. 

Human  misery  has  been  portrayed  in 
words  and  pictures,  in  voices  over  the  air, 
in  letters  from  soldiers  at  the  front.  These 
have  evoked  a  resentment  of  cruelty,  a  pity 
for  the  unfortunate  victims  that  cannot  be 
forgotten  lightly.  Even  those  who  were 
irritated  because  the  orderly  routines  of 
their  lives  were  disturbed  can  hardly  be 
indifferent  to  what  caused  the  disturbance. 
Thus,  conscience  is  awakened  and  a  new 
moral  fervor  established  by  concrete 
experience. 

Since  Mr.  Perry  is  not  a  theologian,  he 
cannot  argue  that  to  observe  the  moral 
order  is  to  observe  the  laws  of  God  and 
let  it  go  at  that.  He  is  not  one  to  believe 
that  dogma  alone  can  keep  man  from  fol- 
lowing his  worst  impulses.  He  values  re- 
ligion for  its  usefulness  and  in  its  place, 
but  he  reminds  us  that  the  moral  unity 
of  the  world  must  for  some  time  to  come 
embrace  both  theists  and  atheists  and  must 
be  achieved  by  their  united  effort.  "He 
who  insists  that  morality  is  inseparable 
from  theism  takes  ground  similar  to  thai 
of  his  dearest  opponents.  For  Marxism  has 
affirmed  that  morality  is  inseparable  from 
dialectin!  materialism  —  from  atheism. 
Meanwhile,  it  is  fortunate  that  the  civil 
order  of  mankind  is  not  obliged  to  attend 
postpaid) 

447 


upon  the  chills  and  fevers  of  theistic  belief 
and  unbelief." 

In  thus  building  up  the  "half-religion  of 
human  morality,"  Mr.  Perry  puts  it  on 
grounds  that  must  appeal  to  a  world  more 
interested  in  its  material  than  its  spiritual 
welfare.  Basically  he  will  have  to  argue 
that  morality  in  international  relations  must 
be  cultivated  because  it  pays.  In  more  direct 
terms  we  say  democracy  pays;  we  are  try- 
ing to  establish  democracy  in  Germany 
and  Japan  and  we  are  trying  to  persuade 
the  Soviet  Union  that  our  definition  of 
democracy  holds  more  hope  for  the  world 
than  its  own.  There  is  a  gigantic  job  for 
Mr.  Perry's  global  education! 

Nations  have  fought  for  their  ways  of 
looking  at  life  and  the  world;  their  own 
attitudes  are  based  on  experience.  We  are 
vulnerable  ourselves.  Mr.  Perry  has  some 
pertinent  criticism  of  publicity,  which  is 
simply  propaganda  for  commercial  pur- 
poses and  often  makes  one  doubt  that  a 
moral  sense  operates  in  the  publicist. 

Mr.  Perry  is  right  in  this — that  the  indi- 
vidual must  firmly  believe  in  moral  princi- 
ples before  nations  can  act  on  them.  For 
centuries  the  authority  of  the  great  religions 
stood  behind  the  moral  conscience  of  man- 
kind. For  many  that  authority  has  broken 
down.  As  a  teacher  who  believes  in  free- 
dom, Mr.  Perry  is  exceedingly  shy  of  moral 
education  and  at  the  same  time  aware  of  its 
great  need.  Perhaps  the  solution  lies  in 
accentuating  the  lessons  of  the  humanities 
and  social  sciences. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  ANSWER,  by  Paul  J. 
Tillich,  Theodore  M.  Greene,  George  F. 
Thomas,  Edwin  E.  Aubrey,  John  Knox. 
Edited,  with  an  introduction,  by  Henry  P. 
Van  Dusen.  Scribner.  #2.50. 

THIS    LITTLE   BOOK    IS    OF   MORE   THAN    ORDIN- 

ary  significance.  It  is  a  product  of  group 
thinking  at  its  best.  The  five  writers  are 
members  of  what  is  known  as  "The  Theo- 
logical Discussion  Group"  numbering 
thirty-eight  theologians  who  have  been 
working  together  for  ten  years.  This  vol- 
ume is  a  product  of  their  collaboration. 

It  is  addressed  primarily  to  "thoughtful 
men  and  women  who  stand  somewhat  out- 
side the  Christian  tradition,  and  yet  who 
are  moved  by  the  events  of  our  time  to 
inquire  whether  Christian  faith  may  not 
hold  truth  and  power  which  they  have 
neglected  and  of  which  they  and  their 
world  stand  in  need."  Professor  Tillich  pre- 
sents a  diagnosis  of  the  world  situation 
and  indicates  "guideposts"  for  the  framing 
of  the  "Christian  answer"  which  the  other 
writers  undertake  to  formulate. 

Professor  Tillich  sees  the  world  situation 
as  resulting  from  the  "triumph  and  the 
crisis"  of  bourgeois  society.  The  bourgeois 
revolution  first  enthroned  reason  as  "the 
power  of  truth  and  justice  embodied  in 
man  as  man."  But  the  faith  that  reason 
could  produce  an  automatic  harmony  in 
human  affairs  has  been  disappointed.  Man 
is  not  fully  rational;  there  are  non-rational 
factors  in  his  nature.  Furthermore,  the  con- 
ception of  reason  itself  has  been  altered, 
and  "technical  reason"  has  achieved  as- 
cendancy, only  to  invite  all  manner  of 


vitalisuc  revolts  against  the  resulting  mech- 
anization of  life. 

Religion  is  inextricably  involved  in  this 
process,  which  Professor  Tillich  finds  il- 
lustrated in  art  in  the  transition  from 
Giotto,  through  Titian  to  Rembrandt.  In 
Giotto,  a  transcendent  reality  gave  meaning 
to  life.  In  Titian,  "the  divinity  of  the 
human  and  the  humanity  of  the  divine  fur- 
nished the  center  of  meaning."  In  Rem- 
brandt, the  "unique  individual"  appears 
dominated  by  purposes  "without  ultimate 
meaning" — the  triumphant  bourgeois  type. 

What  is  here  symbolized  is  the  destruc- 
tion of  community,  to  which  Protestantism 
has  contributed  in  some  measure  by  creat- 
ing "alongside  itself  a  secular  sphere  which 
step  by  step  invaded  and  mastered  the  reli- 
gious sphere."  In  our  time,  the  sense  of 
spiritual  rootlessness  has  given  rise  to  at- 
tempts to  reestablish  community  on  the 
basis  of  "antibourgeois  doctrines."  In  this 
welter  of  forces  the  Church  must  formulate 
a  message  "born  out  of  the  depths  of  our 
present  historical  situation." 

Professor  Greene  and  Professor  Thomas 
bring  the  central  doctrines  of  historic 
Christianity  into  confrontation  with  the 
secular  alternatives  of  humanism  and  na- 
turalism. Here  is  a  concise,  earnest,  un- 
technical  presentation  of  the  essentials  of 
Christian  doctrine.  The  appeal  is  to  those 
"who  possess  the  humility,  the  earnestness, 
the  sense  of  awe,  and  the  capacity  for  utter 
devotion  to  God  and  man  which  are  simul- 
taneously the  condition  and  the  criterion  of 
religious  insight." 

In  the  two  chapters  contributed  by  Pro- 
fessor Aubrey  and  Professor  Knox  the 
basis  of  the  Christian  social  ethic  is  out- 
lined, the  moral  dilemma  of  the  individual 
in  an  unregenerate  social  order  is  por- 
trayed, and  the  perennial  Christian  answer 
to  the  human  predicament  is  unfolded. 
Executive  Secretary  F.  ERNEST  JOHNSON 
Federal  Council  of  Churches 

THE  PRICE  OF  PEACE  by  Sir  William  Bev- 
eridge.  Norton.  $2. 

OUT    OF    A    PROFOUND    KNOWLEDGE    ACQUIRED 

in  a  lifetime  study  of  man  and  his  struggle, 
out  of  a  human  heart  which  has  never  lost 
its  warmth,  Sir  William  Beveridge  writes  a 
clear,  concise,  and  convincing  argument  for 
morality.  I  do  not  use  the  word  in  any 
narrow  sense,  but  rather  in  a  sense  of  a 
spiritual  awareness. 

Sir  William  does  not  find  the  causes  of 
war  to  be  either  in  the  pugnacity  of  man- 
kind, nor  in  the  injustices  of  the  economic 
system.  The  causes  of  war,  he  feels,  are  to 
be  found  in  ambition,  revenge  and,  primar- 
ily, in  fear. 

These  are  not  glib  or  superficial  con- 
clusions: they  are  to  be  found  in  the  pages 
of  recent  history — the  pages  which  many 
of  us  have  helped  to  write.  We  must  read 
them  well  if  we  care  to  face  the  respon- 
sibility for  what  is  written  on  the  pages  of 
tomorrow. 

Sir  William  argues  with  brilliance  and 
simplicity  that  if  we  would  remove  the 
causes  of  war — -revenge  and  fear — we  must 
achieve  "compulsory  arbitration  by  an  im- 


partial tribunal  applied  to  all  disputes  and 
backed  by  overwhelming  force."  This  pre- 
supposes that  the  Great  Powers,  which  at 
the  moment  wield  the  overwhelming  force, 
will  decide  to  use  their  .power,  not  for  na- 
tional advantage,  but  for  the  common  good 
of  world  order. 

I  do  not  presume  to  enter  into  the  argu- 
ment on  national  sovereignty,  or  regional- 
ism versus  world  federation — I  leave  those 
questions  to  those  who  are  sure  of  the 
answers.  The  point  here  is  the  deep  and 
desperately  urgent  need  for  a  moral  convic- 
tion that  must  be  achieved  by  nations  and 
by  individuals:  a  conviction  that  there  can 
and  will  be  a  "positive  alternative  to  war 
as  a  means  of  settling  disputes  between  na- 
tions." Sir  William  suggests  that  this 
"positive  alternative"  be  an  impartial  tri- 
bunal which,  he  holds,  can  be  set  up  and 
must  be  obeyed. 

It  is  this  call  to  an  approach  rather  than  a 
program,  this  belief  in  justice  and  its  ef- 
ficacy, this  faith  in  the  capacity  for  good  in 
his  fellow-man  which  marks  this  latest  of 
Sir  William's  books,  and  all  who  ponder 
seriously  and  humbly,  in  these  bewildering 
days,  would  do  well  to  read  it. 

JULIE  D'ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT 
Assistant   Director 
Woodrow   Wilson   Foundation 

PIONEERS  IN  WORLD  ORDER,  edited  by 
Harriet  Eager  Davis.  Columbia  University 
Press.  $2.75. 

NEARLY  THREE  HUNDRED  AMERICANS  PAR- 
ticipated  in  various  aspects  of  the  League  of 
Nations — in  spite  of  the  supposed  isolation- 
ism of  opinion  in  the  United  States  from 
1920  to  1939.  The  names  signed  to  the  six- 
teen chapters  of  this  book  are  with  but  one 
exception  men  and  women  who  had  re- 
ceived official  appointments  by  a  League 
organ.*  The  foreword  is  by  Raymond  Fos- 
dick  who  served  as  Under-Secretary  Gen- 
eral during  that  early  and  sadly  brief  pe- 
riod between  the  signing  of  the  Covenant 
at  Versailles  and  the  rejection  of  it  by  the 
United  States  Senate.  These  Americans, 
from  various  sections  of  the  country,  knew 
that  they  lived  in  One  World  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century  before  Wendell  Will- 
kie  made  current  that  .pregnant  phrase. 

Although  the  subjects  vary,  the  approach 
is  generally  the  same:  an  explanation  of  the 
formal  framework  under  which  the  work 
was  undertaken,  an  account  of  the  achieve- 
ments, and  an  appraisal  of  the  value  of  the 
experiences  for  the  future. 

It  would  be  presumptuous  for  a  review 
to  criticize  technically  such  a  variety  of  sub- 
jects presented  by  recognized  authorities  in 
each  field.  But  certain  definite  impressions 
are  created  by  each  chapter,  as  to  the  value 

*  Foreword,  by  Raymond  B.  Fosdick;  The  Frame- 
work of  Peace,  by  Arthur  Sweetser;  Security,  by 
James  T.  Shotwell;  Disarmament,  by  Laura  Puffer 
Morgan,  with  foreword  by  Mary  E.  Woolley;  The 
World  Court,  by  Manley  O.  Hudson;  Internationa] 
Civil  Service,  by  Frank  G.  Boudreau;  The  Interna- 
tional Labor  Organization,  by  Carter  Goodrich;  Con- 
trol of  Special  Areas,  by  Sarah  Wambaugh :  De-- 
pendent Peoples  and  Mandates,  by  Huntington  Gil- 
christ;  World  Economics,  by  Henry  F.  Grady;  Inter- 
national  Double  Taxation,  by  Mitchell  B.  Carroll; 
Standardizing  World  Statistics,  by  E.  Dana  Durand; 
Dangerous  Drugs,  by  Herbert  L.  May;  International 
Health  Work,  by  Frank  G.  Boudreau;  Refugees,  by 
James  G.  McDonald;  Social  Problems,  by  Elsa 
Castendyck;  The  League  of  Minds,  by  Malcolm  W. 
Davis. 


448 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


for  the  future  world  organization  ot  these 
technical  experiences.  The  World  Court, 
ILO,  Dangerous  Drugs,  International 
Health  Work,  The  League  of  Minds  (in- 
tellectual cooperation)  seem  ready  to  be  in- 
corporated into  the  United  Nations  Or- 
ganization with  slight  change.  The  chap- 
ter on  Security  has  chiefly  historical  value. 
Refugees  and  Social  Problems  are  already 
included  in  UNRRA  planning.  Dependent 
Peoples  and  Mandates  clarifies  the  status  of 
the  sovereignty  of  mandated  areas,  and 
should  assist  public  opinion  to  understand 
the  problems  of  trusteeship.  Alternate  pro- 
posals for  handling  this  very  difficult  prob- 
lem help  to  define  the  issues  on  one  of  the 
•most  controversial  political  subjects. 

International  Civil  Service  raises  a  thorny 
point  often  discussed  in  Geneva — -the  role 
of  the  Secretary  General,  efficient  servant  or 
vigorous  leader?  This  problem  will  arise  in 
the  new  organization.  Other  chapters  seem 
sadly  dated.  The  disarmament  proposals 
show  no  conception  of  the  role  of  new 
weapons,  or  the  effect  on  the  whole  indus- 
trial life  of  a  nation  of  suppression  of  heavy 
industry.  Control  of  Special  Areas  does  not 
seem  to  provide  machinery  suitable  to  pres- 
ent conditions. 

Two  chapters  stand  out  as  clear  beacons 
for  the  coming  world — the  Framework  of 
Peace  and  World  Economics.  "The  real 
purposes  for  which  the  League  was  founded 
are  best  served  by  calling,  not  for  the  same 
old  League,  but  for  a  Union  of  Nations 
which  by  taking  advantage  of  both  the 
good  and  the  bad  in  the  first  experience, 
may  grant  to  itself  the  power  to  accom- 
plish what  the  League  could  not." 

HELEN  HOWF.LL  MOORHEAD 
Washington   Bureau 
Foreign    Policy   Association 

THE  SPRINGFIELD  PLAN,  photographs  by 
Alexander  Alland.  text  by  James  Waterman 
Wise.  Viking.  #2.50. 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  SPRINGFIELD 
PLAN,  by  Clarence  I.  Chatto  and  Alice  L. 
Halligan.  Barnes  Si  Noble.  $2.75. 

THE  SPRINGFIELD  PLAN  FOR  ACHIEVING 
racial  and  religious  understanding  and  har- 
mony between  groups  in  a  polyglot  com- 
munity has  attracted  countrywide  attention. 
And  yet  it  is  nothing  novel  in  itself.  It 
represents  an  ingenious  use  of  resources  in 
school  and  community  ready  at  hand  in 
virtually  any  school  with  the  will  to  em- 
ploy them. 

As  Superintendent  Granrud  remarks  in 
his  introduction  to  "The  Story  of  the 
Springfield  Plan":  "It  is  neither  a  rigid 
plan  nor  an  authoritative  guide.  It  is  a 
flexible  program  designed  to  meet  the  prob- 
lems of  one  community.  In  developing  its 
program,  Springfield  made  liberal  use  of 
the  traditions  and  democratic  practices  ac- 
cepted in  other  communities  throughout 
the  country."  Springfield  is  distinctive  in 
that  under  John  Granrud's  direction  it  has 
the  courage  to  practice  what  most  Ameri- 
can schools  preach. 

These  two  books  describe  the  work  of 
the  schools  in  relation  to  the  community  on 
two  different  levels.  "The  Springfield  Plan" 
is  an  extremely  able  and  clever  birdseye 


"Teachers    representative    of    all    elements    in    the    community."    One    of    Alexander    Alland'* 
photographs  for  "The  Springfield  Plan" 


view  in  pictures  and  text  of  school  and  com- 
munity activities  in  Springfield.  Some  sixty 
photographs  reinforce  admirably  thumbnail 
sketches  of  the  idea  or  the  project  thus  de- 
picted. This  book  demonstrates  the  con- 
structive possibilities  of  the  tabloid  method 
in  publicizing  a  school  system's  operations. 

"The  Story  of  the  Springfield  Plan"  is 
written  for  the  educator  and  the  layman 
who  wishes  to  secure  a  more  detailed  un- 
derstanding of  the  Springfield  program.  Its 
authors  are  the  curriculum  director  and  the 
director  of  adult  education  in  the  Spring- 
field schools.  They  speak  out  of  firsthand 
experience  and  have  prepared  a  modestly 
written  type  study  of  the  way  in  which  the 
city  has  used  its  schools  to  build  tolerant 
and  understanding  relations  in  children  and 
adults  in  a  city  that  has  added  to  an 
originally  Protestant  and  New  England 
stock  representatives  from  every  country  in 
Europe  and  diverse  religious  faiths — Protes- 
tant, Roman  Catholic,  Greek  Orthodox, 
Russian  Orthodox,  Jewish. 

When  Superintendent  Granrud  began 
his  work  "there  existed  in  Springfield  .  .  . 
the  paradox  of  a  hybrid  school  population 
and  an  almost  exclusively  Protestant  Anglo- 
Saxon  administrative  and  teaching  staff." 
His  first  step  was  to  employ  teachers  rep- 
resentative of  all  elements  in  the  commun- 
ity. 

His  second  was  to  organize  committees 
composed  of  these  representatives  to  help 
formulate  administrative  and  supervisory 
policies  for  the  schools.  Courses  of  study 
originate  out  of  the  cooperative  planning 
of  the  teachers  and  supervisors  who  are 
charged  with  the  responsibility  of  working 
directly  with  the  children.  Experiments  are 
encouraged;  and  when  one  teacher  or  one 
school  develops  a  promising  lead,  others 
learn  about  it  and  are  encouraged  to  in- 
corporate it  in  their  situation,  with  appro- 
priate modifications. 


Third,  the  children  likewise  participate, 
drawing  upon  their  own  backgrounds  in 
such  a  way  as  to  develop  confidence  in 
their  origins,  to  cement  relations  between 
children  and  their  elders,  and  to  develop 
within  the  classroom  an  atmosphere  of  mu- 
tual respect  regardless  of  race  or  creed.  In 
chapters  replete  with  specific  illustrations, 
the  authors  paint  an  intimate  picture  of  a 
modern  school  putting  to  work  progressive 
methods  of  learning  and  teaching  and 
teacher  training  with  specific  reference  to 
the  problem  of  intercultural  living. 

A  fourth  characteristic  of  the  Springfield 
program  is  its  use  of  the  community.  Not 
only  are  parents  involved  in  the  school  but 
through  a  citizen's  Adult  Education  Coun- 
cil and  the  Bureau  of  Adult  Education  in 
the  schools  a  rich  program  of  adult  educa- 
tion is  provided.  This  meets  the  needs  of 
formal  education  for  adults  but  goes  fur- 
ther, stimulating  cultural  programs  and 
public  forums  that  involve  representatives 
of  capital  and  labor  and  of  all  races  and  all 
religions. 

Finally,  through  a  placement  bureau, 
graduates  of  the  school  are  guided  into  the 
world  of  adult  life  and  employers  are  en- 
couraged to  provide  opportunities  for  mem- 
bers of  minority  groups. 

There  is  an  appendix  of  source  material 
helpful  to  lay  and   professional   workers. 
Education  director  V.   T.  THAYER 

Ethical  Culture  Schools,  New 


THE  CITY  IS  THE  PEOPLE,  by  Henry  S. 
Churchill.  Reynal  &  Hitchcock.  $3. 

HERE  is  A  BOOK  ON  CITY  PLANNING  THAT 
anybody  can  read  and  everybody  ought  to. 
Reading  it,  moreover,  will  be  a  pleasure 
rather  than  a  chore,  for  its  story  is  so  en- 
gagingly told  that  even  those  portions 
which  have  technical  implications  are  easy 
to  follow. 

Henry   Churchill   is   evidently   on   guard 


NOVEMBER     1945 


449 


against  the  peculiar  state  of  affairs  in  his 
profession,  wherein  planners  write  and  talk 
mainly  for  the  benefit  of  each  other,  and 
he  has  been  successful  in  breaking  away 
from  the  unfortunate  habit.  His  book  is 
addressed  to  the  great  general  public — to 
the  people  of  the  cities  and  towns  and  their 
country  cousins,  too — who  must  understand 
the  essentials  of  planning,  must  know  what 
they  want  done  and  have  some  idea  of 
how  to  get  it  done,  before  even  the  best  of 
plans  can  come  to  anything  more  than  bun- 
dles of  blueprints  gathering  dust. 

A  non-professional  reader  finishing  this 
book  could  scarcely  expect  to  sit  down  and 
forthwith  plan  a  city.  He  should,  how- 
ever, be  in  a  greatly  improved  position  to 
see  what  the  technicians  charged  with  a 
planning  job  are  driving  at,  what  they  are 
up  against,  and  whether  they  are  really 
coming  to  grips  with  the  problem.  Above 
all,  he  should  be  enabled  to  see  what  he 
and  his  fellow  citizens  must  do  in  order 
that  good  plans  may  be  carried  out. 

Mr.  Churchill  begins  with  a  sprightly  ac- 
count of  how  towns  were  planned  in  the 
past  and  why  many  of  the  old  European 
cities  still  present  a  charming  picture.  He 
goes  on  to  tell  how,  with  the  coming  of  the 
industrial  revolution  and  the  well-nigh  uni- 
versal acceptance  of  the  doctrine  of  laissez 
faire — the  belief  that  if  everybody  pursued 
self-interest  as  hoggishly  as  possible  every- 
thing would  automatically  work  out  for 
the  common  good — city  planning  in  the 
nineteenth  century  and  after  reached  an 
all-time  low  and  our  own  urban  commun- 
ities drifted  into  their  present  predicament. 
From  the  analysis  contained  in  this  his- 
torical sketch,  it  becomes  clear  what  must 
be  done,  physically,  legally,  and  fiscally,  to 
take  the  situation  in  hand  and  change  the 
urban  pattern  into  what  is  required  for  the 
modern  age. 

There  is  no  planning  as  such  in  the 
book,  although  there  are  some  good  illus- 
trations. There  are,  in  fact,  no  specific 
recommendations.  But  the  reader  who  is 
prepared  to  use  a  little  imagination  should 
have  no  difficulty  in  drawing  up  his  own 
program  of  civic  action.  If  the  book  is  as 
widely  read  as  it  deserves  to  be,  competent 
planners  will  have  their  work  made  easier, 
but  the  phonies  and  the  spectacular  bluffers 
will  have  theirs  made  harder. 
Board  of  editors.  Fortune  GUY  GREEK 

SMOULDERING  FREEDOM,  by  Isabel  de 
Palencia.   Longmans,  Green.  #3. 

As      WITH      HER      EARLIER      BOOK,      ISABEL      DE 

Palencia  through  "Smouldering  Freedom" 
leaves  the  reader  with  an  overwhelming 
sense  of  shame — not  that  this  is  the  pur- 
pose of  her  book,  far  from  it.  One  feels 
shame  that  the  countries  that  talk  the  loud- 
est about  democracy  have  been  so  blind, 
so  timorous,  so  selfish  in  their  attitude  to- 
ward the  long  struggle  of  the  Spanish  pa- 
triots against  the  forces  of  fascism  as  typi- 
fied by  Franco. 

Even  today  we  only  say  we  do  not  like 
Franco.  At  a  time  when  the  people's  gov- 
ernment of  Spain  was  in  most  desperate 
straits  we  self-righteously  enforced  a  non- 
intervention policy  through  which,  how- 


ever, German  and  Italian  aid  to  Franco 
was  able  to  go,  although  the  patriots  could 
get  no  help.  It  is  impossible  to  read  this 
moving  story  without  becoming  a  partisan, 
without  desiring  passionately  that  Spain 
"may  someday  be  helped  to  recover  its  free- 
dom, and  that  the  traitors  who  sold  their 
country  to  German  and  Italian  interests 
may  be  forced  to  go  the  way  that  other 
traitors  go." 

Senora  de  Palencia  warns  that:  "One  of 
the  greatest  and  most  dangerous  errors 
among  the  many  that  we  could  put  to  the 
debit  of  the  democratic  countries  would  be 
the  thought  that,  once  Germany  and  Italy 
are  subdued,  there  would  be  nothing  to 
fear  from  Franco.  Spaniards  know  that 
there  is  everything  to  fear;  that  Spain  in 
the  hands  of  the  'generalissimo'  and 
Falange  can  and  will  be  the  breeding 
ground  of  a  new  army  of  democracy's 
enemies  —  a  more  powerful,  experienced 
and  well-equipped  army  than  they  had  be- 
fore; that  Spain,  in  Franco's  hands,  would 
be  th?  channel  through  which  the  virulent 
fascist  poison  would  flood  the  Spanish- 
speaking  republics  of  America." 

She  pleads  eloquently  for  our  "under- 
standing and  respect  for  the  rights  of  the 
Spanish  people,"  and  cautions  that  "mainte- 
nance of  relations  with  the  Spanish  dictator 
can  only  result  in  upheavals  and  violence 
in  our  long-suffering  country,  for  of  course 
the  Spaniards  are  determined  to  get  back 
their  country  and  their  freedom,  happen 
what  may." 

Americans  shocked  at  recent  revelations 
of  German  brutalities  at  Belsen,  Dachau 
and  other  camps  should  learn,  through  this 
book,  that  similar  brutalities  were  practiced 
earlier  against  Spanish  patriots — and  they 
suffered  not  alone  in  Spain.  Senora  de 
Palencia  cites  a  Paris  dispatch  from  Rus- 
sell Hill,  American  newspaperman,  stating 
that  "out  of  500,000  Spanish  refugees  who 
entered  France  in  1939,  no  less  than  140,- 
000  have  succumbed  to  hunger  and  priva- 
tions. Of  the  remaining  360,000,  a  large 
number  have  been  taken  by  force  into 
Spain  and  murdered,  others  have  died  in 
exile,  and  many  more  have  been  killed  in 
action  on  the  battlefronts  of  the  Allied  na- 
tions." 

The  cruel  hardships  of  Spaniards  today, 
at  home  or  in  exile,  are  a  shocking  contrast 
to  the  complacency  of  our  people  on  the 
notable  victories  over  Germany  and  Japan. 
Franco  remains  in  power — less  sure  of  him- 
self, to  be  sure;  thousands  of  his  political 
enemies  remain  in  Spanish  prisons.  Senora 
de  Palencia  points  out  that  despite  Franco's 
published  announcement  that  political  pri- 
soners are  to  be  freed,  "prisoners  who  were 
officially  informed  two  years  ago  that  their 
liberty  was  only  a  question  of  hours  are 
still  in  jail.  Others,  who  like  a  relative  of 
mine,  were  freed  some  months  ago,  have 
been  sent  to  jail  again.  .  .  .  Franco  may 
succeed  in  deceiving  the  world  by  these  de- 
vices and  manage  to  stay  in  power  some 
time  longer,  but  he  will  not  deceive  his 
people." 

The  other  aspect  of  this  book  which 
stands  out  clearly  is  the  contribution  being 
made  to  the  culture  of  Mexico  by  the  Span- 


ish emigres  and  the  warmth  felt  by  them 
for  that  country  which  alone,  with  open- 
hearted  generosity  and  courage  in  the  face 
of  the  example  of  other  more  powerful 
democracies  made  them  welcome. 

One  of  the  amazing  and  touching  things 
about  this  notable  book  is  that  the  author, 
no  less  than  the  tragic  farewell  letters  she 
cites  from  Spaniards  about  to  die  before  fir- 
ing squads,  express  no  rancor  against  those 
who  should  have  understood  the  true  mean- 
ing of  what  was  happening  in  Spain.  This 
generosity  merely  makes  more  compelling 
our  responsibility  for  getting  rid  of  Franco, 
for  restoring  the  liberty  of  the  Spaniards  to 
chose  their  own  government. 

ELINORE   M.  HERRICK 
New  Yorf(  Herald  Tribune 

FOREVER  CHINA,  by  Robert  Payne.  Dodd, 
Mead.  £3.50. 

ROBERT  PAYNE  is  \  YOUNG  ENGLISHMAN 
with  a  remarkably  sensitive  style,  who  has 
been  a  foreign  correspondent,  shipwright, 
armament  officer  in  Singapore,  and  pro- 
fessor of  English  literature  at  two  Chinese 
universities.  "Forever  China"  presents  in 
diary  form  some  of  his  experiences  in 
China  during  the  fateful  two-and-a-half 
years  from  December  1941  until  the  spring 
of  1944. 

It  is  a  diary  in  which,  almost  obsessed 
with  the  colors  and  forms  about  him,  the 
author  attempts  to  convey  his  feeling  that 
there  is  something  uniquely  beautiful  and 
promising  about  China  and  the  Chinese 
people.  But,  above  all,  these  pages  are  an 
expression  of  faith  in  China's  students  and 
teachers,  who  endured  so  much  in  the  long 
war  with  Japan. 

Throughout  the  book  there  are  amaz- 
ingly penetrating  descriptions  of  people  and 
things:  the  longing  of  university  people  for 
new  books;  the  prayer  of  a  Buddhist  priest; 
the  execution  of  a  group  of  bandits;  the 
crying  of  undernourished  children;  and  the 
genius  of  a  blind  story-teller.  So  effective  is 
the  style  that  the  first  one  hundred  or  two 
hundred  pages  weave  a  spell  about  the 
reader. 

But  the  piling  of  description  upon  de- 
scription later  becomes  tiresome  —  for  the 
book  is  far  too  long  • — and  the  highly  liter- 
ary approach  frequently  makes  one  wonder 
whether  Mr.  Payne  has  not  remoulded 
China  nearer  to  his  heart's  desire.  One  is 
inclined  to  agree  with  the  anonymous  Chi- 
nese, who  was  shown  the  diary  and  is 
quoted  as  protesting:  "But  you  have  made 
us  much  more  idealistic  than  we  are!" 

Mr.  Payne  apparently  belongs  to  the  gen- 
eration of  intellectuals  who  were  nurtured 
on  T.  S.  Eliot's  "Wasteland,"  but  later 
replaced  the  utter  disillusionment  of  that 
poem  with  a  certain  spirit  of  hope.  Never- 
theless, the  weariness  of  Eliot  and  the  ten- 
dency to  make  the  commonplace  seem  pro- 
found without  really  casting  new  light  on 
it  are  both  found  here,  especially  when  the 
author  describes  the  ideas  of  his  friend, 
Bergery.  There  is  sometimes  a  straining 
after  effect,  epitomized  in  the  statement 
about  Chungking  that  "we  wondered  why 
this  city,  whose  name  in  Chinese  contains 
the  character  for  'love,'  should  be  so  terrible 


450 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


to  us  still."   (Actually,  the  name,  Chung- 
king,  does   not   contain    the    character   for 
'  "love,"  but  even  if  it  did  the  point  would 
be  a  purely  artificial  one.) 

Although  the  preface  declares  that  "there 
is  nothing  of  politics  here,  or  so  little  that 
it  may  pass  unobserved,"  the  various  brief 
references,  direct  and  indirect,  to  the  politi- 
cal situation  are  of  such  a  character  as  to 
gloss  over  China's  internal  problems.  It  is 
especially  surprising  to  find  that,  while  the 
universities  have  been  centers  of  political 
criticism,  there  is  virtually  no  reference  to 
this  fact,  and  the  entire  emphasis  is  on  the 
timeless  optimism  of  students  and  profes- 
sors. 

Yet,  despite  its  shortcomings,  "Forever 
China"  remains  a  highly  original  work,  a 
tribute  to  the  character  and  potentialities 
of  the  Chinese  people,  and  a  revelation  of 
the  author's  skill  and  feeling  as  a  writer. 
LAWRENCE  K.  ROSINGER 
Foreign  Policy  Association 

THE  AUTHORITARIAN  ATTEMPT  TO 
CAPTURE  EDUCATION.  Papers  from 
the  2d  Conference  on  the  Scientific  Spirit 
and  Democratic  Faith.  New  York,  King's 
Crown  Press.  #2.50. 

THIS    VOLUME    CONSTITUTES    A     FRONTAL    AT- 

tack  on  reaction  in  education.  Participants 
in  the  1944  Conference  on  the  Scientific 
Spirit  and  Democratic  Faith,  including 
John  Dewey,  Sidney  Hook,  and  others,  con- 
centrated on  the  educational  issue  because 
of  a  conviction  that  "certain  organized 
movements  in  education  constituted  a 
threat"  to  science  and  democracy. 

The  nature  of  this  threat  is  discussed  by 
Jerome  Nathanson  in  the  preface  to  the 
volume  in  terms  of  "the  struggle  between 
those  who  would  dominate  and  exploit  hu- 
man beings  for  their  own  ends,  and  those 
who  would  free  them  for  the  realization 
in  common  of  their  best  possibilities."  Pro- 
fessor Dewey,  in  a  "preliminary  essay,"  as- 
sails the  reactionary  critics  for  attempting 
to  return  to  the  dualistic  separation  of  the 
"intellectual"  and  the  "practical,"  of  the 
liberal  and  servile  arts,  that  marked  the 
feudal  age — a  move  which  he  characterizes 
as  a  form  of  "social  and  moral  quackery." 
The  task  before  us,  Dewey  says,  is  to  hu- 
manize science;  to  see  to  it  that  science, 
education,  and  the  democratic  cause  meet 
as  one. 

In  other  papers  in  the  volume  Hook  illus- 
trates by  examples  his  contention  that  "the 
authoritarian  tendency  is  at  work  in  educa- 
tion"; Arthur  Murphy  points  out  that  tradi- 
tional materials  are  not  valuable  merely  if 
they  are  traditional,  but  only  if  they  are 
true — that  it  is  truth,  not  tradition,  that 
makes  men  free;  and  Irwin  Edman  coun- 
sels us  not  to  disregard  and  disparage  all 
literature  and  art  of  the  present  "as  over 
against  the  great  tradition." 

One  very  useful  section  of  the  volume 
Harry  Gideonse,  Bruce  Bliven,  Bernard 
smith)  inquires  soberly  into  the  question 
»s  to  whether  free  communication  in  press 
md  radio  actually  can  be  achieved.  Still 
mother  (Gerald  Wendt  and  A.  J.  Carlston) 
onsiders  the  problem  of  "Science  and  the 
-iumanization  of  Society."  In  his  paper, 


that  are  tvorkts  of  art! 


created  by 


—here  are  the  Christmas  cards  you've  been 

reading  about!  .  .  .  These  Ambassadors  of 

Good- Will  have  been  created  for  you  by 

America's    foremost    living    artists    .    .    . 

They'll  serve  you  with  honor,  and  pay 

warm  respect  to  your  friends'  good  taste. 

.  .  .  Because  every  card  is  an  authentic 

reproduction  of  a  genuine  work  of  art 

your  friends  will  cherish  them  for  their 

Christmas  import  and  treasure  them 

long  after  for  their  intrinsic  beauty. 


Pi-ire 


«o 


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431 


Los  Angeles  calls  these   young   American-born   Mexicans  "pachucos."   Look   Magazine   photo- 
graph from  "One  Nation" 


Wendt  argues  for  education  as  the  final 
hope — education,  however,  of  a  different 
kind  from  what  we  have  hitherto  had,  one 
that  "will  liberate  the  scientific  spirit"; 
while  Carlston  insists  that  scientists  will 
have  to  come  out  of  their  ivory  towers — 
otherwise  "there  is  not  going  to  be  much 
left  either  of  science  or  of  man." 

The  latter  half  of  the  volume  reports  a 
series  of  forum  discussions  on  progressive 
education,  "liberating  education,"  voca- 
tional training,  and  the  teaching  of  dog- 
matic religion  in  a  democratic  society.  In 
his  argument  in  behalf  of  progressive  edu- 
cation V.  T.  Thayer  stresses  concern  for 
human  personality.  That  "a  liberating  edu- 
cation is  an  exploring  education,"  is  A.  D. 
Henderson's  thesis. 

In  the  vocational  training  section  Edwin 
A.  Burtt  and  others  consider  the  possibility 
of  a  kind  of  vocational  education  that  will 
justify  it  as  the  medium  for  democratic 
citizenship  in  a  cooperative  world;  and  in 
the  religion  and  education  discussion,  Hor- 
ace L.  Friess  takes  the  position  that  "a 
democratic  society  has  need  of  special  faith 
in  the  value  of  shared  experiences  and  liber- 
ation in  reaching  decisions." 
Chapel  Hill,  N.  C.  W.  CARSON  RYAN 

A     RISING     WIND,      by     Walter     White. 
Doubleday,  Doran.  #2. 

"A  RISING  WIND"  is  A  155-PAGE  REPORT  BY 
Walter  White,  executive  secretary  of  the 
National  Association  for  the  Advancement 
of  Colored  People,  on  his  observations  and 
experiences  while  serving  as  a  newspaper 
correspondent  in  the  European  war  the- 
ater. The  book,  written  in  a  swiftly  mov- 
ing reportorial  style,  answers  a  good  many 
of  the  questions  constantly  raised  regarding 
Negro  Americans  serving  in  the  armed 
forces  overseas:  What  are  these  men  do- 
ing? What  are  the  relationships  between 
whites  and  Negroes  fighting  the  same  war 
in  the  same  army?  How  have  their  racial 
experiences  affected  the  morale  of  Negro 


troops?  What  hope  is  there  for  a  sounder 
democracy  and  deeper  understanding  be- 
tween races  as  a  result  of  the  common  ex- 
periences shared  in  history's  greatest  war? 

Insofar  as  Mr.  White  gives  the  answers 
to  these  questions,  they  are  deeply  disturb- 
ing. They  present  an  unfavorable  picture  of 
governmental  leadership  and  of  the  white 
commissioned  officers  who  represent  that 
government  as  they  lead,  supervise  or  plan 
for  the  activities  of  Negro  troops. 

The  reader  of  "A  Rising  Wind"  will  feel 
that  we  have  had  not  one,  but  two  armies 
overseas,  and  that  the  white  army  was  un- 
able to  concentrate  completely  on  the  busi- 
ness of  winning  the  war  because  of  its 
anxiety  that  members  of  the  Negro  army 
should  not  share  all  the  fruits  of  victory. 

In  paying  tribute  to  the  personal  broad- 
mindedness  of  General  Eisenhower,  the 
author  emphasizes  that  the  personal  atti- 
tudes of  the  Supreme  Commander  of  the 
Allied  Forces  were  frequently  thwarted  or 
distorted  by  the  time  they  reached  the 
lower  ranks  of  commissioned  officers  who 
were  in  direct  contact  with  Negro  troops. 

The  American  Red  Cross  comes  in  for 
an  unfavorable  evaluation  at  several  points, 
though  high  praise  is  given  to  the  devo- 
tion and  skill  of  Negro  Red  Cross  workers 
serving  Negro  troops. 

The  reader  is  apt  to  close  the  book  with 
an  unsatisfied  feeling.  He  wishes  that  Mr. 
White  had  stayed  longer — or  written  at 
greater  length  about  certain  aspects  of 
Negro-white  relationships  in  the  American 
army.  For  instance,  the  court-martialing  of 
two  Negro  privates  who  protested  against 
their  being  addressed  as  "niggers"  by  a 
white  captain  of  Military  Police;  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  American  Red  Cross  has 
taken  over  the  segregationist  policies  of  the 
army;  the  allegedly  common  practice  of  as- 
signing Negro  college  graduates,  even  with 
postgraduate  degrees,  to  manual  labor  units 
— these  are  incidents  which  are  gravely 
prophetic  of  the  kind  of  developments  to  be 


expected  if  a  universal  peacetime  military 
service  law  is  enacted  and  if  military  lead- 
ership rises  to  a  place  of  permanent  as- 
cendancy in  our  social  structure. 

Mr.  White's  volume  is  a  contribution  to 
current  bookshelves,  not  so  much  because 
of  the  way  in  which  he  disposes  of  ques- 
tions like  these,  as  because  of  the  deep 
significance  of  those  questions  themselves. 
Executive  Secretary  LESTER  B.  GRANGER 
\ational  Urban  League 

ONE  NATION,  by  Wallace  Stegner  and  the 
editors  of  Look.  Houghton,   Mifflin.  $3.75. 

"ONE  NATION"  TELLS  SIMULTANEOUSLY  THE 
two  sides  of  race  relations  in  the  U.S.A. 
It  is  at  once  the  story  of  prejudice  and  of 
understanding.  In  a  very  real  sense,  it  is  a 
record  of  the  most  tragic  failure  of  our 
democracy,  and  also  of  ways  in  which  we 
already  are  building  a  community  "with 
liberty  and  justice  for  all." 

The  project  of  making  this  book  was 
undertaken  by  the  editors  of  Lool(  maga- 
zine, who,  the  foreword  explains,  "became 
increasingly  aware  of  what  seemed  a  grow- 
ing wave  of  intolerance  and  prejudice." 
The  staff  enlisted  the  interest  of  Wallace 
Stegner,  author  of  a  half  dozen  successful 
novels  ("On  a  Darkling  Plain,"  "Mormon 
Country,"  "Big  Rock  Candy  Mountain"), 
who  has  lived  in  many  sections  of  the 
country,  and  is  now  professor  of  creative 
writing  at  Stanford  University. 

Mr.  Stegner  and  the  Loo\  photographers 
spent  a  year  in  making  the  survey  and  the 
book.  It  is  a  new  sort  of  book,  with  text 
and  pictures  so  closely  related  that  each 
would  be  incomplete,  almost  unintelligible, 
without  the  other. 

In  its  five  sections,  the  book  deals  with 
the  groups  who  most  cruelly  feel  the  lash 
of  prejudice  in  this  country:  the  Pacific 
races  (Filipinos,  Japanese  Americans,  Chi- 
nese); the  Mexicans;  the  American  Indians; 
the  Negroes;  and  those  persecuted  for  their 
faith's  sake  —  the  Jews  and  the  Roman 
Catholics.  It  is  a  shameful  record,  spreac 
out  in  unsparing  photographs  and  clear 
direct  words.  But  along  with  the  Jim  Crov 
buses  and  shabby,  segregated  schools  in  tr 
South,  the  overcrowded  Harlem  tenements, 
the  brutal  race  riots,  it  shows  the  other 
record — young  Negro  college  graduates  in 
cap  and  gown,  the  faces  of  distinguishec 
Negro  scholars,  scientists  and  artists,  viev 
of  the  pleasant  bi-racial  community 
Parkway  Gardens,  N.  Y. 

There  is  the  record  of  the  children 
Mexican  migrants,  with  their  neglectec 
health  and  education,  their  rootless,  over 
worked  youth.  But  there  is  also  the  stor 
of  Springfield,  Mass.,  and  what  is  being 
accomplished  toward  unity  arid  understanc 
ing  through  the  "Springfield  plan"  in  that 
city's  public  schools. 

The  story  of  each  group  is  thus  balanced 

This  is  a  book  that  has  much  to  say  to 
all  Americans,  adults  and  young  people, 
the  wise  and  the  prejudiced.  Each  page 
drives  home  the  message  that  is  made 
explicit  in  Mr.  Stegner's  conclusion.  For  he 
reminds  us  that  to  achieve  "a  harmony  of 
our  races  and  creeds  into  a  single  nation 
...  is  not  a  job  for  Congress  or  the  Presi- 


452 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


dent  or  the  Supreme  Court.  It  is  a  job  for 
the  average  Americans  in  every  commun- 
ity, the  Smiths  and  Johnsons  and  Browns 
in  whose  image  democracy  was  created." 
BEULAH  AMIDON 

BIG   BUSINESS  IN  A   DEMOCRACY,  by 
James    Truslow    Adams.    Scribner.    $2.75. 

THE  LATEST  OF  MR.  ADAMS'  MANY  WORKS 
is  a  hurried,  highly  personal,  somewhat 
repetitious  and  admittedly  inadequate  at- 
tempt to  make  twins  out  of  big  business 
and  democracy. 

When  Stalin  drank  a  toast  at  Teheran 
to  "the  miracle  of  American  industrial  pro- 
duction," big  business  was  officially  re- 
moved from  the  doghouse  into  which  the 
public  had  shoved  it  during  the  early 
Thirties.  Now  there  is  danger  that  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  well  deserved  praise  for  its 
wartime  performance  may  blind  the  naive 
to  the  defects  and  weaknesses  which  are 
inherent  in  the  private  enterprise  system. 

In  the  first  half  of  this  book,  Mr.  Adams 
traces  the  social  evolution  of  man  from  the 
moment  he  broke  away  from  the  primeval 
pack  and  became  an  individual,  until  he 
mastered  the  machine  for  the  economic 
well-being  of  all.  In  the  author's  opinion, 
from  Babylon  to  New  York,  business  and 
invention  as  carried  on  by  "rugged"  in- 
dividuals increased  population,  advanced 
knowledge,  and  encouraged  exploration. 

The  Old  World,  with  its  concentration 
of  land,  wealth,  and  privilege  and  its  lack 
of  markets,  developed  a  rigid  class  system. 
Finally,  to  the  vastness  of  America  came 
"the  downtrodden  and  ambitious";  here 
they  found  freedom  and  opportunity. 
Under  the  stimulus  of  peculiarly  American 
conditions,  a  classless  society  flourished — 
an  ideal  environment  for  the  exploitation 
of  the  machine  and  the  growth  of  mass 
production. 

Today,  the  author  claims,  big  business 
has  a  democratic  philosophy,  illustrated  by 
General  Motors'  slogan  "More  and  Better 
Things  for  More  People."  As  the  country's 
largest  producer  of  munitions  and,  before 
the  war,  responsible  for  almost  half  the  out- 
put of  automobiles  and  for  some  6,000,000 
jobs,  General  Motors  is  for  Mr.  Adams  a 
prime  example  of  good  big  business,  nur- 
tured— not  by  finance  capital  or  govern- 
mental subsidy — but  by  the  vision,  brains, 
and  risk  of  many  individuals. 

This  industrial  giant,  as  he  views  it,  is 
mass-minded  both  as  to  production  and 
distribution.  Through  its  system  of  cen- 
trally determined  general  policies  and  de- 
centralized operations  and  responsibilities, 
its  selection  of  executives  solely  on  the  basis 
of  talent,  its  high  wages,  its  emphasis  on 
research — "the  soul  of  competition" — GM 
is  democratic  within.  Outside,  its  size  de- 
pends on  whether  it  can  satisfy  the  public 
as  to  price,  quality,  variety,  and  service. 

As  evidence  that  talent  rather  than  privi- 
lege prevails,  the  author  mentions  Alfred 
P.  Sloan,  Jr.,  the  board  chairman.  But  Mr. 
Sloan  did  not,  as  Mr.  Adams  seems  to  be- 
lieve, start  in  life  without  an  inheritance. 
His  father  helped  him  get  his  first  job 
with  the  Hyatt  Roller  Bearing  Company, 

On 
NOVEMBER     1945 


HARCOURT,   BRACE   AND    COMPANY 


By 

LEWIS 
MUMFORD 


By 
STUAR 

CHASE 


By 

.BURGHARDT 

DuBOIS 


City 
Development 

N.  Y.  TIMES:  "It  offers  on  a  convenient 
scale  the  combination  characteristic  of 
his  whole  career:  earnestness,  practical 
sense,  and  charm." 

JOSEPH  HUDNUT:  "A  distillation  of  the 
high  purpose  which  has  informed  a 
lifetime  of  writing."  $2.00 

/ 

Men  at  Work 

ORDWAY  TEAD:  "Stuart  Chase  presents  in 
the  best  tradition  of  creative  journalism 
the  findings  and  experiences  in  signifi- 
cant areas  of  business  personnel  and 
economic  pioneering . . .  No  manager— 
of  factory,  store,  philanthropic  agency, 
hospital  or  college— could  fail  to  carry 
away  a  score  of  workable  ideas  from 
this  notebook  record  of  social  experi- 
ments."— Survey  Graphic  $2.00 

Color  and 
Democracy 

COLONIES   AND    PEACE 

N.  Y.  HERALD  TRIBUNE:  "An  eloquent  plea 
that  until  administration  of  colonies  is 
planned  in  terms  of  the  welfare  of  their 
inhabitants,  usually  colored,  rather  than 
of  imperial  corporative  profit,  there  can 
be  no  permanent  security  even  for  the 
biggest  powers."  $2.00 


Just  published 

An  important  contribution  to  our  social  history 

BLACK  METROPOLIS 

A  Study  of  Negro  Life  in  a  Northern  City 

By  ST.  CLAIR  DRAKE  and  HORACE  R.  CAYTON 

With  an  introduction  by  Richard  Wright 

Index,  charts  and  diagrams,  809  pages,  $5.00 


SAVE  WASTE  FAT  —  SAVE  WASTE  PAPER 


•mstvering  advertisements  please  mention   SURVEY  GRAPHIC,/ 


453 


later  bought  control,  placed  his  son  in 
charge,  and  for  many  months  kept  the  con- 
cern going  with  his  personal  checks.  It  is 
difficult  to  believe  the  author's  assertion 
that  big  business  is  more  democratically 
managed  than  family-owned  little  business. 
For  one  thing,  size  alone  works  against  it; 
for  another,  little  business  is  less  able  finan- 
cially to  withstand  the  inefficiency  of  nep- 
otism. 

To  raise  the  living  standards  of  the 
many,  Mr.  Adams  sees  two  opposing  mech- 
anisms: on  the  one  hand,  big  business 
operating  in  a  free  society  under  proper 
controls  and  with  internal  statesmanship; 
on  the  other,  a  totalitarian  and  all-powerful 
state.  He  attacks  indiscriminately  the  "cod- 
dling philosophy  of  the  New  Deal,  com- 
munism, and  other  foreign  ideologies.  ..." 
He  does  not  favor  going  back  to  the  days 
of  Jay  Gould  and  the  robber  barons,  but  he 
wants  to  maintain  private  enterprise  and 
incentive — the  economic  symbols  of  indi- 
vidualism. Most  progressive  Americans  also 
want  these.  > 

It  is  apparent,  however,  that  bigness, 
whether  of  labor,  business  or  government, 
is  striving  to  dominate  our  economy.  The 
common  man  must  seek  security  for  his 
hard-won  liberties  in  a  dynamic  balance 
between  all  three  powers. 
Hartford,  Conn.  ELLSWORTH  S.  GRANT 

LUMBER     AND    LABOR,    by    Vernon    H. 
Jensen.  Farrar  &  Rinehart.  #3. 

WOOD      IS      THE     OLDEST     PRIMARY     MATERIAL 

used  by  man.  Its  abundance,  the  ease  with 
which  it  can  be  fashioned,  its  adaptability 
to  a  wide  variety  of  applications,  give  it  an 
economic  history  that  extends  into  the  re- 
motest past.  On  this  continent  the  first 
settlers  employed  it  from  the  day  they  set 
foot  on  the  alien  shore.  Ancient  as  are  the 
uses  to  which  this  material  has  been  put,  in- 
dustrialization of  woods  operations  has  oc- 
curred only  within  the  last  four  or  five 
decades.  The  labor  history  has  been  of 
even  shorter  duration.  But  into  these  brief 
years  there  have  been  compressed  exploita- 
tion of  human  and  natural  resources,  and 
progression  from  the  individualism  that 
gave  rise  to  the  Paul  Bunyan  legends, 
through  early  revolutionary  unionism  to 
something  that  was  neither  company  nor 
independent  unionism,  to  strong  organiza- 
tions of  workers.  It  is  this  almost  unknown 
story  that  Professor  Jensen  tells  in  his 
"Lumber  and  Labor". 

No  economic  activity,  not  excepting  water- 
borne  transportation,  has  been  shot  through 
with  a  tradition  more  ruthless  and  hard- 
bitten. Only  strong  men,  whether  they  were 
employers  or  workers,  could  survive  the 
fierce  competition  that  prevailed  in  the 
woods.  The  apparently  inexhaustible  sup- 
ply of  timber  tended  largely  to  exceed  de- 
mand with  disastrous  effects  on  prices, 
wages,  and  conditions  of  employment.  The 
steady  migration  of  operations  from  the 
eastern  seaboard,  through  the  states  of 
Michigan  and  Minnesota,  to  the  Gulf  States 
and  the  Pacific  Coast  has  also  contributed 
to  the  instability  of  labor  relations.  Since 
1936,  at  least  in  the  Far  West,  bitter  juris- 
dictional  conflict  has  plagued  the  industry. 


Finally,  in  one  union  at  least,  left  and  right 
wing  factionalism  has  created  its  own  pe- 
culiar problems. 

In  spite  of  these  difficulties  an  unusual 
practice  of  collective  bargaining,  on  an  area 
basis,  has  become  the  prevailing  pattern  in 
the  western  lumbering  regions.  It  is  prob- 
able that  in  no  other  industry  are  so  many 
fiercely  competing  employers,  ranging  from 
gigantic  concerns  to  small  operations, 
banded  together  for  the  purposes  of  collec- 
tive bargaining,  with  a  single  agreement 
covering  all  of  them. 

Professor  Jensen  has  gathered,  from  in- 
numerable scattered  sources,  the  story  of 
labor  relations  in  this  tempestuous  industry. 
It  is  a  story  romantic,  dramatic,  sordid,  and 
at  times  almost  incredible.  The  author's 
tremendous  store  of  detailed  information 
tends  at  times  to  overshadow  the  basic  nar- 
rative. Other  than  this  it  is  an  admirable 
piece  of  work  that  fills  a  neglected  gap  in 
this  country's  labor  history. 
San  Francisco,  Calif.  PAUL  ELIEL 

WHAT  THE  SOUTH  AMERICANS 
THINK  OF  US,  a  symposium  by  Carleton 
Beats,  Bryce  Oliver,  Herschel  Brickell,  and 
Samuel  Guy  Inman.  McBride.  $3. 

FOUR    AUTHORS    AGAIN    ATTEMPT    TO    EXPLAIN 

why  Latin  Americans  —  or  South  Ameri- 
can in  this  case  —  distrust  or  dislike  us. 
The  sore  spots  as  they  emerge  from  this 
discussion  might  be  grouped  under  three 
heads. 

There  are  the  scars  of  days  when  we 
fussed  and  blundered,  and  used  big  sticks 
and  marines.  These  memories  we  had 
hoped  were  dimmed  by  our  new  attitudes, 
but  unfortunately  only  Mr.  Brickell,  who 
writes  of  Colombia  and  Venezuela,  reports 
a  new  generation  that  despite  Panama  is 
looking  forward  rather  than  back. 

In  a  second  group  are  our  economic  do- 
ings, important  in  the  analysis  of  Mr.  Beals 
who  describes  the  machinations  of  inter- 
national finance  in  Peru,  Bolivia,  and 
Ecuador;  and  of  Mr.  Inman,  who  deplores 
what  we  do  with  regard  to  beef,  oil  or 
nitrates  in  Argentina  and  Chile. 

The  third  group,  comprising  our  culture 
and  manners,  is  a  matter  of  concern  to  all 
four  authors,  whether  considering  movies 
or  diplomacy.  And  as  it  involves  things 
not  to  be  changed  by  the  enunciation  of 
good  neighbor  policies  or  a  moralization 
of  economics,  it  seems  the  phase  of  our 
contacts  on  which  we  must  continue  to  beg 
the  forebearance  of  our  neighbors. 

In  fact,  as  Mr.  Oliver  points  out  in  his 
discussion  of  Brazil,  we  often  make  things 
worse  by  our  very  efforts  to  be  nice,  as 
when  we  startle  people  without  racial 
prejudices  by  our  assurances  of  great  toler- 
ance. The  deep  comfort  is  Uruguay,  de- 
scribed by  Mr.  Oliver  as  populated  by  the 
''don't  -  give  -  a  -  damnedest"  people  in  the 
world,  and  as  a  result  sensitive  to  little 
except  that  we  are  not  as  socially  progres- 
sive and  as  democratic  as  they. 

These  reports  have  much  that  needs  to 
be  said  often.  Some  of  the  authors  have 
also  provided  insight  into  current  events 
which  both  furnish  understanding  and  re- 
veal there  is  more  going  on  in  South 


America  than  just  the  impact  of  "Yanquis" 
on  Latins.  But  as  a  composite  of  assigned 
tasks  the  book  is  uneven,  with  considerable 
rehashing  of  very  old  stuff  along  with  the 
fresh.  Also,  some  pages  display  a  careless 
handling  of  facts  and  figures  that  seems  to 
reflect  the  belief  that  books  on  Latin 
America  are  not  subject  to  the  discipline 
expected  by  the  reader  in  other  fields  —  a 
characteristic  that  Latin  Americans,  with 
their  old-fashioned  ideas  of  scholarship, 
have  already  noted.  And  the  unexplained 
exclusion  of  Paraguay  will  probably  pro- 
vide future  writers  with  another  example 
of  what  makes  South  Americans  think  of 
us  as  they  do.  EARLE  K.  JAMES 

New  School  for  Social  Research 

MEXICAN  VILLAGE,  by  Josephina  Niggli. 
University  of  North  Carolina  Press.  #3. 

"MEXICAN  VILLAGE"  WAS  WRITTEN  AT  A 
publisher's  request  for  a  book  which  would 
give  an  authentic  picture  of  life  in  such  a 
village.  It  does  that  well,  and  it  does  a 
great  deal  more,  for  in  ten  stories  of  vary- 
ing length  it  includes  an  entire  valley  in 
northern  New  Mexico,  its  five  towns,  and 
its  people. 

All  the  facets  a  sociologist  would  look  for 
are  here:  love  of  the  valley  and  the  moun- 
tains; morals  and  mores;  the  manners  of 
courtship  and  weddings  and  liaisons;  rever- 
ence for  authority;  the  superstitions  of  a 
people  suspended  between  Catholicism  and 
a  pagan  Indian  religion;  village  feuds;  fight- 
ing of  men,  women,  cocks,  and  bulls;  illit- 
eracy; goats  and  goatherds;  a  quarry;  pov- 
erty, and  the  social  gulf  between  landed 
aristocrat  and  tenant. 

The  stories  concern  a  set  of  characters 
who  appear  again  and  again — now  as 
minor  figures  in  the  village  life,  again  in  a 
sharp  narrative  focus  as  leading  characters 
in  a  wedding  or  squabble.  Much  of  this 
arrangement  in  narrative  patterns  is  fic- 
tional, though  never  at  the  expense  of  the 
picture's  essential  truth.  It  is  difficult  to  dis- 
tinguish between  fiction  and  fact. 

Romance  is  here  in  the  Castillo  family, 
landed  aristocrats  and  survivors  of  the 
great  Revolution.  It  rests  upon  the  legend 
of  a  Castillo  woman,  kidnapped  and  mar- 
ried to  an  Indian.  Bob  Webster,  superin- 
tendent of  the  quarry,  ultimately  discovers 
that  he  is  of  the  family  Castillo,  a  family 
which  includes  Don  Saturnine,  the  ancient, 
formal  Spaniard  bent  on  seeing  his  name 
and  lands  continue;  his  son,  Joaquin,  a 
liberal  in  the  Revolution;  and  his  son, 
Alejandro,  who  loved  a  common  wench 
and  married  an  empty  shell  to  carry  on  the 
Castillo  line.  The  unity  of  this  romantic 
tale  dominates  the  entire  book  as  the  Cas- 
tillo family  dominates  the  valley.  The  re- 
sult is  something  very  like  a  novel. 

Despite  the  author's  tendency  to  under- 
rate the  reader's  powers  of  inference,  "Mex- 
ican Village"  is  good  reading.  The  style  is 
sensitive  to  the  tempo  of  life  in  the  valley. 
Classification  of  a  book,  one  is  aware,  is  a 
small  thing;  in  this  instance,  it  is  all  but 
impossible.  There  is,  however,  one  nagging 
stricture  which  will  not  down.  The  con- 
tinuity of  the  Castillo  family  theme  is  so 
strong  that  one  reads  it  for  sustained  story. 


454 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


For  that  reason,  it  is  something  of  a  shock 
to  see  Alejandro  die  in  the  eighth  story, 
only  to  encounter  the  suggestion  in  the 
ninth  story  that  he  is  still  a  living  character. 
The  book  has  too  much  the  structure  of  a 
novel  to  sustain  this  contradiction. 
Lai  Vegas,  N.  M.  QUINCY  GUY  BURRIS 

UNCLE  SAM'S  BILLION-DOLLAR  BABY: 
A  Taxpayer  Looks  at  the  TVA,  by  Fred- 
erick L.  Collins.  Putnam.  #2.50. 

MR.  COLLINS  HAS  PUBLISHED  POPULARIZA- 
tions  of  the  FBI  and  the  Homicide  Squad. 
As  a  result  of  talks  with  many  of  the  "great 
figures"  and  "veterans"  of  the  electric  in- 
dustry he  now  has  turned  these  talents  to  a 
book  which  will  doubtless  be  purchased  in 
quantity  by  utility  officials  and  distributed 
to  their  friends. 

It  is  perhaps  the  influence  of  his  previous 
studies  that  leads  him  to  find  in  the  TVA 
a  conspiracy  of  the  "national  Socialist 
Party"  -  dating  back  to  Carl  Thompson 
and  Stephen  Raushenbush  and  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Public  Ownership  League  in 
1914  —  to  take  over  all  American  industry, 
beginning  with  electric  power,  because 
Lenin  recognized  that  "state  socialism  is 
electricity  plus  bookkeeping." 

To  render  the  fairly  technical  material 
on  payments  in  lieu  of  taxes  and  multiple- 
purpose  dams  more  palatable,  Mr.  Collins 
makes  his  book  a  folksy  story  told  by  Dad 
about  discussions  among  the  members  of 
an  average  American  family  and  their 
friends:  Mom;  daughter,  whose  fine  up- 
standing young  husband  is  in  the  Pacific 
with  the  engineers  on  leave  from  his  job 
with  the  local  electric  company;  "big,  com- 
fortable Ed  Sanderson,"  who  started  as  a 
lineman  and  "first  thing  you  know,  he 
was  president  of  the  whole  darn  company 
...  I  guess  that's  the  way  most  of  the 
big  men  in  the  electric  companies  came 
up."  The  defense  of  TVA  is  entrusted  to 
a  young  professor  at  the  college  who  travel- 
ed in  Russia  and  had  a  job  in  Washington 
before  teaching;  he  is  an  unashamed  social- 
ist and  hails  TVA  as  the  brightest  jewel 
in  the  socialist  crown. 

This  device  makes  it  hard  to  attribute 
any  statement  to  the  author.  Nevertheless, 
because  of  his  constant  reference  to  it,  Mr. 
Collins  is  obviously  burned  up  about  David 
Lilienthal's  "Democracy  on  the  March"  and 
its  distribution  at  the  taxpayers''  expense 
through  the  OWI  all  over  the  world. 

Mr.  Collins  has  trouble  with  the  allo- 
cation of  the  cost  of  multiple-purpose  dams 
— as  the  TVA  has  had:  it's  simple  to  him, 
since  the  dams  are  power  dams,  and  flood 
control  and  navigation  are  just  the  cloak 
of  the  conspiracy.  Daughter's  upstanding 
husband  comes  back  from  the  Pacific  just 
in  time  to  give  a  sound  engineer's  explana- 
tion why  flood  control  and  power  cannot 
be  provided  by  the  same  dam.  (Mr.  Collins 
is  honest  enough  to  state  that  "many 
skilled  engineers  .  .  .  even  among  those 
who  work  for  the  regular  electric  com- 
panies, honestly  believe  that  multiple-pur- 
pose dams  of  the  TVA  type  are  O.K.,  and 
they  can  back  up  their  belief  with  charts 
and  figures.") 

To  me,  the  most  interesting  aspect  of  the 


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TYPICAL   COMMENTS 

N.  y.  Post: 

"Biggest  news  in  post-war  world." 

CIO  News: 

"Invaluable  guide  to  other  com- 
munities." 

New  Republic: 

"Counterattack  on  divisive  hate 
propaganda." 

Saturday  Review  of  Lit. : 

"What  alert  citizens  the  country 
over  should  read  and  act  upon." 

Nat'l  Assn.  of  Mfrs.: 

"Full  of  human  interest  ...  a 
practical  guide." 

New  Yorker: 

"Deserves  to  be  very,  very  widely 
read." 

Journal  of  Education : 
"Thrilling  story  .  .  .  packed  with 
incidents,  problems,  solutions." 

Catholic  World: 

"Should  give  new  hope  to  those 
who  believe  that  the  real  purpose 
of  education  is  ...  the  citizen." 


THIS  STIRRING  BOOK 
TELLS  HOW  YOU   CAN   HELP 

COUNTERACT  GROUP 

ANTAGONISMS  AND   BUILD 

A   BETTER   DEMOCRACY 


The  STORY  of 
THE  SPRINGFIELD  PLAN 

One  Community's  War 
Against  Prejudice 

by  C.  I.  ChaHo  and  A.  L.  Halligan 

At  Your  Bookstore.  $2.75 


BARNES  &  NOBLE,  Inc. 

Fifth  Av«.  at  18th  St..  New  York  3 


book  is  Collins  apparent  inability  to  under- 
stand what  makes  a  man  like  Lilienthal 
click.  F.D.R.  (while  his  motives  are  con- 
ceded to  be  quite  different  from  the  social- 
ists) had  his  troubles  with  power  in  New 
York,  and  Ickes  "ran  up  against  a  couple 
of  power  tycoons"  in  Chicago:  "That  both 
these  men  should  carry  the  chips  ...  on 
their  shoulders  to  Washington  was  a  cinch 
....  Lilienthal's  attitude  is  more  difficult 
to  understand.  .  .  .  He  and  his  associates 
are  persons  of  the  highest  personal  integrity 
and  proved  devotion  to  the  public  weal.' 
They  don't  seem  to  be  socialists.  Have 
they  deluded  themselves?  Apparently  the 
FBI  and  the  Homicide  Squad  approach 
can't  solve  this  one. 
New  Yorl(  City  CHARLES  S.  ASCHER 

THREAD  OF  VICTORY,  by  Frank  L.  Wai- 
ton.  Fail-child  Publishing  Co.  $3. 

THE    AUTHOR    OF    THIS    WAR    STORY    WAS    FOR- 

merly  director  of  the  Textile,  Clothing  and 
Leather  Division  of  the  War  Production 
Board.  As  Donald  Nelson,  former  WPB 
head,  points  out  in  the  foreword,  the  task 
of  this  division  was  that  of  "converting  and 
conserving  textiles,  clothing,  and  leather  to 
meet  the  staggering  needs  of  an  on-rushing 
war.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  necessary 
to  keep  the  flow  of  civilian  supplies  at  such 
a  level  as  to  sustain  our  people  at  home, 
and  particularly  the  millions  engaged  in 
essential  war  work." 

In  his  forty-four  brief,  informal  chapters, 
which  range  in  topic  from  "Silk"  to  "Loofa 
Sponges,"  and  include  "Feminine  Outer- 
wear," "Zoot  Suits,"  "Containers,"  "Flags," 
"Nets  and  Laces,"  "Brooms  and  Mops," 
this  dollar-a-year  man  brings  together  page 
after  page  of  surprising,  significant,  odd, 
and  curious  facts. 

Here  in  exact  line  and  color  is  one  detail 
of  the  vast  war  production  picture.  It  is 
also  a  revealing  glimpse  into  the  almost 
incredible  complexity  of  one  of  our  basic 
industries. — B.A. 


FOUR  HORSEMEN  OVER 
GERMANY 

(Continued  from  page  437) 


and  keeping  it." — John  MacCormac  from 
Vienna,  August  23. 

Meanwhile,  stripped  of  heavy  machinery, 
of  working  power  and  livestock,  the  Rus- 
sian-occupied zone  has  been  overcrowded 
by  the  millions  evacuated  into  it.  There 
are  certainly  twenty  million  German  sur- 
vivors of  the  Hitler  war  "behind  the  iron 
curtain."  Today  this  Russian-occupied  zone 
comprehends  the  largest  section  of  the  now 
divided  working  class  of  Germany. 

Closer-in,  the  productive  power  of  the 
Germans  is  broken.  We  understand  better 
a  statement  of  Major  I.  T.  Gentile,  ol  the 
Trade  and  Industry  Department  of  the 
AMG  (September  20),  that  225  industrial 
enterprises  working  in  the  U.  S.  sector  of 
Berlin  cover  only  2  to  3  percent  of  their 
normal  production  requirements  and  fa- 
cilities. "In  order  to  increase  production, 
large  quantities  of  machines  and  raw  ma- 
terials will  have  to  lie  brought  in  again." 


And  at  the  same  time  it  is  reported  that 
in  the  harbors  of  Danzig  and  Stettin  where 
ships  lay  loaded  with  "removals,"  even 
the  cranes  are  dismounted  to  be  shipped 
to  Russia  and  large  columns  of  "prairie 
schooners"  marked  with  the  Hammer  and 
Sickle  move  eastward. 

Small  wonder  that  Curt  Riess,  who  is 
by  no  means  unfriendly  to  the  Soviet,  wrote 
to  The  New  Yorf^  Times  on  September  9: 
"...  Naturally  what  the  Russians  take 
has  made  an  enormous,  one  might  say, 
staggering  impression  on  the  German 
working  population.  .  .  .  Though  most  of 
them  were  not  communists,  they  neverthe- 
less believed  the  Red  Army  to  be  a  pro- 
tector of  the  working  class.  .  .  .  Now  there 
is  only  resentment."  Joseph  G.  Harrison 
was  right  when  he  wrote  to  The  Christian 
Science  Monitor  that  probably  within  a 
year's  time  Russians  could  have  obtained 
most  or  all  of  the  machinery  they  needed 
— and  brand  new — from  the  United  States. 
By  pulling  it  out  by  the  roots  in  Germany 
they  "alienated"  the  Austrian  (and  the 
German)  workers  whose  friendship  they 
might  "need  some  day." 

Meanwhile,  also,  U.  S.  authorities  have 
started  to  dismantle  war  industries  in  their 
own  zone.  On  October  2,  a  list  of  twelve  in- 
dustries was  published  as  a  start.  Among 
them  are  not  only  aviation  engine  plants 
but  also  three  machine  tool  factories  and 
two  electrical  plants.  Some  I.  G.  Farben 
establishments  are  to  be  destroyed.  Col. 
James  Boyd  in  Berlin,  on  October  10,  an- 
nounced that  about  50  per  cent  of  heavy 
industries  in  the  west  will  have  to  be 
closed  down,  dismantled  or  removed. 

Food 

Salvage  of  more  industrial  plants  to  pro- 
duce more  civilian  goods  and  utilities  will 
mean  work  for  Germans.  But  even  that 
does  not  assure  livelihood  if  food  supplies 
fall  short.  The  Allied  public  was  unpre- 
pared for  the  decision  in  mid-summer  to 
feed  Germans  in  the  Western  zone  when 
and  where  necessary.  The  move  was  "in- 
escapable," said  General  Eisenhower  on 
August  2 — if  the  twofold  policy  laid  down 
by  the  Big  Three  at  Potsdam  were  held — 
to  punish  war  criminals  but  not  to  destroy 
the  German  people.  As  early  as  July  he  had 
warned  of  the  danger  of  Germany  becom- 
ing a  huge  Buchenwald  if  adequate  steps 
were  not  taken— and  General  Eisenhower 
could  not  be  called  pro-German.  His  last 
report,  covering  the  month  of  August,  pub- 
lished on  October  17,  estimates  for  the 
U.  S.,  British,  and  French  zones  food  im- 
port requirements  of  4,000,000  tons  for 
1945/46.  "This  figure  does  not  take  into 
account  the  proposed  evacuation  of  Ger- 
mans from  territories  in  Poland,  Czecho- 
slovakia and  Hungary  estimated  at  over 
10,000,000  people." 

History  was  repeating  itself.  Winston 
Churchill,  in  his  "The  World  Crisis  and 
the  Aftermath,"  told  the  story  of  a  kindred 
decision  to  feed  the  defeated  enemy  in  the 
winter  of  1918-19.  "In  the  beginning."  he 
wrote,  "there  was  in  France,  and  to  some 
extent  in  England,  a  deliberate  refusal  to 
face  the  facts.  .  .  .  The  sudden  punch  which 


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456 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


destroyed  this  hateful  deadlock  originated 
with  the  Army  of  Occupation  on  the  Rhine. 
In  February,  reports  of  military  officers 
that  reached  the  War  office  .  .  .  became 
increasingly  disquieting.  A  note  of  anger 
began  to  mingle  in  the  dry  official  chron- 
icle." Lord  Plummer  wired  insisting  on 
action.  It  was  the  British  War  Premier 
who,  in  Mr.  Churchill's  phrase,  "took  the 
Supreme  Council  by  the  throat  with  this 
telegram."  "No  one,"  Lloyd  George  had 
put  it,  "can  say  that  General  Plummer  is 
pro-German." 

British  and  American  troops  as  they  en- 
tered Berlin  last  summer  (London  Econ- 
omist July  14)  found  "evidence  of  starv- 
ation and  disease  unparalleled  in  Western 
Germany."  Yet  given  the  public  temper, 
army  men  felt  they  must  justify  themselves 
against  the  charge  of  softness.  When  Amer- 
ican food  imports  started  a  fortnight  later, 
Col.  Frank  L.  Haley  (attached  to  the 
AMG),  gave  out,  "We  are  bringing  food 
here,  not  because  we  like  to  feed  the  Ger- 
mans, but  because  we  do  not  want  their 
rotten  corpses  to  infect  our  troops."  And 
it  was  an  American  correspondent,  Ed 
Johnson,  associated  with  the  "toughest" 
school  of  thought  in  dealing  with  Germans, 
who  brought  out  in  PM  forecasts  two 
months  later  by  U.  S.  public  health  officers 
assigned  to  Berlin  that  "the  Germans  are 
going  to  die  like  flies  this  winter. 

Sickness 

"The  Germans  are  undernourished  and 
rlea-bitten,  a  typhus  epidemic  is  inevitable. 
.  .  .  German  children  under  ten  years  of 
age  will  virtually  be  eliminated  by  diph- 
theria. .  .  .  Tuberculosis  will  kill  thousands 
under  ten.  .  .  .  Diarrhea  now  afflicts  almost 
all  newborn  German  children.  The  infant 
mortality  rate  in  Berlin  is  sixteen  times  as 
high  today  as  it  was  in  1943.  .  .  .  The 
inevitable  influenza  epidemic  will  fill  the 
gutters  with  German  dead." — All  these  are 
quotations  from  talks  with  U.  S.  public 
health  officers  which  Mr.  Johnson  quoted 
with  some  skepticism  on  October  2.  But 
two  days  later  the  New  Yor%  Herald  Trib- 
une reported  a  sharp  rise  of  typhoid  and 
paratyphoid  infections  despite  continued 
efforts  by  Allied  health  authorities.  The 
diphtheria  rate  rose  to  a  point  where  the 
Berlin  Kommandatura  felt  compelled  to  or- 
der the  vaccination  of  the  entire  child  pop- 
ulation. Such  spread  of  disease  is  of  course 
the  result  of  prevailing  food  and  health 
conditions. 

Mass  undernourishment  is  accepted  as  a 
fact.  In  spite  of  Allied  food  imports  so 
far,  the  low  level  of  caloric  rations  to 
the  average  person  cannot  be  increased, 
explained  Col.  S.  W.  Herman,  for  much 
of  the  imports  are  iron  reserves  to  be  laid 
by  for  the  winter.  Coal  miners  and  "heavy" 
workers  may  receive  from  2,800  to  3,200 
calories  per  day  but,  in  general,  rations  are 
from  900  to  1,200  calories  for  the  "normal" 
consumer,  and  often  even  that  standard 
remains  on  paper  for  lack  of  available  food. 
The  Health  and  Welfare  Division  of  the 
AMG  weighed  adults  in  27  cities  of  vari- 
ous size  in  September,  and  found  that  after 
90  days  males  between  twenty  and  forty 


years  of  age  had  dropped  5.3  pounds  from 
normal  (females  4.1);  those  from  forty 
through  fifty-nine,  11.7  pounds  (females 
13.7);  and  those  of  sixty  and  over  had  lost 
19.9  pounds  (females  20.3). 

In  the  American  zone,  harvest  expecta- 
tions were  not  realized  in  the  late  sum- 
mer, and  military  authorities  reported 
meager  food  reserves  remaining  in  the 
rural  districts.  As  already  indicated,  no  help 
had  come  in  from  the  wheat  lands  in  the 
Russian-occupied  zone.  On  August  23,  the 
British  Control  Commission  announced  a 
severe  food  crisis,  also,  and  one  was  threat- 
ened in  the  Saar  region  because  of  the  in- 
ability of  the  French,  who  are  all  but 
starving  themselves,  to  bring  food  into 
their  zone. 

Soup  kitchens  to  prepare  warm  food  for 
people  without  facilities  for  cooking  have 
been  established  in  Berlin,  Frankfurt,  and 
other  cities.  In  Berlin,  they  expect  to  have 
to  feed  450,000  people. 

Clothing,  Fuel  and  Shelter 

What  of  clothing  and  other  necessities? 
What  happened  in  areas  exposed  to  the  last 
ditch  defense  of  the  retreating  Nazis  is 
illustrated  by  the  Friedrichsheim  district 
in  Berlin  with  a  population  of  104,000.  The 
welfare  office  there  estimated  that  the  peo- 
ple had  lost  60  percent  of  their  belongings 
in  the  battle  for  the  German  capital.  In 
three  and  one-half  months  the  office  had 
been  able  to  replace  only  717  pairs  of  shoes, 
197  pieces  of  furniture,  4,920  pieces  of 
clothing,  and  3,519  household  articles. 

There  are,  of  course,  more  fortunate  dis- 
tricts and  communities.  Collections  of 
clothes  for  Allied  displaced  persons  have 
been  made  in  some  of  these  with  good 
results.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that 
several  times  a  year  for  five  years  the  Nazis 
had  made  compulsory  collections  of  cloth- 
ing throughout  Germany;  and  that  several 
million  German  deportees  from  the  East 
could  bring  only  forty  pounds  of  luggage, 
including  clothes,  household  furnishings, 
and  tools  of  their  trade. 

An  even  greater  problem  is  shelter.  The 
British  Military  Government,  for  instance, 
reported  in  September  that  in  the  Ruhr 
Valley  and  the  northern  Rhineland  some 
800,000  are  homeless.  At  last  accounts,  80,- 
000  people  had  no  quarters  for  the  winter 
in  the  American  sector  of  Berlin.  The 
Wohnungs  Aemter  (the  offices  for  alloca- 
tion of  living  space)  have  published  strict 
warnings  against  the  return  to  their  cities 
of  wartime  evacuees;  yet  farm  areas  and 
small  towns,  also,  are  overcrowded.  The 
German  language  press  in  cities  under  Al- 
lied control  report  that  thousands  of  ap- 
plicants for  housing  space  are  camping  in 
the  streets  and  gathering  at  night  around 
open  fires.  Most  of  them  are  returned  to 
the  places  they  came  from  because  there 
is  nothing  available,  not  even  cellars  or 
covered  trenches. 

Gas  and  electric  systems  go  unrepaired 
and  parts  of  many  cities  are  still  without 
water.  Both  in  the  cities  and  in  most  of 
the  smaller  towns  there  will  be  scant  heat. 
With  the  entire  coal  production  down  to 
10  percent,  only  a  third  of  that  will  be 


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available  for  Germany  and  none  for  heat. 
In  big  cities  like  Berlin  and  Munich,  peo- 
ple are  rounded  up,  loaded  on  trucks,  and 
given  saws  and  axes  to  cut  down  trees  on 
the  outskirts  for  fuel. 

The  Bishop  of  Chichester  received  a  let- 
ter in  August,  written  by  a  well-known 
Berlin  clergyman:  "...  The  need  that 
confronts  us  daily  during  office  hours  and 
on  every  street  of  Germany  is  beyond  ver- 
bal description.  ...  I  think  of  the  people 
who  in  their  despair  take  their  own  lives. 
Thousands  of  bodies  are  hanging  from  the 
trees  in  the  woods  around  Berlin  and  no- 
body bothers  to  cut  them  down.  Thousands 
of  corpses  are  carried  into  the  sea  by  the 
Oder  and  the  Elbe  Rivers — one  doesn't  no- 
tice it  any  longer.  Thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  are  starving  on  the  highways. 
.  .  .  Children  roam  the  highways  alone, 
their  parents  shot,  dead,  lost.  .  .  ." 

The  German  survivors  of  the  Hitler- 
Germany  war  have  no  priority  on  misery. 
Because  of  that  war  there  will  be  hunger 
and  freezing  and  many  will  die  this  winter 
throughout  much  of  Europe.  Nor  can  Ger- 
man survivors  ask  for  priority  in  relief.  That 
should  go  first  to  the  victims  of  Nazism. 
Hut  if  you  know  about  food,  fuel,  and 
housing  conditions  in  Germany  proper  you 
understand  better  why  the  occupation  army 
leaders  in  the  West  have  decided  to  provide 
additional  relief  for  Germans,  too. 

Mid-Fall 

October  has  been  marked  by  fresh  grasp 
of  this  grim  situation.  The  "iron  curtain" 
to  the  East  is  still  down.  Elsewhere, 
cables,  broadcasts,  military  and  civilian  re- 
ports, have  come  to  closer  grips  with  such 
factors  as  I  have  sought  to  analyze.  And 
a  fundamental  difference  of  opinion  be- 
tween American  and  Russian  authorities 
has  come  to  the  surface  as  to  the  future 
economic  and  political  treatment  of  Ger- 
many. Thus,  in  an  arresting  dispatch  to 
The  New  Yor/^  Times  from  Berlin  on 
October  7,  Raymond  Daniell  reported  that 
American  economic  advisers  to  the  Office 
of  Military  Government  "have  made  a 
surprising  discovery  that  the  Potsdam 
formula  for  the  collection  of  reparations 
and  the  industrial  disarmament  of  Ger- 
many will  be  a  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
achievement."  He  was  the  first  to  bring  out 
the  findings  of  a  group  of  experts  headed 
by  Professor  Calvin  Hoover  of  Duke  Uni- 
versity, as  submitted  to  Brigadier  General 
William  H.  Draper. 

Two  days  later,  Colonel  James  Boyd  took 
up  the  issue  in  a  Berlin  press  conference. 
Not  the  Potsdam  decisions,  he  said,  were 
in  doubt  but  the  interpretation  of  what 
can  be  considered  a  minimum  standard  tor 
the  Germans  and  how  that  can  be  achieved. 
"It  would  take  at  least  five  years  for  Ger- 
many to  get  on  her  feet  again,  to  approach 
the  agreed  upon  minimum  standard." 
The  bombed  plants,  destroyed  transport  and 
other  difficulties  will  keep  production  down 
"in  the  American  zone  to  about  5  percent 
of  capacity."  This,  he  said,  "is  far  less  than 
is  needed  to  meet  the  requirements  ot  the 
occupying  forces,  let  alone  to  provide  tor 
^<— ^  the  minimum  existence  of  the  standard  ol 
(hi  ansH'cring  advertisements  please  mention  SCRVF.Y  ( 


living   implied    in    the    Big    Three's   agree- 
ment." 

In  his  dispatch,  Mr.  Daniell  had  indi- 
cated Russian  disappointment  at  this  Amer- 
ican approach  to  the  problem.  They  had 
expected,  he  says,  that  a  rule  of  thumb 
would  be  applied  and  that  Germany  would 
be  left  with  the  bare  essentials  of  existence. 

American  concern  in  the  situation  was 
voiced  in  even  stronger  words  in  Wash- 
ington by  the  special  House  Committee  on 
Postwar  Economic  Policy  which  made  its 
report  on  October  10.  The  committee's 
conclusions  were  drawn  up  after  an  ex- 
ploratory European  trip  by  some  of  its 
members.  In  their  view,  Germany  presents 
"a  picture  of  destruction  and  desolation 
that  beggars  description.  .  .  .  The  Russian 
practice  of  removing  all  German  industry 
in  her  occupational  zone  regardless  of  its 
character  can  destroy  Germany's  power  to 
feed  herself  and  thus  place  a  heavy  burden 
on  the  Allies  in  the  West.  .  .  .  Transporta- 
tion, medicine  and  food  are  needed  in  Ger- 
many, if  only  to  keep  her  from  becoming 
a  source  of  pestilence  and  plague." 
(First  of  two  articles.) 


COLLECTIVE  BARGAINING 

(Continued  from   page 


assessing  that  job's  relative  standing  in  the 
production  scheme,  of  establishing  the  sums 
to  be  paid  for  that  job,  hardened  into  ac- 
cepted procedure. 

While  this  circumscribes  the  authority  of 
management,  it  has  certain  practical  ad- 
vantages to  the  employer.  The  union,  once 
it  becomes  a  responsible  party  to  the  fash- 
ioning of  any  job  classification  system,  can- 
not protest,  save  in  minor  details,  when 
that  system  is  put  into  effect.  As  a  partner 
in  a  common  venture,  it  is  deprived  of 
any  rightful  ground  on  which  it  can  object 
to  "unfair"  or  "arbitrary"  behavior  on  the 
part  of  management.  A  primary  cause  for 
labor  complaints  is  by  this  means  virtually 
abolished,  the  more  especially  since  it  docs 
much  to  fulfill  labor's  instinctive  demand 
for  "equal  pay  for  equal  work." 

Promotions  and  Raises 

It  is  not  alone  in  devising  techniques  of 
this  kind  that  the  WLB,  in  its  ardor  to 
promote  collective  bargaining,  moved  the 
unions  further  into  management's  bailiwick. 
In  the  General  Electric  Company  cast-, 
along  with  others,  the  board  gave  the  union 
opportunity  to  share  with  management  the 
obligation  to  administer  the  system  under 
which  an  employe  advances  from  one  p;iy 
level  to  another — the  so-called  merit  in- 
crease plan. 

Formerly,  the  question  as  to  whether  or 
not  an  employe  should  get  a  raise  was  de- 
cided by  management  alone.  Similarly, 
management  forged  the  standards  by  which 
an  employe's  performance  was  to  be  judg- 
ed. In  the  past,  if  he  failed  to  get  an  in- 
crease on  the  "merit"  basis,  he  had  no  re- 
course except  grousing  and  charges  of 
sycophancy,  which  may  have  relieved  his 
feelings  but  did  nothing  to  swell  the  size 
of  his  pay  envelope.  The  foreman,  as  the 

JRAPHICJ 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


person  immediately  responsible,  often  be- 
came the  object  of  mistrust.  Workers  pique 
over  real  or  alleged  supervisory  partiality 
impaired  morale. 

The  labor  movement's  own  remedy  for 
this  condition  was  a  proposal  to  take  the 
matter  entirely  out  of  management's  hands 
by  means  of  automatic  wage  and  salary 
increases.  These  were  to  be  founded  not 
upon  a  debatable  competence  but  rather 
upon  length  of  service.  Management  op- 
posed this  idea  as  an  undue  trespass -upon 
its  own  historic  ground  and  because  it 
impaired  efficiency. 

However,  in  much  the  same  way  that 
the  WLB  designed  maintenance  of  mem- 
bership as  a  compromise  between  the  open 
and  closed  shop,  it  resolved  this  conflict  by 
designing  a  new  variety  of  merit  increase 
plan.  Under  this  scheme,  management 
ostensibly  reserved  one  of  its  old  preroga- 
tives and  itself  "decides"  whether  or  not 
an  employe  is  entitled  to  a  raise.  But  in 
all  other  respects,  union  participation  pre- 
vails to  such  an  extent  that  management's 
exercise  of  its  former  privilege  becomes  all 
but  meaningless. 

The  four  corner  posts  that  support  this 
plan  are: 

(1)  Joint  management-union  negotiation 
to  set  up  the  criteria  (skill,  diligence,  initia- 
tive, and  so  on)  with  which  to  measure  the 
value  of  an  employe's  contribution; 

(2)  Periodic     review     of    an    employe's 
work,  a  review  in  which  the  employer  ap- 
plies  the   criteria,   as   jointly    fashioned   by 
management     and      union,     to     ascertain 
whether  or  not  a  worker  is  eligible  for  a 
pay  boost; 

(3)  Notification  of  the  union  concerning 
the   action  taken; 

(4)  Use  of  grievance   machinery   if  dis- 
agreement   arises    over    the    equity    of   the 
award,  or  failure  to  give  an  increase. 

The  last,  of  course,  does  much  to  cancel 
out,  practically  speaking,  the  one  franchise 
that  management  in  theory  was  to  keep 
for  itself. 

Naturally,  the  wage  rates  paid  within  a 
job  classification  and  the  persons  chosen 
for  increases  substantially  influence  the  con- 
duct of  any  business.  By  opening  up  both 
fields  to  collective  bargaining,  the  WLB  en- 
dowed the  unions  with  a  new  stronghold 
over  a  company's  basic  operating  decisions. 
It  seems  unlikely  that  the  unions  will  yield 
this  vantage  ground  without  a  stubborn 
fight. 

The  WLB  extended  collective  bargain- 
ing to  include  still  other  issues  divorced 
from  the  customary  concept  of  the  "work- 
man and  his  hire" — dismissal  pay  for  ex- 
ample. Until  early  in  1945  the  WLB  denied 
labor's  demands  for  a  dismissal  wage  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  merely  a  gratuity, 
and  that  this  form  of  management  philan- 
thropy could  not  be  exacted  either  by  gov- 
ernment decree  or  collective  bargaining. 
However,  in  pleading  their  cause  the  unions 
pointed  to  comparable  safeguards  awarded 
to  industry,  such  as  the  excess  profits  carry- 
back provisions.  Impressed  by  this  argu- 
ment, the  WLB  reversed  its  policv.  It  de- 
clared that  labor  as  well  as  management 
was  entitled  to  certain  bulwarks  a-rainst  in- 


security. Hence,  in  the  "pivot"  Big  Steel 
case,  the  board  instructed  the  parties  to  that 
dispute  to  negotiate  the  form  and  details 
of  a  dismissal  pay  schedule  along  lines  sug- 
gested by  the  board  itself — preferential 
treatment  for  old-time  employes  as  against 
those  who  entered  the  steel  industry  as  a 
result  of  war  expansion. 

In  World  War  I,  American  labor  was 
still  struggling  to  achieve  the  right  to 
bargain  collectively.  To  be  sure,  Woodrow 
Wilson's  creation  of  the  Taft-Walsh  War 
Labor  Board  encouraged  unions  to  organ- 
ize, but  the  right  to  collective  bargaining 
was  not  fixed  by  law  until  the  advent  of 
the  Wagner  act  in  1935. 

But  in  World  War  II,  with  this  right 
firmly  established,  the  unions  were  assisted 
by  government  intervention  to  enlarge  the 
scope  and  significance  of  collective  bargain- 
ing. In  giving  up  the  strike  for  the  dura- 
tion, the  unions  gained  new  privileges 
which  may  well  be  permanent. 

Strikes  and  Rights 

But  the  final  powers  of  government  in- 
voked to  enforce  WLB  wartime  decrees, 
are  being  supplanted  in  the  postwar  period 
by  unionism's  use  of  the  strike.  The  labor 
shortage  which  at  present  helps  to  render 
the  strike  such  a  potent  weapon,  will  not 
continue  indefinitely.  But  employers  who 
expect  that  a  time  of  labor  plenitude  will 
render  the  strike  an  ineffectual  gesture 
reckon  without  the  Wagner  act. 

Under  the  administration  of  this  act, 
the  discharge  of  employes  engaged  in  col- 
lective action,  such  as  a  strike,  may  result 
in  reinstatement  and  often  some  costly  back 
pay.  Disregard  of  National  Labor  Rela- 
tions Board  rulings,  in  this  respect  can  cul- 
minate in  an  injunction  against  the  em- 
ployer which,  if  breached,  becomes  con- 
tempt of  court  with  criminal  penalties. 

Hence,  even  though  the  existence  of 
pools  of  unemployed  in  the  reconversion 
period  may  weaken  labor's  economic  posi- 
tion, and  its  ability  to  maintain  high 
wages,  its  collective  bargaining  methods 
and  procedures  will  not  be  in  any  essen- 
tial impaired.  On  the  contrary,  they  have 
been  amplified  and  solidified  by  WLB 
action. 

The  war  enabled  unionism  to  draw  on 
collective  bargaining  to  cover  in  a  single 
stride  many  intermediary  steps  in  its  evolu- 
tion from  hired  help  to  something  akin  to 
partnership  in  American  industry.  Certain- 
ly unionism  as  a  genus  has  more  to  say 
now  in  the  conduct  of  a  business  than  at 
any  time  preceding  Pearl  Harbor.  A  process 
that  orxlinarily  might  have  taken  decades 
has  been  compressed  into  four  short  years. 
Much  of  it  has  been  a  forced  rather  than 
an  organic  growth.  Much  of  it  bears  all 
the  earmarks  of  precocity.  Yet  this  whole 
development,  even  if  a  wartime  adolescent, 
is  more  likely  to  grow  up  into  adulthood 
in  peace  than  to  regress  toward  infantilism. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  all  through 
the  years  unionism,  via  collective  bargain- 
ing, has  been  whittling  away  at  manage- 
ment sovereignty  over  hiring  and  firing, 
seniority,  wage  scales,  and  related  concerns. 
Attempts  of  unions  to  acquire  control  over 


How  the  Japs  prevented  our 
accumulating  extra  silk  stocks 
before  Pearl  Harbor? 

i 

^F  Why  the  wartime  baby  boom 
*  affected  cotton  production  ? 

What  the  cloth  saved  by  the 
"shirt-tail  order"  was  used  for? 

Who  tried  to  regulate  the 
lambing  season? 

5  How  we  overcame  the  shortage 
of  the  vital  Jap-controlled 
Loofa  sponges? 


You'll  find  the  answer  to  every  one  of 
these  interesting  questions  when  you 
read 


FRANK  L  WALTON 


Former  director.  Texiile 
Clothing,   and    Leather 
Division    of  W.  H.  B. 
Foreword  by  Donald 
Nelson.  Written 
with    a    warm 
human    slant, 
Thread     of 
Victory    is    a 
book     that 
y   o  u  '  I  I 


want  to 
read  and 
keep 


BUY   VICTORY   BONDS 


NOVEMBER     1945 


(In  answering  advertisements  phase  mr-ntion  SURVEY  GRAPHIC^ 


459 


the  labor  supply,  or  to  revise  employment 
rules,  or  to  install  grievance  machinery, 
have  been  consistently  resisted  as  menacing 
management  prerogative.  Yet  business  has 
survived,  and  even  flourished,  after  these 
once  sensational  reforms  had  lost  their 
novelty  and  become  a  habit. 

The  ruling  idea  in  today's  economic 
thought  is  that  prosperity  is  based  on  full 
employment,  full  production,  internal  price- 
cost  equilibrium,  and  high  levels  of  pur- 
chasing power.  The  stake  of  both  labor 
and  management  in  all  four  is  beyond 
argument.  What  a  company  decides  in  the 
way  of  work  schedules,  production  quotas, 
wages  and  prices  is  a  concern  of  labor 
as  of  management.  If  employer  and  labor 
leader  act  on  this  assumption  of  mutuality 
of  interests,  collective  bargaining  may  be 
applied  to  a  whole  range  of  industrial  prob- 
lems hitherto  untouched  by  bilateral  action. 

During  reconversion,  for  example,  the 
introduction  of  new  machinery  may  be  a 
subject  for  management-union  negotiation. 
Wage  rates  may  be  set  to  reflect  the  speed 
with  which  costs  of  installing  new  equip- 
ment are  amortized.  Similarly,  the  open- 
ing of  a  new  plant  could  mean  that  piece 
rates  would  be  arrived  at  only  after  con- 
sultation with  the  union.  To  install  or  to 
discontinue  the  more  elaborate  incentive 
systems,  entailing  time  and  motion  study, 
will  be  decided  to  an  ever-increasing  extent 
by  collective  bargaining.  It  may  be  that 
profit  sharing,  in  its  multifarious  forms, 
will  derive  from  joint  fixing  and  policing 
of  production  standards  and  wages. 


It  can  be  argued  that  the  substantial  ex- 
pansion of  collective  bargaining  during  the 
war  has  done  much  to  make  the  fate  of 
the  profit  motive  depend  upon  its  becoming 
the  motive  of  labor  as  well  as  the  motive 
of  management.  Even  if  war-induced  de- 
velopments in  collective  bargaining  are  not 
a  fait  accompli,  they  are  the  catalysts  of 
long  term  trends,  an  inescapable  legacy  that 
will  influence  the  direction  and  dynamics 
of  our  industrial  relations  for  many  years 
to  come. 


NATIONAL  PERSONNEL 

(Continued  from  page  432) 


3.  Develop  improved   techniques  of  re- 
cruiting,   selecting,    and    placing    workers; 
aid  the  smaller  employers  and  unions  in 
making  use  of  these  facilities; 

4.  Provide  an  expanded  counseling  serv- 
ice designed  to  enable  each  worker  to  find 
the  right  job; 

5.  Expand   placer.ient   facilities  to  cover 
workers  of  all  skills  and  professions,  rather 
than  merely  manual  and  clerical  workers; 

6.  Assist  all  handicapped  workers  to  find 
jobs,   including   the   young   worker   handi- 
capped  by   his   inexperience,   the   over-age 
worker  handicapped  by  his  gray  hair,  those 
with  physical  handicaps,  those  handicapped 
by  race,  color,  or  foreign  birth. 

The  war  has  forced  the  nationalized 
U.  S.  Employment  Service  to  develop  a 
system  of  bi-monthly  reports  as  to  where 
throughout  the  country  either  jobs  or 


.  .  .  the  Record:  no  arguments,  no  special  pleading,  no  evasion. 
This  is  not  a  hastily  thrown-together  compilation,  but  History, 
written  while  it  was  being  made. 

Poland  and  Russia 
1919-1945 

by  James  T.  Shotwell  and  Max  M.  Laserson 


Here  is  the  story  of  how  Poland  was  re-created ;  how  again  it  was 
demolished ;  and  how  still  again  it  has  risen,  under  somewhat  differ- 
ent auspices.  Americans  may  learn  much  from  this  carefully  docu- 
mented record  of  national  tragedy  and  change— much  that  will  illu- 
minate the  zig-zag  of  the  powers  toward  World  agreement. 

$2.25 

Published  for  The  Carnegie  Endowment 
for  International  Peace 

King's   Crown    Press 

a  Division  of  Columbia  University  Press,  New  York 


460 


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workers  are  available.  Its  research  into  per- 
sonnel methods  had  a  pragmatic  tryout  by 
many  expanding  employers  in  the  opening 
months  of  the  war,  but  then  was  aban- 
doned for  the  duration.  Counseling  was 
little  needed  when  employers  were  content 
to  hire  anybody — irrespective  of  experience 
or  skill.  But  now  there  is  urgent  need  for 
professional  counseling  service  —  first,  for 
veterans,  and  later  for  all  who  seek  jobs. 
The  employment  offices  entered  the  war 
handicapped  by  the  prejudice  of  employers 
who  thought  of  them  solely  as  sources  of 
manual  labor  and  domestic  servants;  the 
service  expanded  its  labor  supply  and  filled 
urgent  demands  for  many  types  of  skill — 
accountants,  artists,  physicists,  teachers.  The 
employment  offices  took  advantage  of  this 
scarcity  of  manpower  to  place  the  physi- 
cally handicapped  and  also  used  the  oppor- 
tunity— at  times  and  in  some  sections — to 
try  to  place  Negro  workers  on  the  basis  of 
their  skills,  without  regard  to  their  color. 

The  Task  Ahead 

Against  this  background  of  wartime  ex- 
perience, let  us  return  to  the  eventualities 
with  which  I  began.  When  the  cotton 
pickers  are  forced  off  the  land  in  the  "full 
employment  age,"  presumably  there  will  be 
jobs  in  private  enterprise  elsewhere.  If  not 
— or  in  the  interval  until  they  are  initiated 
in  some  way  —  there  will  be  government 
created  jobs  on  public  works.  That,  how- 
ever, is  only  the  beginning  of  a  larger  task 
which  is  to  inform  these  displaced  workers 
from  the  cotton  lands  as  to  other  job  op- 
portunities, to  counsel  them  as  to  which 
job  fits  their  skills,  to  make  training  courses 
available  which  will  teach  them  to  do  a 
new  job,  and  to  encourage  them  to  leave 
their  home  regions  when  the  only  suitable 
employment  is  in  other  regions.  This  is  a 
positive,  substantial  undertaking.  It  re- 
quires an  integrated  national  system  of  em- 
ployment offices  which  through  the  efficacy 
of  its  information,  recruitment  and  place- 
ment activities,  will  keep  unemployment 
near  the  minimum  of  3,000,000  which 
spells  "full  employment." 

As  things  stand,  the  U.  S.  Employment 
Service  is  but  a  shell  of  the  organization 
required  to  perform  such  a  multiple  task. 
It  has  little  or  no  part  in  the  placement  of 
workers  in  25  percent  of  all  jobs — those  in 
agriculture,  the  railroad  industry,  and  in 
government.  The  placement  of  veterans  is 
dealt  with  as  a  separate  activity  unrelated 
to  the  remainder  of  the  total  labor  force. 
Its  local  offices  now  have  superimposed  on 
them,  with  no  particular  function  to  per- 
form, the  frustrated  remnants  of  area  offices 
of  the  War  Manpower  Commission.  The 
staff  members  of  local  offices  are  disheart- 
ened by  the  prospect  of  low  salaries  when 
these  offices  are  returned  to  the  states.  And 
the  entire  organization  is  demoralized  by 
continuing  strife  over  the  question  as  to 
whether  the  federal  or  the  state  govern- 
ments are  to  own  and  operate  the  entire 
service.  Moreover,  if  and  when  the  Con- 
gress does  return  the  USES  to  the  state 
governments,  there  is  no  indication  that  it 
will  be  in  any  mood  to  straighten  out  in- 
adequacies or  to  fix  as  a  standard  the  type 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


of  employment  service  called  for  in  future. 

And  thus  we  reach  the  threshold  of  the 
"'full  employment  age."  Shall  we  cross  it? 
Joe  and  Mamie  Brown,  and  their  fellow 
workers,  are  hoping  that  government  in- 
tends in  the  future  to  follow  business  trends 
and  do  whatever  proves  necessary  to  keep 
employment  at  a  high  and  steady  figure. 
They  agree  that  government  should  en- 
courage and  stimulate  private  enterprise  to 
produce  goods,  services — and  jobs.  But  they 
maintain  that  government  should  provide 
jobs  itself  if  business  cannot  do  so.  And 
they  still  think  of  the  employment  office 
as  the  place  to  turn  when  a  worker  is  out 
of  work. 

If  we  are  to  maintain  new  peacetime 
levels  of  production,  and  hence  of  prosper- 
ity, then  the  U.  S.  Employment  Service  is 
the  agency  that  must  be  made  an  effective 
mechanism  for  connecting  men  and  jobs 
the  country  over. 


HEALTH  INSURANCE  DRAM/. 

(Continued  from  page  442) 


history  of  the  state  from  the  point  of  view 
of  lobby  control." 

Another  step  taken  by  the  CMA  was  to 
engage  another  survey  firm,  and  also  one 
of  the  most  expensive  public  relations  men 
in  the  state  at  a  reputed  fee  of  $60,000. 
The  state  was  polled.  The  citizen  was 
asked  such  loaded  questions  as:  "If  you 
knew  this  plan  would  result  in  fewer  jobs, 
would  you  favor  it?"  California  was  flood- 
ed with  leaflets  and  folders.  Clip  sheets 
were  sent  to  newspapers.  A  postcard  bar- 
rage to  the  effect  that  compulsory  health 
insurance  smacks  of  Nazism  descended 
upon  the  members  of  the  legislature. 

Members  of  the  state  branch  of  the 
Physicians  Forum — a  national  body  of  pro- 
gressive doctors — declare  that  a  smear  cam- 
paign was  carried  on  by  the  CMA  against 
their  members  in  California  and  Western 
Medicine,  CMA  organ.  They  stated  that 
some  Forum  members  were  threatened 
with  loss  of  their  hospital  connections  and 
one  member  associated  with  a  group  as  a 
junior  physician  was  forced  out  of  his  job. 

The  CMA  issued  a  for-members-only 
"Call  to  Arms"  and  special  editions  of  its 
Legislative  News  carried  scare  headlines  in 
red  type.  California  and  Western  Medicine 
began  a  campaign  based  frankly  on  the 
economic  factor,  although  the  studies  made 
by  Professor  May  in  his  "Financial  As- 
pects of  Health  Insurance"  showed  that 
under  either  bill  and  under  almost  every 
estimate  of  postwar  economic  conditions 
the  remuneration  of  the  doctors  would  be 
greater  than  in  any  prewar  year.* 

Solemnly  the  CMA  journal  made  this 
suggestion:  "The  state  might  better  con- 
cern itself  with  ways  and  means  of  elimi- 
nating poverty  rather  than  to  try  to  find 
its  solution  through  the  •  establishment  of 
radical  systems  of  compulsory  sickness  in- 
surance that  would  only  add  to  the  mis- 
fortune of  those  citizens." 


*  Approximately  6,000  doctors  remained  in  Cali- 
fornia after  3,000  went  into  the  armed  services. 

^  See  "California  Weighs  Health  Insurance"  by 
Mary  Ross,  Survey  Graphic,  May,  1935. 


NOVEMBER     1945 


Governor  Warren  pointed  out  that  the 
CMA  itself  offered  a  compulsory  insurance 
bill  in  1935f— so  framed  that  the  CMA 
would  have  run  all  the  health  services  of 
the  state — and  that  the  association  had  re- 
cently asked  the  Federal  Public  Housing 
Authority  to  make  health  insurance  com- 
pulsory for  the  tenants  in  the  housing 
projects  where  the  CPS  was  giving  service. 
Therefore,  compulsion  per  se  is  not  ab- 
horrent to  the  doctors — if  they  can  run 
the  system  and  the  people  who  pay  the 
bills  have  nothing  to  say.  The  governor 
also  recalled  publicly  that  Dr.  T.  Henshaw 
Kelly,  secretary  of  CPS,  had  testified  be- 
fore the  Pepper  committee  of  the  United 
States  Senate  that  health  insurance  plans 
need  some  form  of  compulsion  in  order 
to  work. 

As  a  last  answer  to  any  future  threats 
of  compulsory  health  insurance,  the  CMA 
raised  the  dues  of  its  members  from  $25 
a  year  to  $100  a  year  in  order  to  roll  up 
an  annual  fund  of  approximately  $800,000, 
and  it  announced  that  it  was  hiring  an 
expert  to  make  a  nationwide  survey  of 
health  insurance  plans  and  would  present 
"a  positive,  workable  program"  at  the  next 
legislative  session. 

The  political  implications  of  the  medical 
care  struggle  are  significant.  The  picture 
of  a  Republican  governor  winning  more 
support  from  the  Democrats  in  the  legis- 
lature than  from  his  own  party  is  con- 
fusing to  many  people  who  were  amazed 
at  the  manner  in  which  the  Republicans 
walked  out  on  Governor  Warren's  pro- 
gram. They  consider  the  Republicans  to  be 
in  an  embarrassing  position  today,  having 
repudiated  the  social  welfare  planks  of  the 
GOP  national  platform,  with  no  other  sub- 
stantial Republican  bandwagon  in  the  state 
upon  which  to  sit. 

The  governor's  health  insurance  measure 
was  at  first  looked  upon  as  a  dual  move 
on  Earl  Warren's  part — to  liberalize  the 
Republicans,  thus  letting  the  GOP  regain 
ground  lost  with  Willkie's  death,  and  to 
serve  as  a  frank  and  open  bid  for  the 
1948  Presidential  nomination.  But  since  he 
has  announced  his  candidacy  for  renomi- 
nation  as  governor,  many  political  wise- 
acres construe  that  he  genuinely  wants  to 
be  the  first  governor  of  California  to  win 
reelection  since  Hiram  Johnson. 


"The  People  Are  for  It" 

As  to  the  future  of  health  insurance  in 
California,  it  is  anyone's  guess.  Governor 
Warren,  the  CIO,  and  the  AFL  are  keep- 
ing their  own  counsel  on  any  further  ag- 
gressive moves.  The  legislature  does  not 
meet  in  regular  session  until  1947.  The 
CIO  urged  the  governor  to  call  a  special 
session  to  deal  with  urgent  problems  of 
unemployment  and  reconversion,  but  did 
not  include  health  insurance  in  its  imme- 
diate program.  A  campaign  to  carry  the 
question  to  the  voters  themselves  through 
initiative  and  referendum  would  cost  at 
least  $50,000,  and  maybe  $150,000. 

A  number  of  Californians  told  me  they 
regret  that  the  CIO  bill  lacked  unanimous 
labor  support,  but  they  pointed  out  the 

(Continued  on  page  463) 
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HOW  can  the  South  solve  the  economic  problems 
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A  SOUND  NATIONAL  ECONOMIC  POLICY 

By  M.  H.  REYMOND 

Reveals  one  of  the  greatest  discoveries  of  all 
time  from  the  standpoint  of  the  common  man: 
the  right  answer  to  the  problem  of  inflations 
(which  cheat  people  out  of  savings)  and  de- 
pressions (which  deprive  people  of  the  right 
to  work  for  a  living). 

Shows  how  unemployment  and  consequent  de- 
moralization can  be  forever  banished  by  our 
nation  and  by  every  other  nation,  thereby  cut- 
ting the  ground  out  from  under  future  Hitlers 
and  other  salesmen  of  quack  prosperity  schemes. 
Demonstrates  the  folly  of  compromising  Amer- 
ican ideals  of  liberty  with  the  slavery  of  state 
socialism.  And  the  folly  of  continuing  spend- 
ing-for-prosperity,  paid  for  dishonesty  by  "in- 
flationary financing." 

Demonstrates  the  futility  of  trying  to  cure  un- 
employment by  such  things  as:  unemployment 
insurance  compulsory  old  age  and  health  in- 
surance, made-work  schemes,  government  dic- 
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ever the  merits  or  demerits  of  such  things  for 
other  reasons  than  to  cure  unemployment. 
Offers  every  citizen  an  opportunity  to  join  in 
a  petition  that  is  going  to  be  presented  to 
Congress,  signed  by  people  from  all  over  the 
country,  formally  bringing  this  discovery  to  the 
attention  of  Congress,  and  indicating  the  in- 
calculable human  benefits  of  starting  to  use 
this  new  knowledge  without  delay. 
Typical  comment  by  one  of  the  country's  fore- 
most economists:  "Indeed  a  pleasure  to  sign 
petition  to  Congress.  Remarkable  feat.  All  rec- 
ommendations meet  my  approval.  Public  much 
indebted  for  good  work  you  are  doing."  (Dr. 
Willford  I.  King,  Professor  of  Economics,  New 
York  University  School  of  Commerce  and  Fi- 
nance. ) 

Pamphlet  22  pages.  Bookstands  or  post- 
paid 25c.  National  Press  Syndicate,  129 
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propriate for  serial  publication,  may  be  freely 
reprinted  with  copyright  notice,  in  whole  or  in 
Part,  by  anyone. 


LI.D.  Pamphlet  Series 

BRITISH  LABOR'S  RISE  TO  POWER 
by  Harry  W.  Laidler.  Deals  with  his- 
tory, structure,  program,  leaders  of 
British  Labor  party.  Text  of  famous 
1945  electoral  Manifesto,  "Let  Us  Face 
the  Future."  25c 

FORWARD  MARCH  OF  AMERICAN 
LABOR  by  Theresa  Wolfson  and 
Joseph  Glaser  15c 

THE  L.I.D. — 40  YEARS  OF  EDUCA- 
TION by  Upton  Sinclair  and 
Others    '  25c 

PUBLIC  DEBT  AND  TAXATION  IN 
THE  POSTWAR  WORLD  by  Wil- 
liam Withers  15c 

Order  from 

The  League  for  Industrial  Democracy 

112  East  19th  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


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462 


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(Continued  from  page  461) 
difficulty  of  reconciling  the  state  AFL  to 
any  CIO  measure.  Some  people  regret,  too, 
that  the  CIO  put  in  a  bill,  feeling  that  all 
groups  should  have  united  behind  the  gov- 
ernor's proposal.  Others  remarked  that  the 
CIO,  for  general  political  reasons,  could 
not  support  the  Governer's  bill  and  that 
CIO  pressure  for  its  own  bill  and  CIO 
planning  of  strategy  moved  the  cause  of 
health  insurance  forward  greatly. 

The  AFL's  legislative  leader,  Senator 
Shelley,  says  significantly:  "We  must  have 
labor  unity  if  we're  ever  to  win  an  exten- 
sion of  social  security  in  the  health  field." 
Research  Director  Pinsky,  one  of  the  main 
CIO  strategists,  announces:  "We  won  our 
objectives  to  educate  the  people  of  this  state 
on  the  issues  of  good  medical  services — to 
do  missionary  work  for  the  national  pro- 
gram of  health  insurance  envisioned  in  the 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill." 

Dr.  Roland  Davison,  president  of  the 
state  Physicians  Forum,  declares:  "We've 
learned  one  all  important  thing — we  must 
educate  the  doctors  slowly  and  carefully  on 
these  questions  because  they've  been  under 
the  sole  influence  of  the  AMA  propaganda 
for  so  long."  Dr.  Davison's  opposite,  Presi- 
dent Gilman  of  the  CMA,  speaks  up  for 
the  continuance  of  this  propaganda.  "We've 
retained  a  publicity  firm  and  other  experts 
to  carry  on  for  us,"  he  says,  "and  we  sub- 
scribe to  the  Public  Health  League  which 
deals  with  legislative  matters.  We've  never 
seen  a  compulsory  health  insurance  bill  we 
can  approve  of." 

Richard  Neustadt,  regional  director  of  the 
Social  Security  Board,  states:  "The  people 
must  have  faith  in  the  government  as  the 
great  cooperative,  knowing  that  it  can  de- 
velop health  insurance  administration  as 
effectively  and  objectively  as  it  has  other 
forms  of  social  insurance." 

Chester  Rowell  maintains:  "The  people 
are  for  health  insurance.  That  means  the 
legislators  everywhere  will  come  around  to 
it  in  time."  This  editor  believes  the  cam- 
paign for  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill 
has  been  helped  immeasurably  by  an  airing 
of  the  issues  in  California. 

All  friends  of  health  insurance — national 
or  state — can  learti  much  from  the  Cali- 
fornia contest.  They  should  know  now — 

What  forces  must  be  overcome. 

The  answers  to  such  basic  questions 
as:  Why  compulsory  rather  than  vol- 
untary health  insurance?  Should  the 
medical  care  be  partial  or  comprehen- 
sive? Who  should  administer  the  law? 
How  should  the  doctors  be  paid? 

That  all  branches  of  labor  and  all 
liberal  groups  must  work  together  be- 
hind one  bill. 

That  doctors  themselves  must  be  in 
the  forefront  of  the  fight;  must  have  a 
propaganda  arm  to  help  counteract  the 
pressure  of  the  AMA  lobby  on  na- 
tional questions. 

They  should  make  these  lessons  count — 
in  California  and  elsewhere.  When  the 
next  act  of  the  drama  opens,  nobody 
should  need  any  cues  from  the  prompter's 
box. 


PSYCHOANALYSIS 

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New  York  21.  N.  Y. 

Your  Name__ 

Address 


OUR  "ENDLESS  FRONTIER" 

(Continued  from  page  431) 


ous  body.  There  is,  however,  a  funda- 
mental difference  between  this  body  and 
any  other  now  existing.  The  commission 
on  atomic  energy  will  deal  with  a  prob- 
lem which  is  essentially  international,  far 
beyond  anything  else  within  the  scope  of 
the  federal  government.  It  is  true  that  the 
Tariff  Commission  deals  with  international 
trade  as  well  as  with  domestic  legislation, 
but  there  is  no  thought  of  international- 
izing the  industries  producing  the  goods — 
as  will  probably  be  necessary  in  the  ul- 
timate solution  of  the  problem  of  security 
in  the  atomic  age.  For  the  present,  and 
for  some  time  to  come,  domestic  legislation 
can  set  its  own  pattern;  but  everyone 
agrees  with  President  Truman's  statement 
in  announcing  the  bomb,  that  it  is  too 
dangerous  to  be  let  loose  in  a  lawless 
world. 

Now  the  world  is  lawless  so  long  as 
nations  insist  upon  freedom  of  action  in 
matters  of  vital  interest.  The  fact  that  the 
"good  nations"  do  not  propose  to  misuse 
their  powers  does  not  lessen  the  danger  of 
anarchy,  for  the  test  of  "lawlessness"  is  not 
good  or  bad  intentions,  but  willingness  to 
accept  the  rules  of  the  community  instead 
of  insistence,  fascist-like,  upon  independent 
freedom  of  action. 

Therefore,  whatever  we  set  up  in  Wash- 
ington to  deal  with  the  problems  arising 
from  the  use  of  atomic  energy,  we  shall 
have  to  gear  it  in  with  an  international 
organization.  The  commission  on  atomic 


energy  would,  under  those  circumstances, 
become  more  like  an  adjunct  of  the  State 
Department  or  of  the  Executive  Office  of 
the  President,  instead  of  merely  function- 
ing as  an  advisory  commission  to  Congress. 
All  of  this  is,  of  course,  mere  speculation 
as  yet.  But  atomic  energy  is  a  spur  to  the 
imagination  and  we  may  therefore  let  our 
speculations  reach  one  step  further: 

For  the  adequate  control  of  atomic 
energy,  the  United  States  government  will 
ultimately  need  an  Executive  department 
under  a  Cabinet  officer  frankly  designated 
as  the  Secretary  for  Atomic  Energy. 

This  proposal  is  quite  different  from  that 
of  Secretary  of  War  Patterson  that  there 
should  be  one  Department  of  National  De- 
fense with  Assistant  Secretaries  for  the  ap- 
plication of  scientific  research  to  problems 
of  defense.  His  proposal  is  sound  in  itself 
but  deals  with  only  one  part  of  the  larger 
problem  of  the  control  of  atomic  energy. 
That  control  should  be  so  planned  as  to  de- 
velop the  peacetime  uses  of  energy  as  soon 
as  the  pressing  problems  of  security  can 
be  taken  care  of  both  nationally  and  inter- 
nationally. It  would  not  even  be  necessary 
to  wait  for  the  solution  of  the  problem 
in  the  field  of  security  before  attacking  it 
in  the  field  of  economics. 

As  the  world  tends  to  become  really  civi- 
lized, the  peaceful  productive  uses  of 
atomic  energy  will  supplant  those  of  de- 
struction. The  time  to  plan  ahead  for 
this  twofold  development  is  now.  But  the 
planning  cannot  be  improvised  overnight. 
It  involves  fundamental  problems  of  gov- 
ernment and  even  of  the  nature  of  the 
State. 


NOVEMBER     1945 


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463 


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COOPERATIVE  COMMUNITY 

MORE  MEMBERS  WANTED  to  plan  together 
our  own  self-reliant  cooperative  community,  start 
civilization,  race  atom  bomb.  Write  fully  first 
letter.  8144  Survey. 

COFFEE 

"IT  IS  RICH_,  full-bodied,  flavorsome  and  strong 
— a  combination  I  had  looked  for  in  vain."  writes 
an  Ohio  customer.  Send  $1.00  for  trial  2  pounds 
of  this  superb  coffee.  Specify  grind.  Richard  H. 
Toeplitz,  Suite  205,  342  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York  1 7. 

REAL  ESTATE 

FOR  SALE:  An  ideal  home  or  resort  on  Rio 
Grande  River.  Paved  road;  18  miles  from  Albu- 
querque; surrounded  by  government  land;  excep- 
tional romantic  setting  in  corner  of  desert  where 
the  trees  _ begin;  excellent  view;  wonderful  year 
around  climate;  extra  well  built,  roomy,  modern 
house;  495  acres,  or  less  if  desired.  A  bargain. 
Perry  Robb,  Bernalillo,  New  Mexico. 

EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 

GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  medi- 
cal social  work  positions. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


WANTED:  GENERAL  SECRETARY  for  Family 
Agency  in  northern  Pennsylvania  Community. 
Training  and  experience  required.  8239  Survey. 


DIRECTOR:  To  administer  two  camps,  high  school 
and  employed  girls ;  to  work  on  enriching  group 
and  camp  experience.  Year-round  position,  im- 
mediate opening.  State  training,  experience,  refer- 
ences. Address  Executive  Director,  Y.  W.  C.  A., 
Pittsburgh  13,  Pa. 


WANTED  TRAINED  WORKER  for  Case  Work 
position  on  staff  of  child-placing  agency.  Ad- 
dress: Worcester  Children's  Friend  Society,  2 
State  Street,  Worcester  8,  Massachusetts. 


CATHOLIC  Family  and  Child  Care  Casework 
Agency  needs  graduate  social  worker.  Oppor- 
tunity for  advancement.  Good  salary,  according 
to  training  and  experience.  Catholic  Charities, 
418  N.  Twenty-fifth  St.,  Omaha,  Nebraska. 


CASE  WORKER  for  Private1  Agency,  Suburb  of 
Chicago.  Excellent  opportunity.  Good  salary. 
Educational  possibilities.  Lutheran  Child  Welfare 
Association,  Addison,  Illinois. 


MANAGING  EDITOR.  Distinguished  magazine 
specializing:  in  social-economic  articles.  8236 
Survey. 


COUNSELOR  as  Unit  Director  in  Co-educational 
so-called  "progressive"  camp,  Summer  1946.  Man 
who  wants  to  learn  and  train,  as  well  as  teach 
and  train.  Camp  Ironwood  Community,  552! 
Cates  Avenue,  St.  Louis  12,  Mo. 


COUPLE,  assist  with  _  children,  do  housekeeping 
(not  cooking)  and  maintenance  work  in  new  non- 
sectarian  small  psychiatric  studv  home  for  pre- 
adolescents.  Middle  West.  8235  Survey. 

GENERAL  SECRETARY,  with  executive  experi- 
ence, for  well  established  agency  in  progressive 
city  of  200,000  in  Western  state.  Recent  training 
and  some  supervisory  experience  with  caseworkers 
desira'ble.  Salary  $3000  to  $4500  depending  on 
qualifications.  8233  Survey. 


WANTED:  COTTAGE  MASTER  in  Boys  School 
in  New  England.  Delinquents  7-16  years.  Refer- 
ences. 8232  Survey. 

NATIONAL  JEWISH  WOMEN'S  ORGANIZA- 
TION requires  workers  for  overseas  service.  Must 
be  graduate  of  professional  school  with  experience 
in  family  or  child  care  work.  Community  experi- 
ence desirable.  Age  25  to  45.  Must  be  physically 
fit.  8229  Survey. 

SUPERVISOR,  professionally  trained  and  experi- 
enced, to  have  charge  of  a  family  service  depart- 
ment in  multiple  service  Jewish  case  work  agency. 
Responsibilities  include  supervision  of  workers  and 
students,  administration  of  unit  and  commnnitv 
committee  work.  Salary  range  $2700  to  $3800. 
8215  Survey. 

QUALIFIED  CASE  WORKERS  with  or  without 
experience  for  day  nursery  and  family  work. 
Forty-five  minutes  from  New  York  City.  Pre- 
vailine  salaries.  Psychiatric  consultation  service. 
The  Bureau  of  Family  Service,  439  Main  Street 
Orange,  N.  J. 

EXECUTIVE  WANTED:  Jewish  Welfare  Agencv. 
New  York  City,  staff  26 ;  specializing  in  interna- 
tional case  work  and  immigration.  Woman  pre- 
ferred. Salary  in  accordance  with  qualifications. 
8234  Survey. 

CAS_E  WORKER  in  non-sectarian  family  agency  in 
middle  west.  Must  have  graduate  training  «°n 
social  work.  Interesting  community,  varied  duties 
m'ving  exceptional  experience.  Good  salary.  8246 
Sitrvey. 


HOSPITAL  ADMITTING  WORKER  for  lar.se 
hosnital  in  Northern  New  Jersey.  Experience  in 
rmhlic  welfare  or  other  social  work  desirable. 
8245  Survey. 


WANTED:  Supervising  Director  of  Boys  Court 
Service.  Graduate  training  and  experience  in  case 
work  and  supervision  reauired.  Salary  ranee: 
$3,000 — $3.600.  Annly  Department  of  Social 
Service,  Church  Federation  of  Greater  Chicago, 
77  W.  Washington  Street.  Chicago  2.  Illinois. 


CASEWORKER— professional  training.  For  Familv 
Casework  Agency.  Salary  $21<W.nO-$2400.00. 
Tewish  Social  Service  Bureau,  127  N.W.  Second 
Street.  Miami,  Fla. 


WANTED:  Program  Director,  man  or  woman,  with 
social  group  work  training  for  Neighborhood  Cen- 
ter in  Oregon.  Salary  commensurate  with  exneri- 
ence.  Good  opportunity  for  right  person.  S248 
Survey. 


CASE  WORKERS.  Two.  nrofessionally  qualified, 
by  Jewish  Family  and  Children's  Agency  offering 
(rood  supervision  and  special  interest  assignments. 
Classifications  Case  Worker  I  and  Case  Worker 
II  provide  excellent  salary  range.  8210  Survey. 


WORKERS  WANTED 


POSITIONS   OPEN   IN   ALASKA 
ALASKA    DEPARTMENT    OF    PUBLIC 

WELFARE 

DISTRICT   WORKERS- 
SOCIAL   SERVICE   WORKERS 

Apply:  Alaska  Merit  System,  Box  201,  Juneau, 
Alaska,  via  airmail,  supplying  minimum  qualifica- 
tions. 

There  are  positions  open  at  the  present  time  for  two 
District  Workers  and  two  Social  Service  Workers. 

District  Worker:  salary  range — $250  to  $280  per 
month;  appointments  at  the  minimum;  minimum  re- 
quirements— college,  4  years ;  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Public 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare;  experience — three  years  in 
the  past  six  years  of  social  work,  one  year  of  which 
must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare,  one  year  in  Public 
Assistance  and  one  year  in  a  supervisory  capacity. 

Social  Service  Worker:  salary  range — $225  to  $255 
per  month;  appointments  at  the  minimum;  minimum 
requirements — college,  4  years;  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Public 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare ;  experience — two  years  in 
the  past  five  years  in  social  work,  one  year  of 
which  must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare  and  one 
year  in  Public  Assistance. 

CASE  WORKER  with  graduate  training  for  Child 
Guidance  work  in  central  Illinois  town.  Psychia- 
tric experience  preferred.  8249  Survey. 

CASE  WORKER  for  position  with  child  placing 
agency  offering  boarding  care  and  placements  for 
adoption.  Liberal  salary.  Apply — Children's  Bu- 
rear,  400  West  Hill  Avenue,  Knoxville  42,  Tenn. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 

MALE  CASE  WORKER,  brief  professional  experi- 
ence delinquent  boys,  seeks  post  where  lengthy 
newspaper  publicity  background  can  help  offset 
inexperience.  8230  Survey. 

A    MAN    HAVING    A    WAY    WITH    BOYS    and 

parents  desires  headmastership  in  private  school, 
with  full  responsibility  to  build  up  eminently 
successful  institution.  I  want  a  desperate,  failing 
or  new  school  to  write  me  for  details.  No  chal- 
lenge too  great  if  backing  is  fair  and  square. 
8242  Survey. 

LAWYER,  Social  Worker,  B.S.,  LL.B.,  School  of 
Social  Work.  Experienced  in  child  protective 
work,_  seeks  position  in  an  administrative  level  in 
a  social  agency  with  legal  and  protective  activi- 
ties. 8247  Survey. 


can  get 


HAVE  YOU  AN  OFFER  for  a  man  who  ca 

results  with  boys?  Headmastership?  Community 
rehabilitation?  Group  or  private  aid?  Challenging 
job,  commensurate  salary.  8244  Survey. 

SCHOOL  PRINCIPALSHIP  and/or  community 
recreation  leadership  in  small  town  or  rural  center 
needing  aggressive  modern  program.  Youth  ex- 
pert :  Recreation,  education,  social  adjustment. 
Also  adult  education.  Write  fully.  8243  Survey. 


EXECUTIVE  with  wide  experience  in  the  Recre- 
ational and  Institutional  field,  desires  connection 
with  a  children's  organization.  Can  only  consider 
work  in  New  York  City  or  within  commuting 
distance.  Am  also  experienced  in  fund-raising. 
8203  Survey. 


SOCIAL  WORKER,  35,  member  AASW,  last  civil- 
ian job  Assistant  Director  of  Eastern  child-caring 
agency  with  foster  home  program  and  institution, 
now  discharged  from  Army  after  two  years'  service 
as  psychiatric  social  worker,  wants  challenging 
executive  job,  preferably  in  child  welfare  field. 
8240  Survey. 


ASSISTANT  DIRECTOR,  male,  now  employed  in 
Orphanage,  considering  change.  Many  years'  wide 
experience  administration  and  child  program  man- 
agement, social  planning.  Excellent  references, 
will  travel.  8237  Survey. 


CAMP  DIRECTOR,  young  man,  college  gradual* 
experienced.  Boys  Camp,  New  England  area  pre 
ferred.  8241  Survey. 


464 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention   SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 


SUPERINTENDENT,  institution,  or  agency.  Man,  \ 
now    (10  years)    administration   large  public   child  • 
care   program,    10   years   private    social    agency    of 
exceptional    standards.      Academic    background    in  j 
psychiatric  social   work.      Special   interest  in  mod- 
ern   standards    institutional    care,    adoption,    guar-  ' 
dianship,   foster   care.      Religion — Catholic.     $4,600  ! 
to  $5,000  or  maintenance  equivalent.    8211   Survey. 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


SIMMONS    COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  WORK 

Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
51  Commonwealth  Avenue  Boston  16 


SCHOOL  OF  NURSING  of  Yale  University 

A   Profession  for  the  College   Woman 

An   intensive   and   basic   experience   in  the  various   branches   of   nursing   is 
offered    during    the   thirty    mouths'    course   which    leads    to    the   degree   of 

MASTER  OF  NURSING 

A   Bachelor's   degree   in  arts,    science  or  philosophy  from   a  college  of 
approved   standing   is   required   for  admission. 

for  Catalogue  and  Information  address; 

The  Dean,  YALE  SCHOOL  OF  NURSING 

New    Haven,    Connecticut 


POSITIONS  OPEN  IN  HAWAII 
DEPARTMENT  OF  PUBLIC  WELFARE 

SOCIAL  WORKERS 
SOCIAL  WORK  ADMINISTRATORS 

APPLY:  Requesting  application  from  Territorial 
Civil  Service  Commission,  Hale  Auhau, 
Honolulu  2,  T.  H.,  and  giving  brief  sum- 
mary of  education,  experience,  and  type  of 
position  desired. 

These  positions  include: 

1.  SOCIAL    WORKERS    and    CHILD    WEL- 
FARE    SOCIAL     WORKERS.     Qualifying 
experience  and  training  for  the  entrance  posi- 
tions must  include  one  year  full-time  paid  ex- 
perience in  a  recognized  social  agency,  or  one 
year  of  graduate  study  in  a  school  of  social 
work.    Duties  include  making  investigations  of 
assistance  and  services  needed,  making  diag- 
noses  and   carrying  out   programs   for   social 
adjustment. 

2.  ADMINISTRATIVE    POSITIONS.      Eligi- 
bility for  entrance  to  the  lowest  grade  requires 
four  years  of  full-time  paid  experience  in  a 
recognized  social  casework  agency  and  gradu- 
ation from   a   two-year  course  in  a  graduate 
school  of  social  work.    Duties  include  serving 
as  supervisor  of  a  county  unit,  supervising  case 
workers,  discussing  and  advising  on  case  work 
programs,   and  developing   the   county   public 
welfare  program. 

Salaries  for  social  work  positions  begin  at  $174.17 
per  month  and  range  upward  to  $212.92,  plus  $45.00 
monthly  bonus.  Administrative  position  salaries  begin 
at  $264.58  per  month,  plus  $45.00  monthly  bonus,  and 
go  as  high  as  $520.00  per  month,  plus  $45.00  monthly 
bonus. 

Use  clipper  mail,  15  cents. 


SMITH  COLLEGE 
SCHOOL  FOR  SOCIAL  WORK 

A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Opens  Late  June,  1946 

The   course   provides   two   years   of  academic   credits 
including    theory,     field    practice   in    selected    social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 
The    urgent    demand    for    qualified    social    workers 
offers   a   wide   variety  of  opportunities   for  graduates. 

SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  SOCIAL  WORK 

Contents  for  September,  1945 

Racial  Attitudes  of  Negro  Clients  Olga  Verin 

The  Relative  Amenability  of  Dull  and  Bright  Children 


to  Child  Guidance  Treatment 


Jean  M.  Cooley 


Treatability  of  Children  of  Alcoholic  Parents 

Marcia  Holden 

Some  Differences  between  Neurotic  Delinquents  and 
Other  Neurotic  Children  Margery  Stern 

For  further  information  write  to 
THE  DIRECTOR  COLLEGE  HALL  8 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  OWNERSHIP,  MANAGEMENT,  CIRCULATION 
ETC.,  REQUIRED  BY  THE  ACTS  OF  CONGRESS  OF  AUGUST  24* 
1912,  AND  MARCH  3,  1933,  of  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,  published  monthly 
at  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa.,  for  October  1,  1945. 

State  of   New   York     1 

County  of  New  York  )    ss- 

Before  me,  a  Commissioner  of  Deeds,  in  and  for  the  State  and  county  afore- 
said, personally  appeared  Walter  F.  Grueninger,  who,  having  been  duly  sworn 
according  to  law,  deposes  and  says  that  he  is  the  Business  Manager  of  the 
SURVEY  GRAPHIC  and  that  the  following  is,  to  the  best  of  his  knowledge 
and  belief,  a  true  statement  of  the  ownership,  management  (and  if  a  daily 
paper,  the  circulation),  etc.,  of  the  aforesaid  publication  for  the  date  shown  in 
the  above  caption,  required  by  the  Act  of  August  24,  1912,  as  amended  by  the 
Act  of  March  3,  1933,  embodied  in  section  537,  Postal  Laws  and  .Regulations, 
printed  on  the  reverse  of  this  form,  to  wit : 

1.  That  the  names  and   addresses  of  the  publisher,   editor,   managing   editor, 
and   business   manager   are:    Publisher.    Survey    Associates,    Inc.,    112    East    19 
Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Editor,  Paul  Kellogg,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York, 
N.    Y. ;    Managing   Editor,    None;    Business    Manager,    Walter    F.    Grueninger, 
112  East  19  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

2.  That  the  owner  is:  (If  owned  by  a  corporation,  its  name  and  address  must 
be  stated  and  also  immediately  thereunder  the  names  and  addresses  of  stock- 
holders owning  or  holding  one  per  cent  or  more  of  total  amount  of  stock.     If 
not  owned  by  a  corporation,  the  names  and  addresses  of  the  individual  owners 
must  be  given.     If  owned  by  a  firm,  company,  or  other  unincorporated  concern, 
its   name  and   address,   as   well  as    those   of   each   individual   member,   must    be 
given.)      Survey    Associates,    Inc.,    112    East    19    Street,    New    York,    N.    Y.,    a 
non-commercial   corporation   under   the   laws   of   the    State   of   New    York,   with 
over    2100    members.       It    has    no    stocks    or    bonds.       President,    Richard    B. 
Scandrett,   Jr.,    30    Pine    Street,    New    York,    N.    Y. ;    Chairman   of    the    Board, 
Joseph   P.    Chamberlain,   Columbia   University,    New    York,    N.    Y. ;    Vice-presi- 
dents,  John    Palmer   Gavit,    112    East    19    Street,    New    York,    N.    Y. ;    Agnes 
Brown   Leach,    170    East   64   Street,    New   York,   N.    Y. ;   secretary,   Ann    Reed 
Brenner,   112  East  19  Street,  New  York,  N.   Y. 

3.  That    the    known    bondholders,    mortgagees,    and    other    security    holders 
owning  or  holding  1  per  cent  or  more  of  total  amount  of  bonds,  mortgages,  or 
other  securities  are:   (If  there  are  none,  so  state.)     None. 

4.  That    the   two   paragraphs   next   above,   giving   the   names    of   the   owners, 
stockholders,   and  security  holders,   if  any,   contain  not  only   the  list  of  stock- 
holders and  security   holders,   as  they  appear  upon   the  books  of  the   company 
but  also,   in  cases  where   the  stockholder  or  security   holder  appears  upon  the 
books  of  the  company  as  trustee  or  in  any  other  fiduciary  relation,  the  name 
of  the  person   or  corporation   for  whom   such   trustee  is   acting,   is   given ;    also 
that  the  said  two  paragraphs  contain  statements  embracing  affiant's  full  knowl- 
edge and  belief  as  to  the  circumstances  and  conditions  under  which  stockholders 
and   security  holders   who   do  not   appear   upon   the   books  of   the   company   as 
trustees,  hold  stock  and  securities  in  a  capacity  other  than  that  of  a  bona  fide 
owner ;  and  this  affiant  has  no  reason  to  believe  that  any  other  person,  associa- 
tion, or  corporation  has  any  interest  direct  or  indirect  in  the  said  stock,  bonds, 
or  other  securities  than  as  so  stated  by   him. 

[Signed] 
WALTER    F.    GRUENINGER,    Business    Manager. 

Sworn  to  and  subscribed  before  me  this  8th  day  of  October,   1945. 

[Seal]         MARTHA  HOHMANN. 

Commissioner  of  Deeds,  City  of  New  York. 

New  York  County  Clerk's  No.  33. 
Commission  expires  April   17,   1947. 


NEW  HARPER  BOOKS 
for  Survey  Readers 


AMERICAN 
LABOR  UNIONS 

What  They  Are  and  How  They  Work 

By  Florence  Peterson 

Director,  Industrial  Relations  Division, 
Bureau  ot  Labor  Statistics.  U.  S.  Department  of  Labor 

All  who  would  know  the  facts  and  speak  intelligently  about 
organized  labor  should  read  this  book.  It  answers  countless 
questions  arising  in  the  minds  of  all  today  regarding  the 
what,  why  and  how  of  organized  labor.  It  will  help  every 
citizen  to  better  understand  the  problems  which  face  a 
national  Industry-labor  Conference.  "...  a  veritable  mine 
of  information  and  a  most  useful  source  of  reference." — 
New  York  Herald  Tribune.  $3.00 

PRIVATE 
MONOPOLY 

The  Enemy  at  Home 

By  David  Lasser 

How  monopoly  at  home  and  abroad  presents  a  tremendous 
challenge  to  all  lovers  of  democracy  is  the  theme  of  this 
provocative  book.  "  'Private  Monopoly'  is  a  penetrating 
analysis  of  the  effect  of  monopolies  and  cartels  in  creating 
the  economic  conditions  which  led  to  the  last  war.  It  should 
be  read  by  all  who  are  interested  in  the  future  peace  of 
the  world."— FORMER  JUDGE  THURMAN  ARNOLD. 

$3.00 

PUBLICITY 

How  to  Plan,   Produce  and  Place  It 

By  Herbert  M.  Baus 

Here  a  widely  known  and  successful  public  relations  prac- 
titioner offers  copious,  systematic  and  detailed  direction  on 
how  to  publicize  virtually  any  persons  or  thing,  including 
the  reader  himself.  "This  readable  book  should  be  an  eye- 
opener  for  the  vast  majority  of  us  who  have  not  the  slightest 
idea  of  how  constructive  publicity  is  planned  and  effected." — 
Western  Industry.  $3.00 

FOR  US 
THE  LIVING 

An  Approach   To  Civic   Education 

By  John  J.  Mahoney 

Professor  ol  Education,  Boston  University:  Director. 
Harvard-Boston  University  Extension  Courses  lor  Teacher* 

"Invaluable  as  a  guide  for  teachers  and  for  use  of  classes  of 
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of  citizens  who  are  interested  in  the  betterment  of  citizen- 
ship through  improved  educational  processes." — PAYSON 
SMITH,  University  of  Maine.  $3.00 


HUMAN 

LEADERSHIP 

IN  INDUSTRY 

The   Challenge   of   Tomorrow 

By  Sam  A.  Lewisohn 

President.  Miami  Copper  Company 

A  challenge,  a  warning  and  a  guide  to  executive  leaders  to 
assume  the  full  responsibility  which  is  theirs  for  improved 
human  relations  in  industry.  "Mr.  Lewisohn  has  written 
with  great  clarity  and  characteristic  simplicity  about  matters 
that  are  of  enormous  importance  to  American  management 
and  labor  ...  it  is  as  smooth  and  interest-reading  as  a  best 
seller."— ALVIN  E.  DODD,  American  Management  Asso- 
ciation. $2.00 


COMING   IN   DECEMBER 

Published  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Institute  of  Religious  Studies 

WORLD  ORDER: 

Its  Intellectual   and  Cultural 
Foundations 

Edited  by  F.  Ernest  Johnson 

Teachers  College.  Colombia  University 

These  lectures  by  authorities  in  the  various  fields  show  how 
the  assurance  of  enduring  peace  can  be  aided  by  new  ap- 
proaches _  to  culture^  philosophy,  religion,  jurisprudence,  ad- 
ministration, education  and  relief.  Among  the  contributors 
are  Margaret  Mead,  Irwin  Edman,  Father  LaFarge,  Mon- 
signor  Ryan,  Chester  I.  Barnard,  etc.  $2.00 

CIVILIZATION 

AND  GROUP 

RELATIONSHIPS 

Edited  by  R.  M.  Maclver 

Professor  of  Sociology.  Columbia  University 

This  book  analyzes  types  of  group  relationships  in  modern 
society — cultural,  educational,  economic,  industrial  and  re- 
ligious— and  the  problems  connected  with  them.  Among  the 
contributors  are  Eduard  C.  Lindeman,  I.  L.  Kandel,  Robert 
A.  Lynd,  Mark  Starr,  Bishop  Tucker,  Father  LaFarge, 
etc.  $2.00 


At  your  bookstore  or  from 

HARPER     &     BROTHERS 

49  East  33rd  Sheet  N.  Y.  16.  N.  Y. 


DECEMBER  IQ-45 


SURVEV 


3O  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


GRAPHIC 


The  Last  Hundred  Thousand 

by  Earl  G.  Harrison 

UNRRA's  Fight  Against  Time  -  Herbert  H.  Lehman 
Paris  Reunion  —  Josephine  Roche  •  German  Economy  — Paul  Hagen 

HEALTH  INSURANCE 

Voluntary  Plans  Kaiser's  Permanente  Plan  The  President's  Program 

MARGARET  C.  KLEM        SIDNEY  R.  GARFIELD,  M.D.         MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 


We,  too,  have  our  hands  full  this  time  of  year. 

For  us,  December  24  and  25  are  always  busy  days  at  Long  Distance 
switchboards  —  and   they  will   be   busier    than   ever    this   Christmas. 

B 

There  will  be  unavoidably  long  delays  on  Long  Distance  and  some 
calls  may  not  get  through  at  all. 

You  will  get  quicker  service  a  few  days  before  or  after  the  holidays. 


BELL  TELEPHONE    SYSTEM 


Among  Ourselves 

LJNRRA   IS   FIGHTING  AGAINST  TIME   IN  COMBAT- 

ing  hunger  and  disaster  (see  page  474).  Yet 
Europe  needs  food  and  fuel  for  starved  minds 
as  well  as  bodies. 

The  American  Library  Association  has  given 
to  the  Danish  college  libraries  about  five  hun- 
dred of  the  most  important  scholarly  and 
scientific  books  published  in  this  country  dur- 
ing the  war  years.  The  Scandinavian  depart- 
ment of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  in  con- 
nection with  the  local  chapter  of  American 
Youth  for  Democracy  at  Madison,  is  collecting 
books  and  magazines  which  will  be  beneficial 
to  the  students  of  the  University  of  Oslo,  now 
open  again  for  the  first  time  since  the  Nazis 
overran  Norway  more  than  five  years  ago. 

Two    TIMELY    STUDY    KITS    ON    WORLD    COOPERA- 

tion  are  proving  helpful  to  teachers  and  dis- 
cussion leaders. 

Kit  No.  1  ($2.25)  includes  two  pamphlets  on 
the  United  Nations,  one,  how  they  came  into 
being,  the  other  on  the  peoples  and  countries; 
a  study  guide;  and  twenty-three  poster  charts. 
Kit  No.  2  (60  cents)  gives  the  story  of  the 
San  Francisco  discussions;  the  plan  for  the 
United  Nations;  accounts  of  the  Food  and 
Agriculture  Organization,  the  International 
Civil  Aviation  Conference,  the  United  Nations 
Monetary  and  Financial  Conference,  and 
UNRRA. 

These  kits  can  be  obtained  from  the  United 
Nations  Information  Office,  610  Fifth  Avenue, 
New  York  20,  N.  Y.  Among  its  other  useful 
publications  the  Information  Office  has  a  list  of 
16  and  35  mm.  motion  picture  films  on  the 
United  Nations. 

THE  NOVEMBER  Survey  Midmonthly  CONTAINS 
a  special  section,  "From  Veteran  to  Civilian," 
by  Bradley  Buell  and  Reginald  Robinson, 
which  is  arousing  wide  comment.  It  is  divided 
into  four  parts:  the  challenge  to  leadership;  the 
priorities  of  need;  the  brass  tacks  of  planning; 
eliminating  the  run-around.  In  addition,  the 
November  issue  carries  the  regular  depart- 
ments and  two  articles:  "Vote  of  Confidence 
for  Social  Work"  by  Jack  Yeaman  Bryan; 
"Community  Organization  on  a  South  Sea 
Isle"  by  William  J.  Plunkert. 

A  BRITISH  SOLDIER  UNKNOWN  TO  us — AND  HE 
prefers  to  remain  anonymous — has  given  us  an 
assignment  which  we  now  execute  with 
genuine  pleasure.  If  he  chose  Survey  Graphic 
as  his  spokesman  because  of  our  special  issue 
(May),  "The  British  and  Ourselves,"  we  con- 
sider it  as  great  a  compliment  as  any  that 
number  has  evoked. 
The  soldier  writes  you  through  us: 

To  THE  EDITOR:  I  feel  you  could  help  me  to 
say  thanks  to  Uncle  Sam  for  looking  after  me 
so  well  for  about  a  year  when,  out  in  the 
Middle  East,  the  unit  I  was  with  luckily 
enough  occupied  a  field  adjoining  an  aero- 
drome used  by  one  of  the  wings  of  Ninth 
Bomber. 

When  the  Americans  came,  my  sleeping  ac- 
commodation was  a  hole  in  the  ground  cov- 
ered by  a  pup  tent,  but  in  some  magic  way  (I 
never  quite  knew  who  exactly  was  responsible 


VOL.  xxxiv  CONTENTS 

Survey  Graphic  for  December  1945 


No.  12 


Cover:  Hungry,  Stateless,  Displaced  Persons 

The  Fortunate  Few.  Photographs , 468 

The  Last  Hundred  Thousand EARL  G.  HARRISON  469 

Fighting  Against  Time HERBERT  H.  LEHMAN  474 

By  Their  French  Bootstraps JOSEPHINE  ROCHE  476 

From  the  Rubble  Up PAUL  HAGEN  477 

Health  Insurance:  Voluntary  Plans;  The  President's  Program 480 

The  Plan  That  Kaiser  Built SIDNEY  R.  GARFIELD,  M.D.  480 

Buying  Insurance  Against  Sickness MARGARET  C.  K.LEM  483 

A  Milestone  in  Health  Progress • MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  485 

Letters  and  Life 487 

White  of  Emporia HARXY  HANSEN  487 

Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 

SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC 

Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  Jn.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALME*  GAVII,  AGNE»  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REID  BRENNER. 

Board  of  Directors:  DOROTHY  LEHMAN  BERN  HARD,  JACOB  BILLIKOPF,  NELLIE  Liv.  BOK,  JOSEPH 
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Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 

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SPRINGER. 

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for  the  kindness)  I  was  soon  provided  with  a 
most  comfortable  folding  bed  which  I  treas- 
ured and  guarded  with  my  life  everywhere  I 
went  during  the  many  journeys  of  my  sub- 
sequent two  years  abroad. 

Three  nights  of  the  week — at  least — we  saw 
first  class  films  or  a  superb  stage-show.  No 
questions  were  asked;  first  come  first  served; 
no  roped-off  area  for  officers  only;  no  race  bar; 
pick  your  own  petrol  tin  and  sit  where  you 
liked,  as  soon  (or  late)  as  you  liked,  with  the, 
only  condition  that  the  petrol  tin  must  be  re- 
turned to  its  dump  at  the  end  of  the  show. 

When  our  cigarettes  ran  out,  facilities  were 
provided  for  obtaining  American  brands  at 
convenient  prices. 

In  short,  life  was  made  very,  very  tolerable 
for  us  through  the  lucky  chance  of  being  bil- 
leted near  Uncle  Sam. 

I  can  say  with  all  sincerity  (as  I  often  re- 
marked to  my  friend  as  we  trudged  across 
the  sand  to  "book"  our  petrol  tins)  that  I 
"heard  the  strong  heartbeats  of  democracy, 
close  to,"  and  thoroughly  enjoyed  the  experi- 
ence. 

.  Every  morning  (and  near  the  Italian  capit- 
ulation it  was  every  morning)  we  watched  the 


beautiful  ships  (Liberators)  take  off,  zooming 
round  and  round  until  all  were  in  formation, 
and  then  late  in  the  cool  of  the  evening  we 
counted  them  anxiously  coming  back. 

There  were  many  heartaches  among  the 
counters  on  the  day  of  the  first  famous  Ploesti 
raid.  And  what  a  well  kept  secret  that  wasl 
It  was  only  towards  sunset  that  the  news 
leaked  out — not  long  before  the  first  ship 
limped  its  way  back  over  the  eastern  horizon — 
what  the  target  had  been. 

So,  in  general,  thank  you  very  much,  Uncle 
Sam,  for  all  of  it,  and  in  particular  thanks  to 
the  guy,  whoever  he  was,  who  provided  me 
with  that  marvelous  bed. 

And  lastly,  the  "Yanks"  liberated  my  brother 
from  the  famous  Santo  Tomas  internment 
camp  in  Manila.  He's  now  at  home  and  it's 
putting  it  very  mildly  to  say  that  he's  grateful. 
If  anyone  connected  with  that  particular  feat 
should  read  this,  let  him  be  assured  of  our 
undying  gratitude.  He'd  blush  if  I  quoted 
extracts  from  the  liberation  letters! 

I  haven't  said  half  of  what  I  could  say,  but 
I  know  that  your  generosity  is  only  matched 
by  your  modesty  so  I'll  close. 

A  SIGNALMAN 


467 


.-   •  -         •••:      •-    . 


Courtesy  American  Jewish  Conference 


The  Fortunate  Few 


Gates  of  the  DP  camps  in  Germany  open  as 
people  find  somewhere  to  go — a  place  that 
means  safety  and  where  they  are  welcome. 
Quick  evacuation  is  the  real  solution  of  the 
problem  of  those  still  in  camps,  says  Earl  Har- 
rison. Above:  The  last  precious  Palestine  im- 
migration certificates  enabled  these  men  to 
leave.  Left:  Orphans  from  a  former  German 
concentration  camp  receive  shelter  in  one  of 
England's  large  country  houses. 


Internationa]  Newt 


S  U  RVEV 


PHIC 


The  Last  Hundred  Thousand 


What  are  the  enduring  solutions  for  stateless  Nazi  victims,  or  for  those  who  can- 
not or  dare  not  return  home,  still  held  at  Belsen,  Dachau,  and  other  centers? 


WHEN  THE  UNITED  NATIONS  TOOK  OVER 
shattered  and  defeated  Germany,  one  of 
our  major  problems  was  to  extend  help 
to  the  victims  of  Nazi  tyranny.  There  were 
some  6,500,000  of  them — slave  laborers 
from  conquered  lands,  political  prisoners, 
Jews  persecuted  under  the  brutal  "racial 
laws"  of  the  Hitler  regime,  all  referred  to 
as  DP's,  standing  for  Displaced  Persons. 

As  our  armies  reached  the  concentration 
camps  and  brought  some  of  them  into  light, 
the  world  was  revolted  by  pictures  and 
descriptions  of  extermination  and  cruelty, 
the  piled  corpses,  the  gas  chambers  and 
crematoria,  the  torture  and  starvation. 

When  the  armies  took  over  all  camps, 
the  fir^t  effort  was  to  minister  to  the  sick 
and  feed  the  hungry,  then  to  return  as 
rapidly  as  possible  displaced  persons  who 
had  citizenship  status  and  a  home  to  go 
to.  In  spite  of  chaotic  communication  and 
transportation  conditions  after  V-E  Day, 
over  4,000,000  of  these  6,500,000  exiles  had 
been  moved  out  of  Germany  by  July,  and 
the  number  continued  to  climb.  By  late 
October,  about  one  million  remained. 

The  displaced  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren still  in  Germany  are,  for  the  most 
part,  Poles,  Baits,  Yugoslavs,  and  Jews  from 
many  lands.  Some  are  in  law  and  in  fact 
stateless.  Some  are  unwilling  to  live  under 
Russian-dominated  regimes  in  Poland  and 
Yugoslavia,  or  in  Baltic  countries  that  are 
now  part  of  the  USSR.  Among  these  are 
fascist  sympathizers,  though  more  are  anti- 
communists.  As  the  political  picture  be- 
comes clearer,  many  will  doubtless  change 
their  minds  and  seek  repatriation. 

It  has  been  apparent  for  some  months, 
however,  that  eventually  we  shall  come 
down  to  a  hard  core  of  at  least  one  hun- 
dred thousand  people,  for  whom  some  solu- 
tion outside  the  gigantic  repatriation  pro- 
gram must  be  found.  In  the  main,  they 
will  be  Polish,  Hungarian,  Rumanian,  and 
Austrian  Jews.  When  I  saw  these,  most 
were  still  in  camps  and  they  felt  that  they 
were  being  treated  not  as  our  fellow- 
fighters  against  totalitarianism  but  much 
more  like  prisoners. 

In    July,    I    visited    about    thirty    of    the 


EARL  G.  HARRISON 

— By  the  U.  S.  member  of  the  Inter 
Governmental  Committee  on  Refugees, 
dean  of  the  Law  School,  University  of 
Pennsylvania.  Commissioned  by  Presi- 
dent Truman  to  appraise  displaced  per- 
sons centers  in  Occupied  Germany,  he 
brought  to  bear  his  experience  as  direc- 
tor of  our  wartime  census  of  aliens  and 
in  his  enlightened  administration  of  in- 
ternment camps  as  U.  S.  Commissioner 
of  Immigration  and  Naturalization. 

Here  he  goes  beyond  his  effective  re- 
port of  last  August,  drawing  on  intimate 
impressions  and  throwing  fresh  light  on 
the  long  range  problems  of  those  for 
whom  solutions  must  be  found  "outside 
the  gigantic  repatriation  program." 


hundreds  of  DP  centers  in  the  American 
and  British  zones  in  Germany.  President 
Truman  had  asked  me  to  report  to  him 
the  condition  and  needs  of  the  stateless  and 
non-repatriable,  with  particular  reference  to 
Jewish  refugees.  My  report  was  submitted 
to  him  on  August  24;  and  released  to  the 
press  more  than  a  month  later,  on  Septem- 
ber 29.  In  the  weeks  since  the  report  was 
written  there  have  been  definite  improve- 
ments in  the  camps.  But  the  latest  news 
indicates  clearly  that  much  remains  to  be 
done  before  this  tragic  problem  is  solved. 

One  G.  I.  with  a  Concern 

One  of  the  outstanding  characters  en- 
countered on  my  tour  of  DP  camps  in  Ger-' 
many  was  Pvt.  Philip  Tulipan,  a  Jersey 
City  lawyer  in  civilian  life,  then  serving 
with  the  U.S.  forces  in  Frankfort.  Early  in 
the  summer,  Pvt.  Tulipan  came  upon  a 
group  of  eight  or  ten  displaced  persons  in 
trouble.  That  is,  they  had  fallen  between 
several  stools.  They  were  no  longer  con- 
fined to  concentration  camps,  but  they 
could  not  find  shelter.  Pvt.  Tulipan  took  on 
the  group  as  "his  problem."  He  finally  dis- 
covered a  cheap  hotel  which  had  escaped 
destruction,  and  in  which  he  could  "liber- 
ate" space.  Here  he  located  his  group  of 
DP's,  and  he  and  his  buddies  agreed  to  pay 


four  marks  a  day  (40  marks  in  all)  for 
board  and  lodging  for  the  group. 

Then  the  grapevine  swiftly  carried  news 
of  Pvt.  Tulipan's  resourcefulness.  The  group 
grew  to  550,  and  he  housed  them  in  four 
hotels.  He  managed  to  get  jobs  for  162 
of  "his"  DP's,  he  and  his  friends  cared  for 
the  rest.  The  550  had  shelter,  and  a  meas- 
ure of  temporary  security,  though  they 
were  as  crowded  as  in  the  camps.  In  one 
hotel,  for  example,  there  were  158  DP's,  six 
or  eight  to  a  room,  with  two  bathrooms  in 
the  entire  establishment.  But  the  group 
preferred  even  these  conditions  to  a  camp. 
They  had  a  little  community  life,  with 
committees,  and  a  tiny  newspaper. 

When  I  talked  with  them,  I  found  that 
they  had  all  been  in  concentration  camps 
for  from  three  to  five  years.  All  of  them 
bore  tattooed  numbers,  the  mark  of  po- 
litical prisoners.  Their  anxiety  was  for  the 
future  of  their  little  community.  Pvt. 
Tulipan  had  been  notified  that  the  four 
hotels  must  be  vacated  because  they  were 
needed  for  military  purposes.  He  fought, 
unsupported,  for  supplies,  and  for  the 
rights  of  the  DP's  under  SHAEF  policy. 
"Where  am  I  going  to  put  my  people?"  he 
demanded.  The  burgomaster  did  not  know. 

So,  in  a  jeep,  Pvt.  Tulipan  scoured  the 
countryside.  He  found  seventeen  housing 
possibilities,  the  best  of  them  a  block  of 
flats  eight  or  ten  miles  ouside  Frankfort  in 
a  sort  of  suburb.  I  went  with  him  to  see 
them,  and  found  them  modest  apartments, 
slightly  damaged  by  bombing,  and  vacant. 
The  AMG  Town  Major  who  had  super- 
vision of  billeting,  agreed  with  Pvt.  Tuli- 
pan that  the  place  was  desirable  and  avail- 
able, and  advised  the  GI  to  consult  the 
burgomaster.  The  latter  said  that  the  flats 
were  being  held  for  civilians  who  had  for- 
merly occupied  them,  and  who  were  ex- 
pected soon  to  return.  The  Town  Major 
upheld  the  burgomaster. 

In  desperation,  Pvt.  Tulipan  turned  to 
his  second  best  possibility.  It  was  in 
Hoechst,  fifteen  miles  the  other  side  of 
Frankfort,  a  barracks  built  for  cheap  labor 
by  the  I.  G.  Farben  combine.  The  sheds 
were  so  badly  constructed  there  were  cracks 


469 


in  the  walls,  so  ill  heated  that  winter  occu- 
pation was  out  of  the  question.  Sanitary 
facilities  were  inadequate.  The  burgomas- 
ter was  willing  to  cooperate  to  the  extent 
of  making  minor  repairs.  Pvt.  Tulipan  was 
most  reluctantly  moving  his  charges  into 
those  quarters  the  next  week. 

Details  That  Matter 

Here  let  me  turn  back  to  entries  in  my 
notebooks,  and  sketch  half  a  dozen  camps 
as  I  saw  them,  with  details  for  which  there 
was  no  space  in  a  formal  report.  On  por- 
tions of  the  three-week  trip,  I  had  the 
company  of  Dr.  Joseph  J.  Schwartz  of  the 
American  Jewish  Joint  Distribution  Com- 
mittee; Patrick  M.  Malin,  vice-director  of 
the  Inter  Governmental  Committee  on 
Refugees,  and  Herbert  Katzski  of  the 
(American)  War  Refugee  Board.  We  made 
our  rounds  in  an  army  car,  part  of  the 
time  with  (believe  it  or  not)  Sgt.  Eugene 
Longfellow  of  Hiawatha,  Kans.,  as  our 
driver.  At  each  camp,  we  talked  with  army 
authorities  in  charge,  UNRRA  personnel, 
and  also  with  the  displaced  persons  them- 
selves. Here  are  examples:  . 

Mannheim.  Eight  different  nationality 
groups  are  here  and  over  four  hundred 
young  children  are  included.  Special  atten- 
tion is  given  to  the  children's  diet  under 
the  capable  supervision  of  Lt.  (Miss)  Peter- 
man.  Flats  adjoining  the  camp  have  been 
requisitioned  to  provide  quarters  for  family 
groups.  Real  efforts  are  made  to  organize 
activities  within  the  camp. 

Landsberg.  A  camp  population  of  5,500, 
mainly  Poles,  Hungarians,  and  Baits.  About 
1,500  Jews.  Again,  400  children.  One  sees 
many  pathetic  malnutrition  and  psychiatric 
cases.  Many  in  the  camp  are  wearing  pris- 
oner of  war  (German  military)  uniforms 
and  they  resent  it.  There  is  a  good  public 
health  doctor;  TB  cases  are  clearing  up. 

Fun\  Caserne.  About  4,500  people  of 
fourteen  nationalities.  Badly  overcrowded — 


six  in  many  of  the  small  rooms,  with  four, 
beds.  The  whole  place  needs  cleaning  up. 
Only  a  small  percentage  of  people  are 
given  passes  each  week  to  leave  the  camp 
for  short  periods. 

Aljondschule,  Munich.  A  very  poor 
school  building,  housing  about  200  DP's, 
including  some  Dutch  and  Czechs.  There 
is  absolutely  no  oversight,  and  the  sanita- 
tion is  awful.  The  inmates  are  given  three 
days  rations  at  a  time,  which  each  indi- 
vidual must  prepare  as  best  he  can  with 
the  crude  facilities  at  hand,  and  keep  with- 
out refrigeration  until  the  next  issue. 

Schleischeim,  Munich.  A  camp  popula- 
tion of  some  6,000  with  about  600  Jews, 
practically  all  of  them  Poles.  The  "camp" 
is  a  badly  bombed  building.  The  food  is 
mainly  bread  and  soup  carried  around  in 
buckets.  Most  of  the  people  had  gone 
through  four  or  five  camps  and  expect  to 
be  "movc'd  on"  soon.  Meanwhile,  there  is 
nothing  for  them  to  do  except  lie  around 
all  day,  waiting  for  bread  and  soup. 

Mauthasen,  Linz.  Like  a  maximum  secu- 
rity jail  on  top  of  a  hill,  surrounded  by  a 
high  wall  which  is  heavily  guarded.  Few 
passes  are  issued.  The  apathy  of  the  1,300 
residents  is  shocking.  Though  they  are  bet- 
ter housed  than  in  most  camps,  they  seem 
dazed  and  hopeless,  like  prisoners  whose 
spirits  have  been  completely  broken. 

Wildflect(en.  A  former  Panzer  division 
training  school,  with  good  buildings  but 
very  little  in  the  way  of  recreational  facili- 
ties or  space.  It  is  considered  one  of  the 
more  permanent  installations.  It  houses 
14,000  DP's  under  heavy  guard,  who  are 
not  permitted  to  leave  the  camp.  Seems 
very  crowded.  There  is  considerable  politi- 
cal friction.  There  are  650  Jews  and  they 
are  in  much  worse  physical  shape  than  the 
other  DP's.  They  should  be  removed. 

Celle.  A  "bad  camp,"  with  many  Jews 
living  in  horse  stalls,  sick  and  well  to- 
gether. One  inmate  told  us:  "The  hardest 


Joint  Distribution  Committee 

In  Frankfort,  Germany,  last  July.  Left  to  right:  Herbert  Katzski,  War  Refugee  Board; 
Pvt.  Philip  Tulipan,  U.  S.  Army,  who  took  care  of  550  DP's  personally;  Dr.  Joseph  J. 
Schwartz,  Joint  Distribution  Committee;  Earl  Harrison;  Reuben  B.  Resnik,  also  J.D.C. 


thing  is  to  look  outside  the  camp  and  see 
the  Germans  so  much  better  off  than  we 
are,  even  the  ones  that  used  to  be  our 
guards  and  tormentors.  They  have  better 
food  and  better  clothes.  And  they  are  free." 

Dachau.  One  of  the  most  notorious  of 
the  Nazi  concentration  camps.  Only  a  few 
hundred  people  remain.  Several  with  whom 
we  talked  estimated  that  over  200,000  Jews 
were  exterminated  here.  The  large  group 
of  Polish  Jews  left  in  the  camp  surfer  not 
only  from  undernourishment  and  inade- 
quate clothing,  but  from  the  active  anti- 
Semitism  among  the  non-Jewish  Poles. 

Bergen-Belsen.  We  had  been  repeatedly 
told  that  it  was  useless  to  visit  this  place, 
hitherto  one  of  the  most  terrible  of  all  the 
Nazi  concentration  camps,  because  "it's  all 
burned  down."  Nevertheless  we  found 
14,000  displaced  persons  there,  about  half 
of  them  Jews.  Building  No.  1,  with  the 
gas  chambers  and  crematoria,  had  been 
destroyed.  All  the  rest  of  Belsen  remains 
much  as  the  Nazis  left  it.  The  buildings 
are  substantial  but  frightfully  overcrowded. 
We  were  in  one  loft,  20  by  80  feet,  which 
housed  85  people  with  all  their  belongings. 
Their  whole  lives — eating,  sleeping,  bath- 
ing, laundry,  "recreation" — had  to  be  car- 
ried on  in  that  partitionless,  dreary  space. 

AMONG  THE  JEWS  IN  MOST  OF  THE  CAMPS 
there  were  few  old  people  and  almost  no 
children  under  sixteen.  These  age  groups 
had  been  all  but  exterminated  by  the 
Nazis.  A  few  boys  from  twelve  to  fifteen 
were  able  to  conceal  their  ages,  and  so 
escape  the  gas  chambers,  and  a  few 
younger  children,  boys  and  girls,  were  "pre- 
served by  a  miracle,"  as  one  woman  told 
us.  The  majority  of  these  younger  children 
have  been  "taken  out,"  to  Switzerland, 
Sweden,  England. 

Most  of  the  Jews  in  the  camps  were 
young  and  middle  aged  adults,  the  sole 
survivors  of  their  families.  You  do  not  for- 
get the  haunted  eyes  of  a  man  or  woman 
who  quietly  tells  you:  "As  we  entered  the 
camp  (whether  it  was  at  Auschwitz  or 
Belsen  or  Buchenwald),  we  were  divided 
into  two  lines.  My  wife  and  my  children 
were  sent  to  the  left  I  was  directed  to  the 
right.  I  never  saw  them  again,  or  heard  of 
them."  This  was  the  story  repeated  to  me 
over  and  over  in  the  camps. 

The  responsibility  for  displaced  persons 
in  occupied  Germany  and  Austria  has 
rested  primarily  with  the  respective  mili- 
tary authorities.  SHAEF  Administrative 
Memorandum  39  defined  displaced  persons 
as  "civilians,  outside  the  boundaries  of  their 
countries  by  reasons  of  the  war: 

(a)  desirous  but  unable  to  return  home 
or  to  find  homes  without  assistance; 

(b)  to  be  returned  to  enemy  or  ex-enemy 
territory." 

The  stateless  were  defined  as  persons 
who,  "in  law  or  in  fact,  lack  the  protection 
of  any  government." 

In  the  same  memorandum,  it  was  pointed 
out  that  UNRRA  had  been  authorized  by 
the  United  and  Associated  Nations  to  un- 
dertake the  "care,  relief  and  repatriation  of 
United  Nations  displaced  persons,"  but 
this  agency  must  be  specifically  invited  by 


470 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


the  government  concerned  before  it  can 
operate  in  any  country.  UNRRA  was  not 
authorized  to  undertake  the  care  or  disposi- 
tion of  enemy  DP's  or  of  refugees  found 
in  Germany,  except  those  who  were  state- 
less or  had  been  persecuted.  The  Inter 
Governmental  Committee,  created  in  1938 
as  a  result  of  the  Evian  Conference,  is 
responsible  for  the  resettlement  of  persons, 
including  the  stateless,  who  have  been 
obliged  to  leave  their  homes  for  reasons  of 
race,  religion,  or  political  views.  UNRRA 
agreed  to  care  for  these  for  a  limited  period. 
On  June  20,  1945,  SHAEF  ordered  that 
immediate  plans  be  made  for  special  camps 
for  the  stateless  and  non-repatriable;  these 
camps,  where  possible,  to  be  administered 
by  UNRRA.  But  UNRRA  has  been  handi-  . 
capped  by  lack  of  resources  and  personnel. 
Today,  it  is  taking  over  an  increasing  num- 
ber of  camps,  with  trained  civilians  as  ad- 
ministrators, the  army  furnishing  supplies 
and  transportation.  This  desirable  change 
was  underway  when  I  was  in  Germany, 
and  it  has  been  accelerated  since.  But  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  major  re- 
sponsibility for  handling  DP's  still  rests 
with  the  American  Military  Government. 

The  DP's  Are  Not  Free 

As  stated  in  my  preliminary  report  to 
President  Truman,  I  found  six  major  prob- 
lems in  the  camps.  First  and  foremost  was 
the  lack  of  freedom,  the  virtual  status  of 
prisoners  for  these  tens  of  thousands  of  per- 
secuted and  suffering  people  whose  only 
"crime"  was  their  ancestry,  or  their  resist- 
ance to  Nazi  ideas  and  practices.  Along 
with  this,  I  found  the  problems  of  housing 
and  fuel;  malnutrition;  inadequate  cloth- 
ing; idleness  and  uncertainty;  and  last  but 
not  least,  worry  over  relatives  and  friends, 
accentuated  by  lack  of  any  planned  oppor- 
tunity to  try  to  locate  them. 

How  far  the  camps  have  remained,  in 
spirit  at  least,  "concentration  camps,"  and 
how  far  they  have  become  "centers  for 
displaced  persons"  has  depended  largely 
on  the  individual  administrators.  On  the 
highest  army  levels  there  has  never  been 
lack  of  humanity  and  concern  for  the  refu- 
gees. For  months  there  has  been  in  black 
and  white  an  admirable  policy,  and  a 
manual  for  applying  it.  From  the  moment 
the  first  victorious  United  Nations  troops 
crossad  into  Germany,  the  displaced  per- 
sons there,  in  theory,  had  precedence  over 
German  civilians.  This  was  not  true  in 
fact  when  I  was  in  Germany  in  July. 
Again  and  again,  General  Eisenhower  had 
made  clear  his  sympathy  with  the  dis- 
placed; but  unfortunately  his  attitude  was 
not  always  shared  by  camp  administrators, 
nor  were  his  clear  directives  always  put 
into  effect.  It  has  been  a  relief  to  have 
General  Eisenhower's  assurance  since  and 
detailed  reports  from  other  sources,  that 
many  improvements  have  been  made.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  they  will  continue  under 
his  successor,  Gen.  Joseph  J.  McNarney. 

At  the  time  I  was  there,  the  army  officers 
engaged  in  military  government  work  with 
whom  I  talked  were  almost  unanimous  in 
feeling  that  "we  have  to  get  along  with  the 
Germans,"  but  that  the  DP's  are  "only 
temporary."  The  swift  repatriation  of  refu- 


gees by  the  million  seemed  to  support  this 
attitude.  But  that  was  to  overlook  the  plight 
of  the  stateless  and  the  non-repatriable 
I  saw  still  in  concentration  camps. 

Some  U.  S.  camp  administrators  were  so 
far  from  sharing  the  Eisenhower  viewpoint 
that  they  expressed  frank  anti-Semitism. 
Several  camp  commandants  actually  said  to 
me,  "Maybe  Hitler  had  something  with  ref- 
erence to  Jews";  or  "All  the  Jews  seem. to 
know  how  to  do  is  to  make  demands  for 
special  treatment."  A  much  larger  number 
were  simply  ill-informed.  They  were  quite 
impatient  with  any  form  of  political  dissi- 
dence,  and  that  people  might  be  "stateless" 
was  talked  about  as  though  it  were  a  loath- 
some disease.  They  seemed  to  think  that 
the  people  in  the  camps  were  there  because 
of  wrongdoing,  and  failed  utterly  to  realize 
that  they  were  there  simply  because  they 
were  Jews,  or  because  politically  they  were 
"people  on  our  side." 

The  fact  is  that  America  could  have  done 
better  in  the  selection  and  the  special  train- 
ing of  AMG  personnel — if  we  had,  then 
many  of  the  concentration  camps  would  not 
so  long  have  continued  to  be  concentration 
camps  rather  than  "centers."  In  spite  of 
improvements  in  the  weeks  since  I  left 
Germany,  I  fear  that  many  of  them  remain 
such  today.  Happily  much  of  the  barbed 
wire  has  been  removed  and,  by  one  sweep- 
ing order  issued  by  General  Eisenhower  in 
September,  military  guards  have  been  re-, 
placed  by  displaced  persons  themselves  des- 
ignated to  perform  policing  duties.  On  the 
other  hand,  little  provision  has  been  made 
for  family  units,  where  they  still  exist,  to 
live  together.  Very  little  has  been  done  to- 
ward rehabilitation  or  any  form  of  camp 
activities  to  make  life  more  endurable. 

Overcrowding  and  Makeshifts 

The  question  of  housing  is  closely  re- 
lated to  that  of  freedom.  Though  the  dis- 
placed persons  had,  in  theory,  the  first 
claim  on  community  resources,  German 
civilians  in  fact  have  fared  better  than  the 
victims  of  Nazi  persecution.  The  DP's  who 
were  not  repatriated  were  for  months  held 
in  concentration  camps.  Meanwhile,  Ger- 
man civilians  had  the  use  of  most  of  the 
normal  housing  that  survived  bombing. 

At  the  time  I  was  in  Germany,  few  of 
our  enemies  had  been  dispossessed  to  save 
our  friends  the  overcrowding  and  the 
makeshifts  that  characterize  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  camps.  This  was  due  in  part 
to  the  attitude  of  the  army  toward  Ger- 
man civilians  as  its  long-term  problem; 
and  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  displaced 
persons  had  to  approach  our  occupation 
authorities  through  German  petty  officials 
"on  the  local  level." 

Perhaps  my  story  of  the  efforts  of  one 
GI  with  a  "concern"  will  help  make  clear 
the  general  housing  muddle. 

General  Eisenhower  reported  to  Presi- 
dent Truman  on  October  8  that  "subordi- 
nate commanders  are  under  orders  to 
requisition  German  houses,  grounds,  and 
other  facilities"  for  the  use  of  displaced 
persons,  who  were  to  be  given  "definite 
priority."  In  many  communities,  as  Pvt. 
Tulipan  found  in  his  scouting,  local  Ger- 
man officials  (who,  of  course,  derive  their 


authority  from  SHAEF)  had  succeeded  in 
preventing  the  application  of  this  policy. 
Before  the  bitter  German  winter  sets  in,  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that  in  many  places  weather- 
tight  shelter  will  be  provided  for  displaced 
persons,  relieving  the  overcrowded  condi- 
tion of  most  of  the  camps  and  safeguard- 
ing the  health  of  these  victims  of  Nazi  bar- 
barism— whatever  inconvenience  it  involves 
to  German  civilians. 

Not  Enough  to  Eat 

In  every  camp  I  visited,  I  saw  the  evi- 
dences of  malnutrition.  In  few  camps  were 
the  refugees  receiving  anything  approach- 
ing an  adequate,  balanced  diet.  In  -most 
camps,  the  ration  was  wholly  unsuited  for 
rebuilding  bodies  weakened  by  years  of 
semi-starvation  and  mistreatment.  Deliber- 
ate malnutrition  was  the  major  cause  of  the 
high  deathrate  among  the  Nazis'  slave  la- 
borers and  of  their  prisoners  in  concentra- 
tion camps  who  escaped  extermination. 
Malnutrition  was  the  chief  cause  of  the 
high  deathrate  in  the  camps  even  after 
"liberation." 

Chaplain  Hershel  Schachter,  AUS,  who 
reached  Buchenwald  with  the  American 
tanks  on  April  12,  has  described  the  mag- 
nificent job  done  by  our  army  in  medical 
care  and  nutrition  for  the  21,000  prisoners 
found  there.  But  in  spite  of  penicillin, 
plasma,  sanitation,  increased  rations,  over 
200  of  them  died  a  day. 

In  October,  the  United  Press  reported: 

"The  American  Military  Government  last 
night  ordered  displaced  persons  to  cut 
down  on  fresh  food  supplies  requisitioned 
from  the  Germans  on  the  grounds  that 
German  civilian  stocks  were  growing  dan- 
gerously low  for  the  coming  winter.  Camp 
officials  described  the  severe  slash  of  fresh 
food  supplies  for  displaced  person  camps  as 
a  'disastrous  blow  to  our  efforts  to  rehabili- 
tate our  persecuted  Allies'  . .  .  German  food 
stocks  are  the  sources  of  80  to  90  percent 
of  the  food  for  displaced  persons.  To  offset 
the  withdrawal,  Military  Government  offi- 
cials announced  that  DP  rations  may  be 
drawn  'from  surplus  Allied  prisoner  of  war 
parcels  and  Military  Government  and  civil 
affairs  stocks  which  were  brought  to  Eu- 
rope by  the  liberating  armies.'  Such  food 
stocks,  however,  do  not  contain  any  fresh 
foods,  but  consist  primarily  of  canned 
meats,  fish  and  cheese,  dehydrated  soups, 
dried  eggs,  dried  and  evaporated  milk, 
sugar,  tea  and  coffee.  Only  potatoes  will  be 
made  available  to  DP's  from  German  farm 
stocks." 

In  his  letter  to  the  President  the  same 
week,  General  Eisenhower  stated,  "I  have 
recently  raised  the  daily  caloric  food  value 
per  person  for  ordinary  displaced  persons 
in  approved  centers  to  2,300  and  for  racial, 
religious  and  political  persecutees  to  a  mini- 
mum of  2,500." 

Private  agencies,  notably  the  JDC,  are 
supplementing  the  camp  rations  with  food 
packages.  What  is  needed  is  a  scientific  de- 
termination of  the  nutrition?!  needs  of  this 
great  group  of  deliberately  starved  and 
mistreated  people  and  a  consistent  effort  to 
provide  what  they  require  for  their  re- 
habilitation. 

The   clothing  situation   parallels  that  of 


DECEMBER     1945 


471 


food.  In  the  camps,  I  saw  many  refugees 
still  wearing  the  degrading  prison  uniform 
of  the  Nazis,  and  others  who  had  had  to 
accept  the  uniforms  of  their  former  guards. 
Many  of  the  camp  inmates  lacked  under- 
wear, stockings  and  shoes.  Nowhere  did  I 
see  the  victims  of  German  persecution  as 
well  clad  as  resident  civilians.  Two  months 
after  I  left  Germany,  General  Eisenhower 
reported  that  "clothing  and  shoes  are  avail- 
able in  adequate  amounts  and  of  suitable 
types";  but  three  weeks  later,  the  JDC  was 
still  shipping  clothing  and  blankets  to  meet 
"emergency  needs"  of  the  inmates  of  DP 
camp's  in  Germany.  That  would  seem  to 
indicate  that,  again,  top-level  policies  had 
not  yet  made  themselves  felt  in  all  local 
DP  centers. 

Scarcely  less  terrible  to  me  than  my  mem- 
ory of  the  stench  and  squalor  of  the  con- 
centration camps  is  the  memory  of  the  cor- 
roding aimlessness  of  the  life  to  which  the 
refugees  are  condemned.  In  spite  of  the 
admirable  provisions  of  the  AMG  manual 
for  the  employment  of  the  inmates  in  camp 
maintenance,  administration,  and  on  self- 
help  and  rehabilitation  projects,  I  saw  few 
instances  of  any  such  undertakings.  Where 
camp  residents  were  employed,  they  usual- 
ly were  Baits.  For  most  of  the  inmates  one 
dull  and  hopeless  day  succeeded  another, 
with  the  meager  meals  the  only  break  in 
the  monotony.  There  was  nothing  to  do, 
nothing  to  see,  nothing  to  read,  no  useful 
work,  and  ahead  there  seemed  only  a  vista 
of  uncertainty.  Nothing  could  be  harder  on 
morale,  more  degrading  to  the  spirit. 

In  his  letter  to  the  President  on  October 
16,  General  Eisenhower  recognized  not  only 
the  need  for  reading  matter,  and  "leisure 
time  and  welfare  activities,"  but  also  the 
need  for  paid  employment  outside  the  cen- 
ters. I  am  glad  to  have  had  some  reports  of 
progress  along  these  lines  since  I  returned 
from  Germany. 


U.  S.  District  Judge  Simon  H.  Rifkind 
went  to  Germany  toward  the  end  of  Octo- 
ber as  civil  adviser  to  General  Eisenhower 
on  food,  fuel,  housing,  and  morale  in  the 
camps  for  displaced  persons,  on  resettle- 
ment and  repatriation,  and  on  army  rela- 
.tions  with  UNRRA  and  other  relief  agen- 
cies. There  are  some  50  representatives  of 
the  JDC  serving  as  liaison  between  Jewish 
relief  agencies  and  the  army  authorities. 

Chaplain  Schachter  brought  news  of 
schools  in  centers  where  there  are  children, 
and  also  the  beginnings  of  adult  education 
in  some  camps.  The  American  Jewish  Con- 
ference and  the  JDC  have  sent  prayer  books 
and  ritual  articles.  In  the  New  York  head- 
quarters of  JDC  are  piles  of  cartons,  packed 
with  such  "supplementary  supplies"  as  soap, 
razor  blades,  toothbrushes,  books  in  He- 
brew, Yiddish  and  English,  and  special 
foods.  These  supplies  are  being  shipped  as 
rapidly  as  space  is  available. 

Books  and  Classes 

Late  in  October,  Prof.  Koppel  Pinson, 
on  leave  from  the  department  of  history  at 
Queens  College,  New  York  City,  left  for 
Germany  with  two  associates  to  develop 
adult  education  classes  in  the  camps.  They 
will  work  under  JDC  auspices.  In  advance 
of  the  educators  went  1,000  cases  of  books 
and  writing  materials,  and  also  back  num- 
bers of  periodicals  for  the  five  years  (1940- 
45)  during  which  the  camp  inmates  were 
completely  shut  off  from  the  rest  of  the 
world.  The  plan  is  to  recruit  class  and 
discussion  group  leaders  from  among  the 
rabbis,  teachers,  journalists,  and  other 
trained  and  educated  persons  in  the  camps, 
and  to  offer  such  study  opportunities  as 
the  DP's  themselves  desire.  The  program 
will  also  include  reading  rooms,  choruses, 
dramatics,  and  movies. 

Plans  are  underway  for  vocational  train- 
ing in  the  camps,  and  the  problem  of 


National  Jewish  Welfare   Board 
"In    the    camps    I    saw    refugees    still    wearing    the    degrading    prison    uniform    of    the    Nazis" 


equipment  is  being  studied.  It  is  believed 
that,  given  materials  and  tools,  the  refugees 
could  greatly  improve  their  own  shelter  and 
clothing,  and  some  of  them  could  acquire 
useful  skills  in  the  process. 

The  most  agonizing  concern  of  the  camp 
inmates  is  their  anxiety  for  husbands,  wives, 
parents,  children,  other  relatives  and 
friends.  No  camp  permits  family  groups  to 
live  together.  In  most  instances,  the  where- 
abouts of  their  dear  ones  is  not  known  to 
them.  Sometimes,  the  addresses  of  kinsmen 
or  friends  are  known.  In  far  more  frequent 
cases,  there  has  been  no  news  for  months 
or  years.  When  I  was  in  Germany,  there 
was  no  official  means  of  communication 
between  camps,  and  no  method  by  which 
DP's  could  commence  the  tragic  search  tor 
those  they  had  lost.  Unofficially,  chaplains 
occasionally  were  able  to  forward  inquiries 
from  camp  residents  to  chaplains  in  other 
camps,  or  to  some  relative  "outside"  whose 
address  was  known.  But  with  no  civilian 
postal  service  in  Germany,  these  makeshift 
methods  of  communication  were  meager 
and  unsatisfactory — as  I  brought  out  in  my 
report. 

Toward  the  end  of  July,  just  before  I 
left,  an  army  official  told  me  that  "com- 
munications would  open  up  within  thirty 
days."  Two  months  later,  October  8,  Gen- 
eral Eisenhower  informed  President  Tru- 
man that  "postal  communications  between 
displaced  persons  and  their  relatives  and 
friends  cannot  yet  be  inaugurated." 

Since  then,  the  army  authorities  have  ar- 
ranged with  JDC  for  that  relief  agency  to 
serve  as  a  postoffice  for  the  centers.  All 
letters  from  the  camp  inmates  in  Germany 
are  to  be  sent  to  the  Paris  office  of  the 
committee,  and  from  there  they  will  be 
dispatched  to  the  addressees.  Similarly, 
friends  and  relatives  of  refugees  in  camps 
in  Germany  will  be  able  to  forward  letters 
through  the  Paris  office  of  JDC. 

Meanwhile,  JDC  staff  members  have  im- 
proved the  registration  system  in  the  campf, 
and  are  rapidly  correcting  errors  in  camp 
records  and  bringing  them  down  to  date. 
By  the  time  this  article  is  in  type  there 
probably  will  be — for  the  first  time  since 
the  great  German  retreats  began — a  com- 
plete record  of  all  DP's  in  the  camps. 

It  is  heartening  to  note  the  improve- 
ments that  are  being  made  in  the  handling 
of  this  last  hundred  thousand  displaced 
persons — in  spite  of  the  handicaps  under 
which  the  army,  UNRRA,  and  the  relief 
agencies  have  labored.  In  a  devastated  land, 
with  communication  and  transportation  ut- 
terly disorganized,  thousands  of  acres  re- 
duced to  rubble,  the  economy  stagnant, 
the  population  not  too  friendly,  long  steps 
forward  have  been  taken  in  repatriating 
lost  people,  and  in  providing  better  condi-  < 
tions  for  those  who  cannot  be  returned  to  | 
their  former  homes.  But  to  shift  these  peo-  i 
pie  about  from  camp  to  camp,  to  give  them 
gradually  improved  shelter,  food,  clothing, 
and  some  measure  of  intellectual  and  spir- 
itual life  in  the  camps,  is  obviously  no 
solution  of  their  problem.  To  provide  for 
their  basic  human  needs  is  the  first  re- 
sponsibility of  the  victorious  United  Na- 
tions. 

The  next  step,  I  am  convinced,  must  be 


472 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


National  Jewish  Welfare  Board 
Survivors  of  the  infamous  Buchenwald  concentration  camp  dedicate  a  memorial  to  51,000  victims  killed  at  the  camp  by  the  Nazis 


a  much  more  general  recognition  of  the 
status  of  the  persecuted  Jews  as  Jews — not 
only  by  army  officials  overseas,  but  also 
by  Americans  in  this  country  who  want  to 
give  the  DP's  a  chance  for  peace  and  se- 
curity. I  was  impressed  by  the  unreality 
of  our  inclusion  of  Jews  in  nationality 
groups.  As  I  wrote  in  my  report  to  Presi- 
dent Truman:  "Refusal  to  recognize  the 
Jews  as  such  has  the  effect  in  this  situation 
of  closing  one's  eyes  to  their  former  bar- 
baric persecution  which  has  already  made 
them  a  separate  group  with  greater  needs." 

In  July,  the  army  made  a  beginning  by 
calling  on  the  JDC  to  supervise  the  estab- 
lishment of  special  centers  for  displaced 
Jewish  persons. 

One  of  the  most  hopeful  camps  I  visited 
was  Feldafing,  near  Munich,  an  all-Jewish 
center  with  5,200  inmates.  It  has  good 
buildings,  an  excellent  program,  and  an 
outstanding  commandant,  Lt.  Irving  Smith. 
The  camp,  started  early  in  May,  was  over- 
crowded for  weeks.  The  commandant 
wanted  to  take  over  nearby  private  homes 
to  provide  better  housing  for  the  DP's  but 
this  plan  hung  fire  until  General  Eisen- 
hower visited  Feldafing  on  an  inspection 
tour.  The  next  day  the  homes  needed  were 
requisitioned  for  the  refugees. 

"Let  My  People  Go" 

The  desire  of  the  overwhelming  majority 
of  the  DP's  is  liberation — liberation  not 
only  from  the  camps  but  from  Germany. 
Few  of  those  now  in  the  centers  want  to 
return  to  their  former  homes.  They  have 
no  friends  or  kinsmen  left,  the  memory  of 
discrimination  and  persecution  is  bitter.  A 
negligible  proportion  of  them  are  German- 
born.  Most  of  the  actively  anti-Nazi  Ger- 


mans and  the  German  Jews  who  did  not 
flee  the  country  were  liquidated  long  ago. 
Of  the  German-Jewish  population  of  650,- 

000  in  1933,  between  400,000  and  450,000 
have  survived  the  Nazi  regime.  Of  these, 
at    least    375,000    are    permanently    settled 
overseas.    Many   of   the   rest   are   in   other 
countries  of  Europe. 

Of  the  Jews  still  in  the  German  camps 
(whatever  their  national  origin — the  num- 
ber now  is  probably  well  under  100,000) 
more  than  half  want  to  go  to  Palestine, 
probably  less  than  a  fourth  to  the  United 
States,  the  remainder  to  other  countries, 
chiefly  •  parts  of  the  United  Kingdom  and 
Latin  America.  When  I  went  to  Germany, 

1  was   entirely   open-minded   with   respect 
to  Palestine  as  a  haven.    I  came  home  feel- 
ing that  for  tens  of  thousands  of  Hitler's 
victims,  emigration  to  Palestine  is  the  only 
sound  and  sensible  plan — to  a  land  where 
they  have  kinsmen  and  friends,  where  they 
feel  sure  of  a  welcome,  where  they  have  a 
sense  of  belonging  and  a  fair  chance  for  a 
job. 

I  returned  from  Germany  convinced  that 
the  real  solution  of  the  hard  core  of  the 
DP  problem  in  Germany  lies  in  their  quick 
evacuation  —  to  Palestine  for  those  who 
want  to  go  there,  to  other  lands  for  those 
whose  ties  are  elsewhere.  Palestine  is  the 
main  hope  but  not  the  only  solution. 

In  a  press  interview  in  Frankfort  on 
November  2,  Judge  Rifkind  voiced  similar 
conclusions.  After  preliminary  visits  to 
camps  in  the  American  zone,  General  Eis- 
enhower's special  adviser  on  Jewish  affairs 
stated  that  he  found  "only  a  small  per- 
centage of  displaced  Jews"  wished  to  go 
to  the  United  States,  and  that  a  few  others 
had  chosen  other  destinations  for  personal 


reasons.  "The  preponderance  of  desire  to 
emigrate  to  Palestine  is  overwhelming. 
None  desires  to  remain  in  Germany." 

Given  a  Chance 

More  than  150,000  DP's  have  found 
asylum  and  a  chance  for  rehabilitation  in 
Switzerland,  a  country  with  a  population 
of  only  4,500,000,  but  with  a  great  tradi- 
tion of  freedom  and  generosity.  A  sub- 
•stantial  proportion  of  the  DFs  now  in 
Switzerland  would  like  to  remain  there,  if 
they  are  permitted  to  do  so. 

At  the  invitation  of  another  neutral,  10,- 
000  Bergen-Belsen  sufferers  went  to  Swe- 
den. There  they  are  dealt  with  as  indi- 
viduals. They  are  given  rest,  medical  care, 
opportunity  for  education,  training,  or  re- 
training. Those  broken  in  body  or  spirit 
are  cared  for  and,  as  they  recover  their 
strength,  congenial  occupation  is  provided. 
Some,  it  is  clearly  recognized,  probably  will 
have  to  be  sheltered  as  long  as  they  live. 
But  in  the  intelligent  and  friendly  environ- 
ment Sweden  affords,  a  surprising  propor- 
tion of  the  refugees  are  able  to  take  up 
life  and  livelihood  again. 

The  RAF  has  flown  to  a  tranquil  home 
in  the  lake  district  of  England  the  first 
300  of  the  1,000  Buchenwald  orphans  to 
whom  Britain  will  give  care,  education,  and 
training. 

Our  army  has  proved  its  ability  to  move 
millions  of  people  with  speed  and  human- 
ity. It  will  have  no  trouble  in  evacuating 
this  last  100,000  from  Germany  and  Aus- 
tria, once  doors  are  open  to  receive  them. 
The  least  that  civilization  can  give  is  new 
hope  and  opportunity  to  these  survivors  of 
the  most  barbaric  persecution  in  the  long, 
black  record  of  man's  inhumanity  to  man. 


DECEMBER     1945 


473 


Fighting  Against  Time 

That,  writes  the  director  general  of  UNRRA,  is  our  greatest  enemy 

in   combating  disease,   hunger,    and  social   disaster  due   to   the  war. 

His  S  O  S  to  the  American  Congress  and  the  American  people. 


TWO   YEARS    AGO,   WHEN   REPRESENTATIVES    OF 

the  United  Nations  gathered  at  the  White 
House  to  sign  the  UNRRA  Agreement,  we 
knew  some  of  the  obstacles  ahead.  That 
first  year  —  at  the  planning  stage  —  there 
seemed  to  be  no  end  to  the  problems  fac- 
ing such  a  new  international  venture  as 
ours,  as  we  concerned  ourselves  with  agree- 
ments, recruitment,  planning  and  the  col- 
lection of  contributions. 

Even  a  year  ago  I  could  not  report  upon 
many  operations  commenced.  Our  procure- 
ment was  well  advanced,  but  while  the 
Allied  invasion  of  Europe  was  movin" 
rapidly  we  still  could  only  prepare  our- 
selves against  the  end  of  the  military 
period. 

This  fall  we  have  had  an  entirely  differ- 
ent picture  to  present.  UNRRA  supplies 
have  been  moving  to  every  country  eligible 
for  relief.  In  almost  all  of  them  these  goods 
are  their  main  support  and  their  only  pro- 
tection against  the  rigors  of  this  first  ter- 
rible postwar  winter.  I  am  not  claiming 
that  we  can  do  all  that  is  needed  in  these 
countries;  nor  was  UNRRA  set  up  to  re- 
place governments.  But  I  do  claim  that 
UNRRA  is  doing  everything  that  our  lim- 
ited resources  permit  and  doing  it  speedily 
and  well.  Our  relations  with  the  capitals 
concerned  are  excellent;  our  missions  move 
freely  in  all  countries  carrying  put  the  in- 
structions of  the  UNRRA  Council. 

In  the  field  of  postwar  migration  and 
health  we  have  helped  in  tackling  some  of 
the  gravest  problems  ever  known.  The  suc- 
cessful movement  of  six  million  "displaced 
persons"  from  Germany,  although  a  mili- 
tary operation,  was  also  an  UNRRA  oper- 
ation. To  aid  the  million  and  a  quarter 
still  remaining  under  our  administration 
constitutes  one  of  our  most  difficult  and  im- 
portant assignments.  Meanwhile,  UNRRA 
supplies  and  personnel  have  made  it 
possible  to  check  epidemics  in  eastern 
Europe.  Our  health  staffs  have  moved  in 
on  many  areas  and  given  encouragement 
and  aid  to  local  medical  staffs  overwhelmed 
with  their  tasks. 

In  agriculture,  we  have  provided  basic 
supplies  from  which  the  production  of 
essential  foodstuffs  can  start  next  year.  In 
industry,  wherever  feasible,  we  are  provid- 
ing the  raw  materials  which  will  make  it 
possible  for  the  peoples  concerned  them- 
selves to  start  the  production  of  essential 
relief  supplies.  One  of  our  most  valuable 
permanent  contributions  lies  in  supplying 
over  20,000  trucks  and  many  items  of 
railroad  equipment.  We  hope  to  buy  40,000 
more  trucks  from  military  surplus  and 
send  them  to  the  liberated  countries.  These, 
by  restoring  the  transportation  of  goods, 
and  especially  foodstuffs,  will  make  as 

474 


HERBERT  H.  LEHMAN 

— By  the  first  actual  administrator  for 
the  United  Nations — who  has  taken 
bufferings  that  belonged  to  armies  and 
governments  no  less  than  to  this  adven- 
turous innovation  in  international  team 
play  for  relief  and  rehabilitation. 

Like  a  one-man  army — but  with  back- 
ing from  quarters  more  convincing  than 
his  critics — he  has  fought  for  American 
good  faith  in  remitting  half  a  billion 
dollars  long  overdue,  and  in  appropri- 
ating $1,350  million  more  for  the  second 
lap  of  UNRRA's  expanded  program. 

This  article  is  drawn  from  Governor 
Lehman's  recent  statements  to  the 
UNRRA  staff,  over  the  radio,  and  be- 
fore committees  on  Capitol  Hill. 

Survey  Midmonthly  for  December 
will  carry  an  over-all  interpretation  of 
the  work  of  UNRRA's  Welfare  Division 
by  its  acting  director,  Charles  H. 
Alspach. 


great  a  contribution  as  any  other  to  social 
and  economic  recovery. 

As  Winter  Comes 

Few  people  realize  how  many  troubles 
have  beset  UNRRA.  To  pioneer  in  this 
field  has  been  a  thankless  and  heartbreak- 
ing job.  We  have  had  to  fight  for  every- 
thing. Many  people  cannot  see  the  wood 
for  the  trees.  Another  old  saying,  "A 
prophet  is  without  honor  in  his  own  coun- 
try," seems  proved  by  our  experience. 
When  I  recently  visited  three  of  the  stricken 
countries  we  are  helping — Italy,  Greece, 
Yugoslavia  —  I  heard  recognition  on  all 
sides,  from  governments  and  people  alike. 
It  was  only  when  I  returned,  among  peo- 
ple who  have  never  felt  die  pangs  of 
hunger,  of  cold  or  homelessness,  that  I 
heard  criticism  and  bitterness  and  little  or 
no  realization  of  the  greatest  relief  effort 
in  the  history  of  the  world. 

The  United  Nations  Relief  and  Rehabili- 
tation Administration  has  had  no  sovereign 
powers  and  could  only  achieve  its  objects 
by  agreement  with  the  very  many  different 
authorities  concerned.  The  messages  which 
reached  us  on  our  second  anniversary,  No- 
vember 9*,  are  proof  positive  that  despite 
the  critics,  these  efforts  have  not  been  in 
vain. 

Even  so,  UNRRA's  mission  is  less  than 


'Among    them: — President    Truman,     USA;     For- 


resen  uar         enes   an 

ter     Zdenek     Fierlingcr,     Czechoslovakia; 


half  done.  V-J  Day  opened  up  a  new  vast 
area  of  need.  We  have  now  to  complete 
not  only  our  work  in  Europe  but  our  work 
in  the  Far  East.  Both  depend  entirely  upo« 
the  granting  of  further  contributions  which 
the  UNRRA  Council  of  47  nations  has  rec- 
ommended to  their  governments.  UNRRA 
must  cease  its  operations  within  a  very 
short  time  if  these  contributions  are  not 
received.  The  catastrophe  in  which  such  a 
stoppage  would  involve  the  nations  de- 
pendent upon  our  efforts  is  too  tragic  to 
contemplate.  I  am  sure  the  people  of  the 
United  Nations  will  not  allow  so  terrible 
a  threat  to  the  future  of  the  world.  For 
both  Europe  and  the  Far  East  face  a  grim 
winter,  perhaps  the  worst  in  modern  his- 
tory. Nearly  everywhere  there  is  the  threat, 
and  in  too  many  instances  the  actuality, 
of  starvation,  disease,  economic  disorgani- 
zation, and  chaos. 

Hence,  UNRRA's  need  for  funds  is  two- 
fold. First,  it  must  finish  die  job  already 
begun  in  central,  southern  and  eastern 
Europe  which  up  to  now  has  kept  millions 
of  men,  women,  and  children  alive  in 
Yugoslavia,  Poland,  Czechoslovakia,  Greece, 
Albania,  and  Italy.f  Today,  however,  we 
are  in  the  most  critical  period  of  European 
recovery.  The  countries  receiving  UNRRA 
help  are  not  yet  .self-sustaining;  their 
strength  has  not  been  restored  to  the  point 
where  they  can  help  themselves.  Continued 
joint  assistance  is  necessary  if  these  victims 
of  war  are  to  be  given  the  opportunity  to 
survive  and  to  enter  once  again  into  normal 
international  trade. 

When  the  American  Congress  considered 
its  first  authorization  in  December,  1943, 
the  -United  Nations  were  just  commencing 
the  great  offensives  which  led  to  victory. 
All  of  us  knew  that  the  most  devastating 
war  in  history  would  be  followed  by  the 
most  terrible  destruction  and  suffering  ever 
inflicted  upon  humanity.  The  full  magni- 
tude of  the  undertaking,  however,  could 
only  be  assessed  upon  the  final  termination 
of  global  hostilities.  Our  Allied  military 
leaders  generally  believed  that  the  war 
would  end  in  Europe  by  the  close  of  1944. 
The  war  lasted  longer  there  than  antici- 
pated, was  shorter  in  the  Far  East;  and 
these  two  facts  have  influenced  the  whole 
scope  of  UNRRA's  operations. 

Fighting  two  major  wars  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  earth  burdened  the  United 
Nations'  leaders  with  the  heaviest  logistics 
problem  in  history.  Shipping  and  supplies 
remained  extremely  tight  right  up  to  V-E 

tMade  up  as  UNRRA  was  of  countries  largelj 
engrossed  in  throwing  back  Axis  aggression,  no  pro- 
vision was  made  at  the  start  for  relief  of  nationals 
of  the  enemy  poweri.  On  the  other  hand,  the  re- 
surgent democracies  of  western  Europe  chose  self- 
reliance  as  their  course  on  liberation  and  felt  they 
could  fend  for  themselves. 

SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Day.  Furthermore,  the  prolonged  righting 
in  Europe  meant  increased  destruction  and 
suffering,  and  a  proportionately  greater 
need  of  relief. 

Not  until  April  of  this  year  could 
UNRRA  ship  in  supplies  in  any  substantial 
quantities  to  where  they  were  desperately 
needed  in  the  Old  World.  Nonetheless, 
total  shipments  rose  from  37,000  long  tons 
at  the  end  of  March  1945,  to  2,640,000  long 
tons  by  the  end  of  October.  Then  came 
the  sudden  surrender  of  Japan,  making  it 
imperative  that  we  implement  our  plans  for 
assisting  gallant  China  and  the  Far  East. 

The  Stream  of  Long  Tons 

Today  we  are  in  a  position  to  assess  both 
what  has  already  been  accomplished — and 
what  remains  to  be  done.  Let  me  put  this 
first  in  the  shorthand  of  tonnage  and  their 
values: 

Greece.  By  the  end  of  October  we  had 
shipped  in  1,378,000  long  tons  of  supplies 
($217  million)  which,  it  is  no  exaggeration 
to  say,  have  saved  that  country  from  mass 
starvation. 

Yugoslavia.  Difficult  for  us  to  assist  at 
first,  owing  to  the  lack  of  port  facilities. 
Yet  today,  UNRRA  has  delivered  over  640,- 
000  long  tons  ($171  million),  and  we  are 
stepping  up  operations  rapidly. 

Poland  ahd  Czechoslovakia.  For  many 
months  they  could  be  reached  solely  by  the 
out-of-the-way  port  of  Constanza  on  the 
Black  Sea.  Only  in  the  past  few  weeks 
have  we  been  able  to  move  into  Poland 
through  Gdynia  and  Gdansk;  into  Czecho- 
slovakia through  Bremerhaven  and  Ham- 
burg. Yet,  by  the  end  of  October,  UNRRA 
shipments  to  the  former  totaled  219,200 
long  tons  ($111  million)  —  to  the  latter, 
255,800  ($94  million). 

holy.  Here,  until  recently,  UNRRA  was 
empowered  only  to  carry  on  a  limited 
program  of  aid — to  assist  expectant  and 
nursing  mothers,  children,  and  displaced 
United  Nations  nationals.  Yet  by  the  end 
of  October  we  had  delivered  105,000  long 
tons  ($22  million),  and  more  goods  were 
pouring  into  that  war-devastated  land  in 
a  steady  stream.  Even  tiny  Albania  has 
received  over  34,000  tons. 

To  indicate  how  UNRRA's  operations 
have  been  speeded  up,  may  I  add  that  last 
July  over-all  current  shipments  amounted 
to  296,500  long  tons  a  month.  By  October 
we  had  pushed  them  beyond  the  half-mil- 
lion mark.  Now  we  are  entering  the  period 
when  they  will  be  in  the  neighborhood  of 
a  million  a  month. 

Let  me  try  to  visualize  for  you  what  our 
shipping  accomplishments  to  date  repre- 
sent: It  would  take  at  least  350  Liberty 
ships  to  carry  the  supplies  which  we  have 
provided.  And  today,  with  our  procure-, 
ment  and  shipping  machinery  functioning 
smoothly,  and  our  staff  now  experienced  in 
administrative  "know-how,"  we  continue  to 
pump  in  aid  where  and  when  it  is  most 
needed.  But  to  finish  the  job  we  must  be 
provided  with  the  necessary  funds  by  the 
USA  and  the  thirty  other  contributing 
members  of  UNRRA. 


New  Tasks  Before  Us 

Meanwhile  we  have  been  charged  with 
increased  responsibilities.  At  its  London 
meeting  last  summer  the  UNRRA  Coun- 
cil agreed,  on  motion  of  the  United  States, 
to  assume  complete  responsibility  for  re- 
lief in  Italy — a  program  which  cannot  be- 
gin until  the  new  contributions  are  made. 
For  myself,  I  have  seen  a  part  of  the  ter- 
rible tragedy  which  otherwise  faces  that 
devastated  land.  This  year's  harvest  has 
been  one  of  the  poorest  on  record  and  the 
average  daily  ration  is  less  than  one  third 
what  we  get  in  this  country.  Some  three 
and  a  half  million  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren are  wracked  by  malaria,  many  thou- 
sands more  have  contracted  tuberculosis. 

Then  there  is  China.  No  other  people 
have  a  stronger  claim  on  the  United  Na- 
tions than  the  Chinese,  who  have  suffered 
so  long  and  so  widely.  Up  to  now,  how- 
ever, only  32,000  tons  of  UNRRA  supplies 
have  been  sent  to  that  country.  The  ex- 
planation is  simple — lack  of  transport  fa- 
cilities to  China.  Not  until  V-J  Day  could 
ports  be  opened  permitting  shipments  in 
appreciable  volume.  Since  the  surrender  of 
Japan  we  have  begun  our  large  scale  pro- 
gram for  the  Chinese — the  beginning  of 
what  should  become  our  greatest  single 
program  of  assistance. 

In  accordance  with  the  Moscow  and 
Potsdam  agreements,  Austria  is  to  be 
treated  as  one  of  the  United  Nations. 
There  a  general  relief  program  will  be  in- 
stituted by  UNRRA  as  soon  as  new  funds 
are  voted.  In  addition,  the  two  most 
devastated  Soviet  Republics,  the  Ukraine 
and  White  Russia,  have  requested  UNRRA 
aid  up  to  $250,000,000.  These  are  all  obli- 
gations entered  into  by  United  Nations 
representatives  in  concert  at  London.  To 
withhold  even  minimum  aid  in  these  areas 
can  only  mean  mass  misery,  and  disease. 

UNRRA's  total  financial  resources  under 
its  first  authorization  are  virtually  used  up 
— but  its  job,  old  and  new,  is  only  half 
finished.  To  carry  on  we  need  a  second 
1  percent  contribution  from  the  uninvaded 
member  governments  as  voted  at  London. 
Only  then  can  we  complete  our  work  as 
provided  in  the  Council  resolutions  —  in 
Europe  by  jhe  end  of  1946,  and  in  the  Far 
East  by  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  1947. 

A  Going  Team 

The  United  Nations  established  UNRRA 
as  an  organization  to  meet  relief  and  re- 
habilitation needs  arising  from  the  war. 
The  immensity  of  the  task,  the  very  unique- 
ness of  our  international  team  play,  and 
the  trying  conditions  that  have  prevailed — 
all  these  made  mistakes  inevitable,  just  as 
fighting  a  global  war  was  not  devoid  of 
trial  and  error  on  the  part  of  the  mag- 
nificent armed  services  of  the  Allies.  The 
only  way  to  have  avoided  mistakes  would 
have  been  to  make  the  greater  mistake  of 
doing  nothing. 

Our  increasingly  effective  aid  in  two 
hemispheres  demonstrates  how  we  learned 
from  errors  in  the  period  of  organization 
and  growth.  Today,  UNRRA  is  a  going 
concern,  with  its  supply  and  transport  ma- 


chinery and  technical  personnel  —  indeed 
the  only  organization  capable  of  coping 
with  the  relief  problem  in  the  critical 
months  ahead.  And  we  must  remember 
that  our  greatest  enemy  in  fighting  disease 
and  hunger  is  time. 

UNRRA  alone  has  the  pipe  lines  extend- 
ing around  the  world  complete  with  oper- 
ators in  every  way  station.  For  example, 
we  have  established  effective  sources  of  sup- 
ply from  which  goods  are  now  pouring  into 
China  in  ever  accelerating  amounts.  What 
'is  needed  at  this  time  is  fuel  for  these  pipe 
lines;  fuel  in  the  form  of  funds  to  keep 
the  flow  of  supplies  from  drying  up  at  the 
very  time  they  are  most  needed  to  put  the 
victims  of  the  war"  in  shape  to  take  care 
of  themselves. 

We  get  our  jute  in  India,  coffee  in 
Brazil,  nitrates  in  Chile — all  from  contribu- 
tions of  the  member  countries.  We  save 
time  and  money  by  being  able  to  send  in 
machinery  from  Great  Britain  to  Czecho- 
slovakia (against  the  British  contribution, 
of  course)  instead  of  having  to  make  the 
longer  and  more  expensive  haul  from  the 
United  States — as  would  be  the  case  were 
this  country  to  attempt  to  do  the  entire  job 
itself.  Before  the  end  of  the  year  we  will 
have  drawn  on  the  supplies  of  more  than 
25  of  the  31  United  Nations  which  have 
not  been  invaded. 

How  the  Burden  Is  Shared 

Thirty-one  countries  have  shouldered  the 
financial  load  of  relief  and  rehabilitation. 
UNRRA  has  had  a  remarkable  record  in 
this  respect.  To  date,  26  of  the  31  unin- 
vaded nations  have  formally  appropriated 
funds.  (The  remaining  5 — small  contribu- 
tors— are  in  process.) 

Bear  in  mind,  if  you  will,  that  the  initial 
1  per  cent  contribution  meant  a  very  real 
sacrifice  for  many  of  these  nations.  So  will 
the  second  1  per  cent  now  due.  For  ex- 
ample, Brazil's  contribution  represented  a 
tenth  of  the  total  annual  national  govern- 
ment expenditure.  During  the  time  when 
the  UNRRA  mission  was  in  El  Salvador, 
food  riots  —  the  result  of  a  three  years' 
drought  —  were  raging  in  the  streets,  yet 
that  country  authorized  a  contribution  of 
$120,000.  India,  a  land  of  famine  itseli, 
has  appropriated  $24,000,000  for  the  work. 
Canada  has  been  helpful  in  providing  sup- 
plies, and  all  of  her  initial  contribution  was 
used  up  months  ago.  With  the  approval 
by  the  contributing  members  of  a  second 
contribution,  nations  other  than  the  USA 
will  have  made  available  more  than  one 
billion  dollars. 

There  is  another  practical  point  that  I 
should  like  to  stress  with  respect  to  the 
major  financing  of  UNRRA  by  the  United 
States.  Actually  the  financial  cost  to  us  in 
making  a  second  contribution  will  be  less 
than  the  $1,350,000,000  asked  for  at  this 
time.  Let  me  explain.  Most  of  the  Amer- 
ican dollars  will  be  spent  by  UNRRA  to 
purchase  American  supplies  and  services, 
thus  stimulating  our  industry,  labor,  and 
agriculture.  In  addition,  UNRRA  is  anx- 
ious to  make  large  purchases  of  the  U.  S. 
(Continued  on  page  494) 


DECEMBER     1945 


473 


By  Their  French  Bootstraps 

The   International   Labor  Organization   allied   with  the  old  League  of  Nations,  survived 
World  War  II.  Delegates  to  its  first  postwar  conference  in  Paris  caught  the  spirit  of  France. 


FROM    THE    START    OF    THE    27TH    SESSION    OF 

the  International  Labor  Conference,  its- 
meeting  place  and  its  surroundings  at 
the  French  capital  offered  their  special 
gifts  to  delegates  assembled  there  from  39 
nations.  As  a  Paris  editor  put  it,  they  were 
touched  by  the  gesture  of  the  French  gov- 
ernment in  putting  the  Sorbonne  at  their 
disposal.  "All  its  high  standing  and  pres- 
tige are  recognized  and  the  great  amphi- 
theater offers  a  magnificent  setting  for  so 
vital  a  conference." 

Surely  no  one,  from  the  old  world  or  the 
new,  could  have  failed  to  draw  special  in- 
spiration from  the  centuries-old  buildings 
with  theii  breath-taking  beauty  of  archite«- 
ture,  sculptures  and  paintings;  their  great 
stairways  and  halls;  the  wide  cobblestone 
courtyard  through  which  countless  gener- 
ations had  passed;  and,  even  more,  the 
paneled  lecture  rooms  where  France's  great- 
est men  of  science,  letters,  and  the  arts  have 
taught  and  lectured  through  the  decades, 
— pioneers  in  freeing  the  minds  and  spirits 
of  mankind. 

However  fully  the  final  official  actions  of 
the  conference  this  fall  may  have  met  the 
expectations  of  the  delegates,  they  clearly 
found  much  to  hearten  them  from  numer- 
ous human  "by-products."  These  were  not 
on  the  agenda;  no  committee  reports  or 
resolutions  record  them.  Yet  no  one  fa- 
miliar with  the  things  which  carry  lasting 
meaning  to  men  and  women  could  fail  to 
realize  what  fresh  strength  and  stimulus 
must  have  come  to  representatives  of  the 
broken  and  exhausted  nations  of  Europe  as 
they  met  again  with  friends  of  earlier  years 
and  shared  with  one  another  not  only  their 
desperate  war  experiences  but  the  postwar 
problems  and  hopes  of  their  homelands. 

One  delegate  said  to  me:  "The  awful  iso- 
lation of  the  past  years,  the  silence,  the  not- 
knowing-about-others  —  only  knowing  our 
own  terrible  situation — has  been  about  the 
hardest  part  to  bear."  A  leading  French 
newspaper  caught  their  stories  this  way: 
"SIX  YEARS  AFTER" 

"On  the  great  stairway  of  the  Sorbonne 
friends  are  finding  each  other  again  after 
six  years  of  separation. 

"  What  has  happened  to  you  during  these 
six  years?' 

"  'I've  heard  that  T.  is  here,  do  you  know 
if  he  is?1 

"  'I've  just  got  back  by  way  of  London.' 

"  'And    I    from    Montreal.' 

"'I  hear  that  L.  who  used  to  be  with  the 
Organization  is  here  as  a  delagate  from  his 
country.' 

"After  the  period  of  intense  suffering  those 
who  used  to  meet  in  Geneva  were  filled  with 
a  deep  happiness  in  finding  themselves  again 
together  in  a  country  they  knew  and  loved." 


JOSEPHINE  ROCHE 

— By  the  president  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tain Fuel  Company;  former  assistant 
secretary  of  the  U.  S.  Treasury.  First  of 
a  series  of  informal  articles  from  over- 
seas by  a  Coloradan  who  has  pioneered 
not  only  in  the  field  of  labor-manage- 
ment relations,  but  in  health  and  social 
security. 

"Both  here  and  in  France,"  writes 
Miss  Roche  from  London,  "I  found 
people  incredibly  touched  by  the  idea 
that  an  American  cared  enough  to  come 
over  without  benefit  of  uniform  or  gov- 
ernment mission — just  to  find  out  and 
tell  the  folks  back  home  about  some  of 
their  problems,  their  needs  and  efforts." 

As  significant  as  the  reunions  of  those 
who  through  the  years  had  kept  the  Inter- 
national Labor  Organization  on  its  steady 
course  was  the  getting  together,  for  the 
first  time,  of  younger  men  and  women 
from  the  professional,  scientific,  and  social 
service  fields,  along  with  those  of  business 
and  labor  organizations.  Their  adult  lives 
had  been  lived  almost  entirely  in  the  period 
of  war's  destruction,  violence,  and  waste. 
Some  of  them  had  daily  faced  death,  dis- 
ease, and  hunger;  the  complete  economic 
and  social  breakdown  of  their  countries. 
They  had  worked  tirelessly  to  meet  these 
things,  never  slackening  their  efforts  even 
when  the  enormity  of  the  wreckage  about 
them  made  the  utmost  they  could  do  and 
give  seem  insignificant. 

Three  young  physicians  told  us  one  eve-  . 
ning  about  the  terrible  inroads  of  tubercu- 
losis among  older  children  in  Paris;  half 
the  deaths  of  those  in  the  ten-  to  eighteen- 
year-old  group  have  been  from  this  cause. 
They  told  us,  too,  of  an  infant  mortality 
rate  of  33  percent,  despite  concerted  at- 
tempts to  "save  the  youngest.".  The  care- 
fully kept  charts  of  these  child  specialists 
showed  that  the  diets  of  children  up  to  the 
age  of  three  had  contained  "about  the  neces- 
sary minimum  of  calories,"  but  from  three 
years  up  the  gap  between  that  minimum 
and  what  they  received  widened  steadily 
until  it  was  only  half  the  amount. 

Bits  of  the  incredibly  difficult  personal 
experiences  under  which  these  young  people 
carried  on  their  work  came  out  quite  in- 
cidentally. The  young  doctor  in  charge  of 
a  hospital  told  of  his  daily  rounds  among 
the  homes  of  outside  patients.  This  called 
for  pedaling  twenty  miles  a  day  on  his  bi- 
cycle. For  only  so,  or  on  foot,  or  on  the 
Metro  is  it  still  possible  to  get  about  in 
Paris.  One  of  the  women  with  heavy  pro- 
fessional duties  told  of  precious  hours  spent 
trying  to  find  food  for  her  household. 

Yet  all  of  these  young  French  people 
had  relentlessly  held  themselves  to  a  cer- 


tain amount  of  research  and  analysis,  realiz- 
ing the  importance  of  having  at  least  some 
scientific  data  recorded,  and  keeping  always 
in  mind  the  standards  of  care,  health,  and 
welfare  they  were  determined  to  see 
achieved  some  day. 

"But  we  have  so  far  to  go,"  they  said. 

Rebuilding  France 

An  engineer,  who  had  just  started  his 
career  when  the  war  came,  told  of  the  de- 
struction of  more  than  5,000  of  France's 
bridges  and  of  his  part  now  in  their  re- 
construction. He  told  of  ruined  railroads 
and  power  transformers,  of  rolling  stock 
which  had  been  wrecked  or  taken  by  the 
Nazis.  And  he  told,  too,  of  rebuilding 
already  under  way — of  roadbeds  restored 
for  trains,  of  old  and  worn  out  cars  swiftly 
reconditioned  for  temporary  use,  of  the  way 
the  great  power  dam  near  Lille  had  been 
rushed  to  completion  and  how  power  trans- 
mission was  increasing  steadily. 

An  architect,  one  of  a  group  of  students 
seized  by  the  Nazis,  related  how  behind 
the  barbed  wire  of  the  concentration  camp 
they  kept  up  work  on  plans  for  rebuilding 
a  Paris  slum — plans  now  complete  and  ap- 
proved, ready  for  execution  as  soon  as  ma- 
terials and  labor  are  available.  We  heard, 
too,  of  mine  and  factory  workers,  weakened 
by  years  of  undernourishment,  rallying  to 
meet  new  production  targets. 

We  learned  also  of  the  women,  children, 
and  old  men  who  struggle  on  the  farms 
and  in  fields  where  tens  of  thousands  of 
German  mines  still  are  a  constant  menace. 
They  struggle  against  further  odds  and 
without  equipment,  to  supply  hungry 
France  with  increased  crops.  No  expe- 
rience of  the  conference  registered  more 
lastingly  than  did  these  fragmentary 
glimpses  given  us  of  people  trying  to  move 
ahead  "on  their  own,"  to  pull  themselves 
up  by  their  own  bootstraps. 

For  my  part,  I  had  the  opportunity,  later, 
of  going  through  the  northern  industrial 
and  agricultural  districts,  thanks  to  the 
great  kindness  of  the  French  government 
which  sent  with  me  one  of  the  chief  en- 
gineers of  the  nationalized  mines  and 
chemical  works.  And  I  went  down  the 
mines  too — a  wholly  unique  experience  for 
the  men  in  charge  and,  I  may  add,  for  me. 

The  narrow  seams,  the  tiny  places  where 
men  toil  were  beyond  anything  I  had  evef 
imagined,  and  wholly  unlike  American 
workings.  In  the  French  mines,  you  crawl 
along  on  your  stomach. 

The   desperate  way   they,   often   terribly 

undernourished  and  fatigued,  are  working 

to  "up  production";  the  endless  hours  that 

women     and    children,    with    almost     n« 

(Continued  on  page  494) 


476 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


From  the  Rubble  Up 

"Breakdown  is  already  a  fact.  A  policy  of  confiscating  the  tools  of  Germany  and 
further  transfers  may  endanger  the  whole  of  Europe."  —  The  Times,  London. 

PAUL  HAGEN 


TWENTY-FIVE  MILLION  AMERICANS  LIVE, 
move,  and  have  their  being  in  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  and  West  Virginia.  Once 
mass  evictions  and  evacuations  are  finished 
along  the  borders  of  dismembered  eastern 
Germany,  from  60  to  70  million  surviving 
Germans  will  be  pressed  into  a  territory 
roughly  the  same  size  as  these  three  Amer- 
ican states.  With  seventy  devastated  cities 
and  towns  to  rebuild,  they  will  have,  as 
means  for  life  and  labor,  scarcely  more  than 
a  third  of  their  former  industrial  plant,  and 
less  than  two  thirds  of  their  former  agricul- 
tural productive  capacity. 

In  my  first  article  ["Four  Horsemen 
Over  Germany,  Survey  Graphic  for  No- 
vember], I  gauged  the  shocks  the  German 
people  have  gone  through — first  under  ter- 
rorism, next  in  mechanized  war,  and  last 
in  its  train  of  reprisals,  expulsions,  misery. 
In  a  third  article,  I  shall  again  draw  on 
American,  British,  and  continental  observ- 
ers for  firsthand  evidence  as  to  how  and 
when  anti-Nazis  exerted  themselves  during 
the  Allied  invasion;  and  as  to  what  we  can 
look  to  from  them  in  the  future. 

Here  my  purpose  is  to  examine  what 
practicable  economic  foundations  there  are 
in  Germany  today  on  which  such  demo- 
cratic forces  can  build. 

Quebec,  Yalta,  Potsdam 

Hitler  still  bestrode  Europe  when  at 
Quebec,  in  the  fall  of  1944,  President  Roose- 
velt and  Prime  Minister  Churchill  took 
counsel  with  each  other  as  to  how  they 
might  shape  things  to  come  in  a  defeated 
Germany.  By  Potsdam — only  ten  months 
later — Nazi  aggression  had  been  knocked 
out  and  boundaries  thrust  back  that  had 
been  laid  down  at  the  East  after  World 
War  I  for  the  new  German  Republic. 

Quebec,  Yalta,  and  Potsdam  •  may  be 
thought  of  as  draughting  rooms  for  plan- 
ning the  treatment  of  post-Hitler  Germany. 
The  resulting  blueprints  were  not  in  in- 
delible ink  and  there  was  change  from  one 
meeting  to  the  next.  Thus,  in  the  much 
discussed  memorandum  which  President 
Roosevelt  brought  to  the  Quebec  confer- 
ence, the  loss  of  sovereignty  contemplated 
for  Germany  ran  for  two  decades.  At 
Yalta,  it  was  stated  unofficially  that  "not 
under  ten  years"  was  in  mind.  Press  re- 
ports at  Potsdam  spoke  of  the  possibility 
of  reducing  this,  in  turn,  to  two  and  a  half 
years.  With  this  flexibility  in  mind,  let  me 
trace  some  high  points  in  these  meetings. 

QUEBEC.  (September,  1944)— Last  month 
Drew  Pearson  brought  out  in  his  syndi- 
cated column  what  he  termed  a  "final 
memorandum"  initialed  at  Quebec  by 
F.D.R.  and  W.C.  This  called  for  repara- 


— The  second  of  three  articles  by  the 
author  of  "Will  Germany  Crack?" 
(Harper,  1942)  and  "Germany  After 
Hitler"  (Farrar  &.  Rinehart,  1944).  The 
authenticity  and  perspective  of  his  books 
stem  at  once  from  his  research  training 
at  the  University  of  Vienna  and  his  sub- 
sequent active  participation  in  the  anti- 
Nazi  underground. 

This  holds  for  his  series,  "Facts  About 
Occupied  Germany,"  published  by  the 
American  Association  for  a  Democratic 
Germany;  and  his  earlier  "Inside  Ger- 
many Reports." 


tions  in  kind  by  removal  of  machinery 
from  the  Reich  (which  had  rifled  plants 
in  conquered  countries);  for  joint  control 
of  the  Ruhr  and  the  Saar  districts  in  some 
way  "under  the  world  organization";  and — 
fatefully — for  converting  Germany  into  "a 
country  principally  agricultural  and  pastoral 
in  character'' 

If  the  text  which  reached  Mr.  Pearson's 
hands  is  authentic,  it  would  seem  that  both 
war  leaders  were  prepared  at  the  ancient 
citadel  on  the  St.  Lawrence  to  subscribe 
to  some  but  not  all  of  the  drastic  points 
included  in  the  preliminary  memorandum 
Mr.  Roosevelt  had  brought  with  him.  That, 
reproduced  in  facsimile  by  Henry  Morgen- 
thau,  Jr.,  in  his  recent  book,  "Germany  Is 
Our  Problem,"  had  included  partitioning 
Germany  into  two  states  and  an  interna- 
tional zone;  complete  dismantling  of  all 
German  heavy  industries;  dismemberment 
of  the  Ruhr  and  Saar  territories;  vast  addi- 
tional removals  of  industries  to  Allied 
countries;  the  use  of  German  forced  labor; 
and  loss  of  sovereignty  for  at  least  twenty 
years  after  surrender. 

YALTA.  (February,  1945)— With  Premier  . 
Stalin  present  at  the  Black  Sea  resort,  agree- 
ment was  reached,  among  other  things,  on 
the    dismemberment   of   eastern    Germany 
and  the  removal  of  its  industries. 

This  was  the  last  meeting  of  three  great 
war  leaders  as  such.  Five  months  later, 
President  Harry  S.  Truman  was  to  take 
Mr.  Roosevelt's  place  and  Clement  R.  At- 
lee,  leader  of  the  British  Labour  Party,  was 
to  sit  at  the  side  of  Prime  Minister 
Churchill. 

POTSDAM.  (July,  1945— By  now  the 
USSR  had  stripped  the  larger  part  of  Ger- 
man industry  in  the  eastern  zone.  It  was 
agreed  to  stop — at  least  temporarily — fur- 
ther Russian  evictions  of  men,  women  and 
children,  until  provision  might  be  made  to 
safeguard  them  in  the  process — a  provision 
honored  in  its  breach.  Soviet  Russia,  how- 
ever, was  now  given  a  further  quota  of  25 


percent  of  final  industrial  "removals"  in 
the  western  zone — to  be  compensated  for  by 
10  percent  in  food  supplies. 

Along  social  and  political  lines,  the  anti- 
fraternization  policy  was  dropped;  local 
self-government  was  provided  for  and  a 
later  central  administration  for  Germany 
was  envisaged.  It  was  proclaimed  at  this 
erstwhile  seat  of  the  Kaisers  that  the  Ger- 
man people  should  be  denazified  and  de- 
militarized, politically  and  economically — 
but  that  they  should  be  neither  enslaved 
nor  destroyed.  Rather  they  should  be  af- 
forded "the  opportunity  to  prepare  for  the 
eventual  reconstruction  of  their  life  on  a 
democratic  and  peaceful  basis." 

Significantly  enough,  at  the  same  time 
the  original  idea  of  pastoralization  was 
shifted  to  the  concept  of  an  economic,  self- 
supporting  Germany. 

The  Crux  of  the  Situation 

Certainly  there  was  no  getting  around 
the  stark  facts  of  dismemberment  to  the 
East — which  put  Prussian,  Silesian,  Pom- 
eranian and  other  farmlands  out  of  reach 
—beyond  the  new  Eastern  border  and  what 
Churchill  was  to  call  its  "iron  curtain." 
Nor  getting  around  the  mass  unemploy- 
ment that  must  spring  not  only  from 
bombed  industrial  plants  but  now  from 
those  stripped  of  their  machinery.  And 
along  with  these,  as  the  months  have  gone 
on,  millions  of  enforced  migrants  have  been 
dislodged  from  their  old-time  fields  and 
factories,  wandering  and  shelterless. 

With  winter  coming  on,  a  partitioned 
and  truncated  Germany  had  hardly  started 
to  produce;  malnutrition  and  unrest  have 
spread;  concern  has  mounted  in  the  Allied 
countries.  Thus,  three  times  in  the  last  two 
months  the  British  House  of  Commons  has 
come  back  to  discussion  of  the  gravity  of 
the  situation.  Speakers  of  all  parties,  widely 
supported  by  the  press,  have  warned  that 
German  "disease  and  economic  and  social 
chaos  may  spread  like  wildfire  over 
Europe." 

Headed  by  Sir  Gilbert  Murray,  Sir  Ar- 
thur Salter  and  the  Bishop  of  Coventry,  a 
group  of  labor  and  liberal  leaders,  church 
and  university  men,  waited  on  Prime  Min- 
ister Attlee  demanding  an  immediate 
British  demarche  to  stop  the  "quite  un- 
necessary cruelties"  in  the  eastern  evacua- 
tion areas.  They  urged  that  additional 
transportation  and  food  supplies  be  made 
available  by  the  British  occupational  forces. 
After  this  appeal  and  the  debate  in  Par- 
liament that  followed,  Foreign  Secretary 
Ernest  Bevin  spoke  for  the  Labour  govern- 
ment. He  did  not  associate  himself  with 
the  criticism  expressed  against  the  eastern 
Allies,  but  shared  the  group's  concern: 


DECEMBER     1945 


477 


"The  Channel  could  be  used  to  stop  Ger- 
mam,'1  he  said,  "but  it  would  not  stop 
genus."  There  were  expressions  in  both 
Lords  and  Commons  that  the  zone  system 
of  occupation  might  have  been  a  mistake. 
It  is  the  British  way  to  discuss  vital  prob- 
lems in  the  open.  In  a  wire  to  The  New 
Yor^  Times  from  Berlin  on  November  9, 
Anne  O'Hare  McCormick  noted  Soviet 
concern  also.  Excesses  in  the  early  period 
of  occupation  on  the  part  of  Russian  troops 
had  alienated  many  Berlin  workers  and 
their  families.  Now  Mrs.  McCormick  could 
tell  of  an  overture  by  Marshal  Zhukov  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  November  Revolu- 
tion— a  gift  of  fifty  pounds  of  that  scarcest 
of  commodities,  coal,  to  each  and  every 
German  inhabitant  in  the  Russian  sector 
of  the  German  capital.  And  with  this  she 
could  report  that  "observers  in  close  touch 
with  the  Soviet  administration  predict  that 
within  a  month  the  Red  Army  will  be  put 
under  strict  discipline  and  Germans  in  the 
Russian  zone  will  be  given  more  freedom 
in  addition  to  greater  responsibilities  than 
they  already  have." 

On  November  15  it  was  announced  that 
German  administrative  leaders,  at  a  three- 
day  conference  presided  over  by  Marshal 
Zhukov  at  his  Berlin  headquarters,  had 
been  granted  "substantial  powers  and  guar- 
anties against  interferences  by  minor  Soviet 
officials." 

Marshal  Zhukov  proposed  a  toast  to  the 
"reconstruction  of  a  free,  democratic  Ger- 
many." (New  Yor^  Herald  Tribune, 
November  16). 

Meanwhile,  the  American  army  let  it  be 
known  that  it  might  like  to  be  released 
from  political  policing  in  Germany.  For 
his  part,  President  Truman  announced  an 
intention  to  change  from  military  govern- 
ment to  civilian  as  soon  as  the  Allies  could 
agree  upon  it.  The  opening  of  hitherto 
sealed  zone  borders  —  at  least  for  non- 
essential  goods  and  some  emergency  im- 
ports— had  been  under  discussion  by  the 
Big  Three.  So,  too,  had  the  underlying  is- 
sue of  setting  up  a  central  occupational  ad- 
ministration with  larger  initiatives. 

The  Pincers  of  Food — and  Work 

It  remained  for  an  American  correspon- 
dent to  cut  through  the  discussions  going 
on  among  Allied  experts  and  get  to  the 
heart  of  what  lay  beneath  and  beyond  such 
administrative  concerns.  This  was  Russell 
Hill,  who  in  a  dispatch  to  the  New  Yorl( 
Herald  Tribune  on  November  3  identified 
three  choices  confronting  the  Allies  (see 
box).  They  were  oversimplified,  he  ad- 
mitted; but  to  simpliiy  them  further,  these 
choices  were  to: 

— leave  enough  German  industries  as  go- 
ing   concerns    so    that    factory   output 
could    balance    food    imports,    and    so 
that  wage  earners  could  buy  the  food; 
— cut  down   food   consumption   in   Ger- 
many,   and    let    deathrates    take    their 
course;  or 
— send  relief  indefinitely  into  a  country 

overpopulated  and  underemployed. 
The  truth  is  that  when  the  Weimar  Re- 
public   was    sovereign    over    considerably 
larger   territory   than    that   which   remains 


of  the  Reich  today,  only  about  12  million 
out  of  68  million  Germans  were  fully  em- 
ployed in  agriculture  and  forestry.  Postwar 
distribution  of  land  to  peasants  in  the  East 
may  even  increase  difficulties  temporarily. 
Politically  important,  this  Soviet  move  is 
aimed  at  clearing  out  once  and  forever  the 
remnants  of  Junker  feudalism.  But  the  new 
five-acre  farms  will  absorb  hardly  a  third 
of  the  farm  families  uprooted  in  the  East. 
And  lacking  farm  machinery  it  is  probable 
that  the  new  landholders  will  not  for  some 
time  grow  as  much  as  the  old  Junker 
estates. 

The  12  million  farming  people  in  the 
Weimar  Republic  produced  only  about  80 
per  cent  of  Germany's  food  supplies.  Ger- 
man soil  is  generally  poor.  Its  relatively 
high  productivity  in  prewar  times  sprang 
from  an  expanding  industrialization  which 
provided  agriculture  with  machinery,  fer- 
tilizer, and  a  rewarding  market  for  food. 

Germany's  big  industrial  areas  have 
grown  up  since  the  Eighties  of  the  last 
century.  Since  then  agricultural  population 
had  been  steadily  decreasing  even  as  agri- 
cultural production  rose.  In  1871  only  4.8 
percent  of  Germans  lived  in  big  cities;  in 
1900,  16.2  percent;  in  1925,  26.3  percent; 
and  in  1933,  30.1  percent.  Roughly  50  per- 
cent were  dwelling  in  medium  and  small 
towns  and  urban  industrial  districts.  Only 


Three  Allied  Choices 

by  RUSSELL  HILL 
New  York  Herald  Tribune 

Berlin,  November  3 

1.  They    may    leave    Germany    with 
enough  industry  to  provide  exports  with 
which    to   pay   for   imports   sufficient   to 
support  the  present  population.  In  this 
event,    controls   would   have   to   be    im- 
posed to  insure  against  a  resurgence  of 
the  German  war  potential.  • 

2.  They  may  curtail  German  industry 
more   drastically,    but   still    balance   the 
budget  by  cutting  down  food  consump- 
tion   until     the    population    has    been 
considerably    reduced.    Europe's    prob- 
lems a  generation  from  now  might  be 
simplified    if    the    population    of    Ger- 
many  were  40,000,000   instead   of   70,- 
000,000,  but  most  Americans  would  not 
enjoy    watching   the    process.    This   pro- 
cess,  however,   already  has  started  in   a 
small     way.    In     Berlin,    for     example, 
death    figures,    particularly    infant    mor- 
tality  figures,   have   risen   sharply. 

3.  Or,    finally,    they    may    artificially 
support    a     larger    population     than    is 
warranted    by   the   level    of   industry  by 
exporting  food  to  Germany  without  ex- 
pecting   payment    for    it.    Already    hun- 
dreds   of    thousands    of    tons    of    wheat 
have    been    imported    into    the    country, 
and   there   is   no   chance  that  they   can 
be    paid    for    in    the    near    future.    The 
question   over  a   period  of  years  is  one 
which    can    be    best    answered    by    the 
politicians  at  home. 


a  third  of  the  population  remained  in  the 
villages  and  on  the  land — of  which  the 
eastern  section  now  is  lost.  Moreover,  in 
1871  there  had  been  about  14  million  wage 
earners;  by  1933  there  were  26  million. 

In  a  sense,  war,  defeat,  dismemberment 
and  removals  have  "pastoralized"  Germany. 
But  in  food  growing  areas,  the  nation  is 
now  far  less  well  off  than  at  the  end  of  the 
last  cenutry,  yet  has  held  most  of  its  large 
wage  earning  population.  Under  these  con- 
ditions it  would  seem  that  Germany  will, 
for  years  to  come,  have  to  import  more  than 
50  percent  of  the  food  supply  for  its  mod- 
ern population.  For  these  imports  it  will 
have  to  pay.  In  order  to  pay  for  the  food 
it  will  have  to  manufacture  goods  in  peace 
industries.  If  Germany  is  to  keep  civilian 
industries  going,  to  build  and  equip  new 
ones,  and  to  reconstruct  working  class 
housing,  some  of  the  heavy  industries,  now 
on  the  removal  lists,  will  be  indispensable. 
This  was  brought  out  inescapably  by  Prof. 
Calvin  Hoover  whose  memorandum  to  the 
AMG  disturbed  the  Russians  so  much  this 
fall. 

For  the  paradox  is  that  re-industrializa- 
tion becomes  necessary  to  permit  even  that 
partial  re-pastoralization  which  many  have 
considered  the  cornerstone  of  post-war  se- 
curity. This,  then,  is  the  pending  dilemma 
of  high  Allied  decisions;  and  brings  us  to 
that  grave  breakdown  in  German  industrial 
production  indicated  in  my  first  article. 

Production — Minus 

Six  months  after  V-E  Day  German  in- 
dustrial production  '  lagged  at  90  to  95 
percent  below  normal.  Thus,  Col.  James 
Boyd  of  the  AMG  reported  on  September 
23  that,  of  14,130  factories  in  the  U.  S. 
zone,  only  2,264  were  working,  and  of 
these  995  had  only  5  percent  of  their  for- 
mer production,  "due  to  lack  of  working 
power,  food,  transportation  difficulties  and, 
above  all,  lack  of  coal."  Two  months  later, 
such  meager  showings  were  still  the  average 
in  the  Anglo-American  occupation  zones 
(The  New  Yor%  Times,  November  15). 

Even  where  there  is  a  bright  spot  in  this 
dour  outlook,  examination  shows  anything 
but  a  silver  lining.  Reynolds  Packard, 
United  Press  correspondent,  made  a  tour 
of  the  Ruhr  Valley,  the  only  important 
coal  production  center  now  serving  Ger- 
many. To  quote  his  telegram  from  Essen 
on  November  4:  "Millions  of  tons  of  coal 
again  are  pouring  from  the  Ruhr's  great 
mines.  They  touched  their  highest  produc- 
tion peak  (since  the  end  of  the  war)  dur- 
ing October  when  4,200,000  tons  were 
mined.  That  is  one  third  of  the  Nazis' 
best  efforts  before  the  war."  Postwar  pro- 
duction had  more  than  doubled  through 
concerted  efforts  by  the  British — who  had 
raised  mine-workers'  rations  to  3,400  calor- 
ies, made  repairs  in  transportation,  and 
improved  the  political  treatment  of  the 
mining  communities. 

What  became  of  this  4.2  million  tons  of 
coal  dug  in  the  Ruhr  Valley  in  October 
gives  one  key  to  the  prevailing  crisis  in 
distribution.  Here  are  Mr.  Packard's  fig- 
ures: 

— 2  million  tons  were  exported  to  Hol- 


478 


SURVEY    GRAPHIC 


!  SEW  MINI  TOGETHER? 

ONE  WOULD  THIN*    TOU  WANTED 
TO  RECOVER. »  " 


\ 


land,     Belgium,     Norway,     Denmark, 
Luxemburg. 
— 600,000  tons  went  to  the  four  Allied 

armies  occupying  Germany. 
— 325,000   tons  were   engrossed   in   run- 
ning the  mines  themselves. 
— Stock    piles    around    pit-heads,    which 
could  not  be  moved  owing  to  a  lack 
of  rolling  stock,  were  augmented. 
—The  rest  went  into  essential  German 
industries,  transportation,  gas  and  elec- 
tric   production — and    totaled    perhaps 
half  their  normal  requirements, 
— But   "not   one   bucket    was    going    to 

German  civilians." 

"Starvation  is  not  the  most  urgent  prob- 
lem that  the  Germans  are  facing  now.  .  .  . 
[That]  is  the  problem  of  how  to  keep  them 
from  freezing,"  wrote  Raymond  Daniell 
on  November  15.  He  should  have  added — 
and  how  to  keep  them  from  idleness  for 
lack  of  fuel.  In  normal  times  7  to  8  million 
tons  of  coal  were  needed  monthly  to  keep 
the  German  economy  going. 

By  October,  some  factories  that  had  re- 
opened had  to  close  down  once  more.  Cook- 
ing gas  and  electricity  were  further  cur- 
tailed and  people  who  had  not  been  able 
to  provide  themselves  with  enough  wood 
or  other  ersatz  fuel,  crept  deeper  into  un- 
heated  shelters  and  cellars  and  into  holes 
in  the  rubble  heaps  of  the  destroyed  cities. 
"Troglodites,"  such  worker  are  called  in 
the  European  press. 


"United  Surgery  in  Germany" 

"As  you  look  at  these  cavemen  as  they 
attack  modern  devastation,  the  resurrection 
of  Germany  as  an  industrial  power  in  any 
foreseeable  time  seems  ridiculous."  —  So 
Anne  O'Hare  McCormick  wrote  to  The 
New  Yor^  Times  on  November  9  from 
Berlin,  which  she  defined  as  a  "city  on 
relief."  To  quote  further:  "There  is  nothing 
here  t*  support  on  any  level  a  fifth  of  the 
population.  Thousands  of  old  people  and 
women  of  all  ages  and  classes  are  piling 
up  bricks  and  carting  away  rubble  for  a 
meal  a  day.  This  futile  drudgery  is  the 
measure  of  two  things — loss  of  manpower 
and  the  amount  of  unproductive  labor  that 
Germans  will  have  to  do  before  they  can 
think  of  reconstruction  or  rebuilding  in- 
dustry." 

What  is  true  in  Berlin  is  true  for  many 
other  industrial  areas.  They  are  "cities  on 
relief,"  with  only  a  minimum  of  trans- 
portation, some  service  to  operate  municipal 
utilities  and  hospitals,  and  to  reopen  repair 
shops.  Here  and  there  industrial  centers, 
are  beginning  to  revive.  Dortmund  is  one 
of  them,  surrounded  by  coal  pits— a  kind 
of  boom  town  growing  up  out  of  its  ruins. 
Exceptions,  also,  are  the  lignite  industries 
in  western  and  eastern  zones;  some  small 
steel  mills  are  making  a  start. 

But  as  things  stand  today,  "cleaning  up" 
is  a  major  occupation  throughout  occupied 
Germany.  So  is  the  painstaking  repair  of 
broken  water  pipes,  clogged  sewers,  and 


Low  ©  All  Countries 

blown-up  roads;  the  piecing  together  of 
vehicles  and  electrical  equipment  from  the 
junkyards.  This,  we  are  told,  is  too  often 
the  present  "level  of  industry." 

The  gigantic  electrical  manufacturing 
plant  of  the  Siemens  Company  was  com- 
parable to  those  of  General  Electric  at 
Schenectady  or  Westinghouse  in  Pittsburgh. 
Its  complicated  machinery  was  stripped 
clean  at  the  fall  of  Berlin.  A  small  factory 
building  has  now  been  reopened  there  and 
this  winter  200  telephones  will  be  repaired 
each  month.  These  patched  up  instruments 
will  add  a  bit  to  the  5,000  telephones  left 
in  Berlin — against  a  former  500,000. 

Few  consumer  goods  are  available.  "No 
matches,  toothbrushes;  no  kitchen  utensils; 
nothing,"  wrote  a  friend  of  mine  from  the 
French  zone.  "In  one  big  hardware  store 
I  saw  three  items — one  little  roaster,  one 
potato  masher,  and  one  food  dish  made 
of  cement." 

Long-run  Under-capacity 

There  has  been  talk  about  winter  pro- 
duction plans  in  the  Russian  zone.  But 
when  you  read  carefully  the  reports  of  a 
meeting  of  economic  experts  in  Berlin  on 
September  26  and  27,  you  will  find  a 
Saxon  quoted  as  saying:  "What  are  we 
permitted  to  keep  [of  our  industries]?  That 
we  want  to  know.  Let's  get  away  from 
talks  about  statistics;  let's  start  to  produce." 
(Continued  on  page  491 ) 


DECEMBER     1945 


479 


The  Plan  That  Kaiser  Built 

First  set  up  in  the  war  emergency  to  keep    shipyard  workers  well,   the   Permanente 
Health  Plan  shows  how  the  average  American  can  buy  a  complete  health  service. 

SIDNEY  R.  GARFIELD,  M.  D. 


FOR  THE  MAJORITY  OF  OUR  FELLOW  CITIZENS, 

medicine  is  prohibitively  expensive.  Health, 
on  the  other  hand,  is  something  almost  any- 
body can  afford. 

In  this  statement  of  economic  fact  there 
is  contained  a  solution  to  the  problem  that 
is  now  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  phy- 
sicians, legislators,  and  public-spirited  lay- 
men: How  shall  we  achieve  a  wider  and 
fairer  distribution  of  the  blessings  of  mod- 
ern medical  science? 

It  is  clear  that  no  satisfactory  answer  will 
be  found  so  long  as  doctors  and  hospitals 
derive  their  income  from  ill  health,  sick- 
ness, and  accident.  On  this  unsound  eco- 
nomic foundation,  doctors  have  written  off 
annually  a  large  portion  of  their  labors  in 
bad  debts,  and  hospitals  have  operated  un- 
der chronic  deficit. 

The  alternative  is  as  simple  as  it  is  effec- 
tive. Instead  of  an  intermittent  sickness 
and  accident  service,  doctors  and  hospitals 
should  constitute  themselves  to  render  a 
continuous  health  service.  Such  a  service, 
covering  all  branches  of  the  science  and  em- 
ploying all  of  its  marvelous  tools,  can  be 
operated  at  a  cost  low  enough  to  bring  it 
within  the  reach  of  all,  including  the  all- 
too-many  who,  because  of  financial  in- 
capacity, now  seek  medical  care  only  in  the 
extremes  of  distress  and  danger.  The  pub- 
lic will  welcome  such  a  service  with  en- 
thusiasm. They  will  enroll  voluntarily  and 
pay  in  advance.  Doctors  and  hospitals  will 
find  themselves  not  only  solvent  but  in 
command  of  surpluses  to  devote  to  research 
and  teaching,  to  new  facilities  and  improve- 
ment in  their  service. 

A  Three- Year  Test 

These  declarations  are  made  with  con- 
fidence and  without  qualification,  because 
they  describe  actual  experience.  A  complete 
health  service  has  been  provided  for  the 
past  three  years  to  a  prepaid  membership  of 
more  than  100,000  at  its  peak.  Thanks  to 
its  members  who  came  in  early  and  often 
for  treatment,  this  health  plan  established 
clinical  performance  records  that  have  given 
new  range  to  the  demonstrated  power  of 
preventive  medicine.  By  keeping  its  mem- 
bers well  and  active,  it  made  a  real  con- 
tribution to  war  production.  And  it  has 
made  money,  over  all  expenses,  including 
amortization  of  a  sizable  investment  in 
plan  and  facilities — money  that  has  been 
returned  to  the  enterprise  to  support  medi- 
cal research. 

This  is  the  Permanente  Health  Plan, 
which  has  ministered  to  the  workers  in  the 
shipyard  and  war  plants  operated  by  the 
Kaiser  organization  at  Vancouver,  Wash., 
Oakland  and  Richmond  on  San  Francisco 
Bay,  and  at  Fontana  in  southern  California. 
The  plan  was  set  up  in  the  midst  of  the 
social  emergency  created  by  the  influx  of 


— By  the  originator  of  the  Permanente 
Health  Plan  formula.  Its  roots  go  back 
to  1932  and  a  Henry  ].  Kaiser  construc- 
tion project  in  the  southern  California 
desert.  There  Dr.  Garfield,  fresh  from 
his  hospital  residency  training,  turned 
what  was  to  have  been  the  industrial 
health  and  accident  service  required  for 
workers  into  a  complete  medical  service 
on  a  prepayment  basis. 

Later,  again  in  the  Kaiser  organiza- 
tion, Dr.  Garfield  twice  found  oppor- 
tunities to  perfect  his  formula.  Between 
such  ventures  he  has  served  on  the 
faculty  of  the  University  of  Southern 
California  Medical  School. 


half  a  million  in  new  population  into  these 
four  towns. 

Though  it  started  big  and  started 
quickly,  the  Permanente  Plan  was  no 
makeshift.  It  had  its  beginnings  a  decade 
before  in  a  health  plan  organized  for  the 
workers  on  a  wilderness  construction  ven- 
ture of  the  Kaiser  organization.  It  had  a 
final  dress  rehearsal  at  Grand  Coulee, 
where  a  complete  prepaid  medical  and  hos- 
pital service  was  provided  for  5,000  work- 
ers and  their  families.  From  these  earlier 
experiences  important  lessons  were  learned 
and  major  policies  defined  for  the  guidance 
of  the  Permanente  Health  Plan. 

Like  its  predecessors,  the  Permanente 
Plan  was  set  up  on  the  principle  that  it 
should  be  entirely  self-supporting,  that  is, 
supported  exclusively  by  the  regular  weekly 
and  monthly  prepayments  of  its  member- 
ship. This  principle  has  been  rigidly  main- 
tained and  the  plan  remains  unsubsidized 
by  charity  or  paternalism.  At  the  begin- 
ning, members  paid  by  payroll  deduction, 
weekly  fees  ranging  from  50  cents  for  an 
individual  to  $1.60  for  a  family  of  four  or 
more. 

This  prepaid  income  made  it  feasible  to 
finance  the  construction  and  complete  out- 
fitting of  four  new  hospitals  with  a  total 
of  nearly  850  beds. 

One  brief  look  at  the  out-patient  clinics 
of  the  Permanente  hospitals  is  enough  to 
indicate  the  character  of  the  relationship 
between  the  plan  and  its  members.  Here 
there  is  no  hint  of  the  usual  clinic  at- 
mosphere, no  ranks  of  stiff  chairs  and 
benches,  no  indigent  patients  waiting  their 
turn.  Permanente  Health  Plan  members 
are  received  in  comfortably  furnished  wait- 
ing rooms,  and  see  their  doctors  by  appoint- 
ment. It  is  clear,  at  once,  that  these  out- 
patient clinics  correspond  to  what  is  the 
doctor's  office  in  the  usual  scheme  of  things. 
More  important,  it  is  the  office  of  a  number 
of  doctors  whose  training  and  talents  are 
pooled  in  group  practice.  Under  the  hos- 
pital roof,  with  its  laboratories  and  diagnos- 


tic equipment  close  at  hand,  and  with  his 
colleagues  in  other  specialties  in  attendance, 
each  doctor  is  able  to  command  a  wide 
range  of  the  resources  of  his  science  at  a 
moment's  notice. 

From  the  out-patient  clinic  a  good  many 
members  are  sent  into  the  hospital  itself, 
on  in-patient  status;  for  it  is  a  Permanente 
principle  that  a  patient  who  is  sick  enough 
to  be  bedridden  at  home  will  get  better 
care  and  recover  more  quiakly  in  a  hospital 
bed.  The  Permanente  hospitals,  inci- 
dentally, have  no  "private  patient"  pavilions 
separated  from  wards.  Minimum  service  is 
"semi-private." 

For  his  weekly  prepayment  fee,  the  war- 
worker  member  of  the  Permanente  Health 
Plan  was  entitled  to  coverage  of  almost  all 
medical  requirements.  Service  included 
house  calls — limited  only  by  a  small  charge 
on  the  first  call  for  family  members — full 
examination  and  diagnostic  service  at  the 
clinic,  hospitalization  for  a  total  of  1 1 1  days 
during  the  year  with  full  coverage  of  all 
services — laboratory,  X-ray,  operating  room, 
etc. — nursing,  and  surgery.  Family  mem- 
bers were  covered  in  addition  by  pediatric 
and  obstetrical  services.  A  charge  of  $60 
for  delivery  was  imposed  to  ease  the  burden 
of  the  high  wartime  biithrate.  Sole  exclu- 
sions were  tuberculosis  and  insanity,  though 
both  received  diagnostic  service. 

The  Best — at  Average  Cost 

Last  spring,  in  response  to  an  invitation 
from  the  Pepper  Committee  on  Wartime 
Health  and  Education,  the  Permanente 
Health  Plan  was  subjected  to  statistical  an- 
alysis to  determine  its  validity  as  a  basis 
for  a  national  program.  By  the  simple  de- 
vice of  dividing  the  number  of  dollars,  doc- 
tors, and  beds  by  the  number  of  members 
covered  by  the  plan,  the  following  figures 
were  produced  for  comparison  with  the 
national  averages: 


Permanente  National 

Health  Average 

Plan  1945  1932* 

.8  1.2 

3.4  3.6 

$30.16  $30.08' 

1  Committee  on  the  Costs  of  Medical  Care. 
1  A  large  percentage  get  no  service. 


Doctors  per  1,000 

Beds  per  1,000 

Cost  per  capita  per  year 


The  surprisingly  close  approximation  of 
the  Permanente  physical  budget  to  the  na- 
tional budget  is  no  accident.  The  Per- 
manente Health  Plan  was  set  up  to  provide 
medical  service  for  an  average  group  of 
American  citizens  at  a  price  which  they 
could  afford  to  pay.  Actually,  the  service 
thus  rendered  is  equivalent  to  the  best 
available  in  the  United  States.  At  a  cost 
of  several  times  that  charged  the  health 
plan  membership,  it  is  therefore  the  privi- 
lege of  only  a  few  of  our  citizens.  Or,  put 
the  other  way  around,  $30  per  year  does 
not  buy  much  in  the  way  of  service  from 


480 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


the  solo  practice,  fee-for-service  doctors  and 
hospitals  in  our  nation  today. 

What  the  close  matching  of  the  two  col- 
umns of  figures  does  prove  is  that  by  ra- 
tional and  efficient  organization  of  its  re- 
sources and  economics,  American  medicine 
can  render  its  best  service  to  everyone  in 
the  nation  at  no  appreciable  increase  in 
cost.  Allowing  for  depreciation  of  the  dol- 
lar between  1932  and  1945,  the  Permanente 
scale  model  demonstrates  that  the  job  can 
be  done,  with  funds  to  spare  for  appropri- 
ation to  dentistry,  public  health,  custodial 
institutions,  and  the  other  items  that  are 
covered  in  the  national  per  capita  budget. 

While  debate  and  argument  rage  over 
alternative  legislative  means  to  obtain  bet- 
ter distribution  of  medical  care,  the  Per- 


and  fairness  of  both  methods.  The  weekly 
flat  rate  charged  for  a  family  of  four  by  the 
Permanente  Health  Plan  during  the  war 
amounted  to  4  percent  on  an  annual  in- 
come of  about  $2,100.  The  same  total  for 
a  health  plan  can  be  raised  from  an  average 
cross  section  of  the  population  by  charging 
4  percent  of  income  in  the  income  groups 
between  $1,000  and  $5,000.  At  present, 
families  earning  less  than  $5,000  pay  4  per- 
cent and  up  for  medical  care,  with  the 
lowest  group  paying  as  high  as  6.2  per- 
cent. A  4  percent  health  plan  charge 
would,  therefore,  constitute  a  reduction  in 
cost  for  the  lower  income  groups,  and  the 
S5,000  families  would  be  required  to  pay 
no  more  than  they  now  customarily  budget 
for  medical  care.  By  this  calculation,  nearly 


three  quarters  of  the  people  in  the  U.  S.  arc 
now  competent  to  finance  their  own  com- 
plete medical  service. 

How  many  of  these  families  can  be  en- 
rolled? 

The  history  of  the  Permanente  Health 
Plan  provides  ground  for  considerable  op- 
timism. Voluntary  membership  in  the 
Oakland-Richmond  branch  ascended  stead- 
ily during  the  three-year  war  period  and 
reached  and  stayed  at  90  percent  of  the  pay- 
roll. Payments,  of  course,  were  collected 
by  payroll  deduction  and,  during  the  war 
years,  the  plan  enjoyed  the  advantage  of 
enrolling  its  membership  from  a  single 
large  population  group.  The  more  recent 
experience  of  the  Permanente  Health  Plan 
indicates  that  these  advantages  do  not  con- 
stitute a  fine  qua  non  to  its  successful  sur- 
vival. With  decline  in  the  shipyard  pay- 
roll following  V-J  day,  it  has  been  possible 
to  offer  the  plan  to  the  public.  Outside  en- 
rollment of  individual,  family,  and  group 
memberships  now  outnumbers  the  payroll 
membership.  None  of  the  new  groups  has 
yet  arranged  to  pay  through  payroll  deduc- 
tion; a  great  many  members  make  indi- 
vidual payments  by  mail  or  in  person. 

Strongly  indicated  is  the  conclusion  that 
a  complete  health  service  is  something 
which  the  public  wants  very  much  and 
will  go  to  some  effort  to  get  and  pay  for. 

Group  Practice 

IB  every  American  community  which 
boasts  one  specialist  among  its  doctors, 


manente  Health  Plan  provides  a  model  for 
immediate,  direct,  constructive  local  action 
by  doctors  and  laymen  who  have  concerned 
themselves  with  this  pressing  social  prob- 
lem. There  is  no  reason,  if  the  obstacles 
are  fairly  analyzed,  why  the  equivalent  to 
a  Permanente  Health  Plan  cannot  be  set  up 
at  once  in  almost  every  town  in  the  nation. 
Such  plans  can  be  sponsored  by  doctors 
returning  from  the  war,  by  existing  group 
practice  organizations,  by  hospitals,  con- 
sumer and  farm  cooperatives,  or  by  labor 
unions. 

The  prototype  has  been  engineered  and 
tested.  Its  reproduction  in  quantity  should 
present  no  insurmountable  difficulties.  Suc- 
cessful operation  requires  the  application  of 
four  major  principles — prepayment;  group 
practice;  adequate  facilities;  and  the  econ- 
omy of  health. 

Prepayment 

A  principle  established  in  the  first  Kaiser 
health  plan,  organized  to  serve  the  work- 
ers on  a  construction  venture  in  the  south- 
western desert,  was  that  it  costs  more  to 
render  a  limited  medical  service  than  it 
does  to  provide  a  complete  health  service. 
Dollars  paid  for  hospital  plans  alone  or  for 
accident  insurance  alone  must  inevitably 
take  dollars  from  other  items  in  the  con- 
sumer's  medical  budget.  The  sum  of  the 
components,  covered  by  separate  payments, 
is  greater  than  the  cost  of  complete  medi- 
cal care  covered  by  a  single  lump  sum. 

The  prepayment  fee  may  be  charged  as 
a  flat  rate  or  as  a  percentage  of  income. 
There  are  valid  arguments  for  the  equity 

DECEMBER      1945 


PERMANENT     PLAN 


Contrasting  charts  from  Permanente  Health  Plan 

481 


medicine  today  is  conducted  by  group  prac- 
tice. The  functioning  collaboration  between 
general  practitioners,  obstetricians,  pedi- 
atricians and  orthopedists,  and  so  on  along 
the  line  that  so  many  patients  have  traveled, 
is  informal  group  practice.  The  attending 
staffs  of  most  hospitals  work  together  even 
more  closely  as  group  practice  units.  But 
the  benefits  of  group  practice  are  achieved 
in  these  situations  despite,  and  not  because 
of,  the  economic  and  social  barriers  that 
divide  and  segregate  doctors  who  are  en- 
gaged in  solo  practice. 

In  the  Permanente  hospitals  the  physician 
groups  are  organized  into  efficient,  oper- 
ating partnerships.  The  doctors  employ  the 
same  laboratory  and  technical  facilities, 
keep  the  same  single  case  history  on  each 
patient,  and  maintain  a  constant  inter- 
change of  ideas  and  knowledge. 

Adequate  Facilities 

Modern  medicine  cannot  be  practiced  out 
of  a  little  black  bag.  From  day  to  day  and 
from  patient  to  patient,  the  doctor,  in  order 
to  render  satisfactory  service,  must  have  at 
his  command  from  $25,000  to  $75,000  and 
more  in  X-ray  apparatus,  microscopes, 
electro-cardiagraphs,  and  so  on  —  the  list 
grows  longer  and  the  investment  larger  with 
each  advance  in  the  science.  In  addition, 
even  if  he  consults  no  other  doctors,  he 
must  have  a  staff  of  technicians  to  carry 
out  the  precise  and  delicate  operations  re- 
quired in  each  line  of  diagnosis.  Obviously, 
the  doctor  needs  a  workshop.  The  work- 
shop is  the  hospital.  That  is  where  his 
office  ought  to  be. 

Few  hospkals  in  America  are  equipped 
in  all  respects  to  conduct  the  full  range 
of  services  required.  The  nation,  by  the 
testimony  of  the  Surgeon  General,  requires 
150,000  new  general  hospital  beds  to  meet 
immediate  local  shortages  without  allow- 
ance for  obsolete  structures  which  should 
be  replaced.  No  exact  estimate  of  the 
shortage  of  apparatus  and  equipment  has 
been  made.  But,  if  the  whole  nation  were 
to  enjoy  the  facilities  available  to  the  Per- 
manente Health  Plan  membership,  a  total 
new  investment  of  $3,000,000,000  would  be 
required. 

In  order  to  function  adequately  as  a 
health  center,  the  average  modern  250-bed 
general  hospital  in  the  United  States  re- 
quires about  $500,000  in  new  investment. 
A  rough  allocation  would  budget  $50,000 
to  modernize  its  laboratory  and  diagnostic 
equipment,  $200,000  for  general  repairs  and 
$150,000  for  the  construction  of  an  ade- 
quate out-patient  department  or  doctors' 
office  building.  The  balance  would  be  al- 
located for  the  construction  of  community 
health  centers  to  serve  smaller  towns  with- 
in the  city's  market  area. 

The  only  adequate  and  fair  security  for 
such  an  investment  is  assurance  that  a  fair 
return  will  be  earned  from  the  capital 
equipment.  Such  a  return  can  be  guar- 
anteed by  the  paid-up  membership  of  a 
health  plan  and,  though  it  may  require 
some  educational  effort,  it  should  not  be 
impossible  to  persuade  local  banking  in- 
stitutions that  this  is  the  case. 

Adequate   facilities,  group   practice,   and 


prepayment  provide  a  new  economic  foun- 
dation for  the  practice  of  medicine:  the 
economy  of  health  under  which  it  becomes 
possible  for  the  profession  and  its  institu- 
tions to  derive  their  income  from  the  well- 
being  of  their  patients  rather  than  from 
the  disasters  of  disease  and  accident. 

Since  people  spend  most  of  their  lives  in 
active  well-being,  health  provides  a  surer 
and  larger  source  of  income  than  their 
periods  of  illness  and  incapacity.  Prepay- 
ment abolishes  the  risk  and  burden  of  fee- 
for-service  payment  by  the  consumer.  To 
complete  the  economic  logic,  fee-for-service 
payments  to  doctors  and  hospitals  must  also 
be  eliminated. 

It  follows  that  regular  payments  by 
health  plan  members  should  be  paid  to  the 
doctors  and  hospitals  as  their  regular  as- 
sured income.  From  this  income,  which  is 
earned  and  paid  out  of  the  good  health 
of  the  membership,  the  health  plan  can 
budget  expenditures  for  the  treatment  and 
care  of  sickness  and  accident.  Sickness  and 
accident  therewith  become  as  much  a  cost 
to  the  medical  profession  as  to  the  member. 

The  doctor's  personal  share  in  the  in- 
come of  the  health  plan  can  be  paid  in  the 
form  of  a  salary,  or  as  a  partnership  share 
in  the  group  practice  venture.  There  are 
sound  reasons  why  physicians  should  resist 
and  object  to  working  on  salaries  for  the 
profit  of  others.  The  objection  loses  its 
point,  however,  if  the  organization  is  non- 
profit-making, or  if  earnings  are  returned 
to  improvement  of  facilities  and  service  as 
in  the  Permanente  Health  Plan.  The  part- 
nership share,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  cus- 
tomary source  of  income  to  such  profes- 
sions as  the  law,  architecture,  and  indepen- 
dent engineering  practice. 

In  the  Permanente  Health  Plan,  during 
the  war  years,  doctors  were  paid  on  the 
salary  basis.  They  enjoyed,  on  the  whole, 
incomes  equal  to  those  earned  by  the  more 
successful  members  of  the  profession.  To 
internes  and  residents,  the  plan,  further- 
more, paid  decent  salaries — not  the  token 
stipends  that  prevail  by  outmoded  and  un- 
happy custom  elsewhere.  All  staff  members 
received  regular  salary  increases  of  $1,200 
per  annum. 

With  the  first  item  in  the  health  plan 
budget  disposed  of,  the  rest  is  easy.  There 
are  fixed  charges  on  plant  and  equipment; 
there  is  the  payroll  of  lay  staff  and  help; 
and  there  are  outlays  for  materials.  Most 
of  these  costs  rise  with  an  increase  in  the 
hospitalization  and  treatment  required  by 
the  membership,  in  short,  with  increase  in 
the  rate  of  illne'ss  and  accident. 

It  becomes,  therefore,  sound  practice  to 
make  appropriations  for  investigation  of 
the  causes  of  illness  and  development  of 
preventive  measures.  These  appropriations, 
since  they  are  directed  at  reductions  in  op- 
erating costs,  come  under  the  heading  of 
investment. 

In  general,  almost  no  funds  today  are 
spent  on  preventive  medicine  because  it 
does  not  pay.  The  new  economy  of  health 
makes  it  pay,  and  puts  behind  preventive 
medicine,  for  the  first  time,  the  powerful 
force  of  economic  interest.  The  returns  that 
are  paid  by  preventive  medicine  make  more 


surpluses  available  above  operating  costs 
for  salary  increases,  new  plant,  and  re- 
search. 

New  Devices 

In  its  brief  experience,  the  Permanente 
Health  Plan  has  pioneered  only  a  few  of 
the  many  measures  and  devices  that  will 
some  day  be  employed  to  advance  preven- 
tive medicine.  One  effective  device  was  the 
educational  campaign  conducted  by  the 
plan  among  the  shipyard  workers.  Illus- 
trated articles  in  the  shipyard  house  organ, 
posters,  lectures  at  lunch  periods,  and  so 
on,  all  contributed,  no  one  can  tell  how 
much,  to  prevention  of  respiratory  and 
other  diseases  and  reduction  in  accidents. 

A  measurable  result  of  this  educational 
effort  appears,  however,  in  the  records  of 
the  Permanente  hospitals.  Because  health 
plan  members  have  come  early  and  often 
for  treatment,  the  recovery  ratios  in  all 
major  illnesses  and  surgical  operations  run 
at  an  impressively  high  rate.  The  pneu- 
monia deathrate,  for  example,  has  averaged 
less  than  one  percent  during  the  past  year, 
with  more  than  500  cases  on  record.  Simi- 
larly low  ratios  of  mortality  and  severity 
have  been  established  in  cases  of  acute  ap- 
pendicitis, perforated  ulcer,  and  other  em- 
ergency surgery,  and  records  show  that 
most  of  these  have  come  under  care  within 
six  hours. 

A  health  plan  is  admirably  designed  to 
provide  the  kind  of  statistical  material  that 
is  required  for  research  in  clinical  medicine. 
Records  of  the  Permanente  Health  Plan 
are  kept  with  this  end  in  view,  and  busi- 
ness machine  punch  card  techniques  make 
the  information  they  contain  readily  ac- 
cessible at  all  times.  A  rich  mine  for  clini- 
cal research,  these  cards  hold  the  case  his- 
tories of  the  entire  membership,  each  one 
kept  as  a  continuous  single  record  with  en- 
tries by  all  of  the  specialists  on  the  staff. 
They  cover  not  only  the  sick  but  the  well. 

Recently,  with  funds  accumulated  from 
services,  the  Permanente  hospitals  have  set 
up  research  fellowships  in  clinical  medicine. 
This  marks  the  first  time  that  the  average 
American  has  been  able  to  finance  his  own 
medical  care,  from  the  construction  and 
equipping  of  the  hospital  through  to  the 
sponsoring  of  new  research. 

The  Permanente  Health  Plan  looks  for- 
ward to  an  active  future.  Public  member- 
ship continues  to  increase,  even  in  advance 
of  a  solicitation  campaign  planned  for  later 
this  winter.  The  plan  has  recently  set  up  a 
community  health  center  in  connection 
with  the  federal  housing  project  at  Vallejo, 
Calif.,  forty  miles  from  the  base  hospital 
at  Oakland. 

If  the  Permanente  Health  Plan  is  feasible 
in  California,  it  can  be  made  to  work  al- 
most everywhere.  No  moment  could  be 
more  opportune  than  the  present.  Tens  of 
thousands  of  doctors  who  have  been  away 
from  their  practice  or  who  have  never  had 
a  practice,  except  as  officers  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  Medical  Corps,  are  looking  for 
new  ties  and  bases  of  operations.  Their 
applications  appear  daily  in  the  mail  of 
the  Permanente  hospitals.  There  is  no 
question  of  the  public's  eager  receptiveness 


482 


SURVEY    GRAPHIC 


Buying  Insurance  Against  Sickness 

An  enlightening  analysis  of  self-protection  against  medical  bills  in  the 
United  States — the  numbers  involved,  and  the  extent  of  service  provided. 


PROPOSALS  THAT  NATIONWIDE  HEALTH  INSUR- 
ance  should  be  established  by  legislation 
have  raised  questions  concerning  the  extent 
to  which  commercial  group  insurance  and 
voluntary  prepayment  plans  for  physicians' 
services  and  hospital  care  now  meet  the 
need  for  protection  against  unpredictable 
medical  costs. 

The  first  question  usually  asked  is:  How 
many  people  have  these  types  of  protection? 
It  is  impossible  to  give  an  exact  answer.  Re- 
ports from  all  group  and  prepayment  plans 
are  not  available;  and  some  people  belong 
to  more  than  one  plan,  thus  creating  an 
amount  of  duplication.  But  roughly,  the 
total  number  in  the  United  States  who  have 
some  insurance  protection  against  hospital 
or  physicians'  bills,  or  both,  is  probably  be- 
tween thirty  and  thirty-five  million.  This 
figure  does  not  include  the  unknown  num- 
ber of  persons  who  have  purchased  in- 
dividual health  and  accident  policies  from 
commercial  insurance  companies. 

To  understand  these  plans  we  must  clas- 
sify them  according  to  what  they  offer  and 
the  sponsorship  under  which  they  are  oper- 
ated. Under  commercial  group  insurance 
policies  the  subscriber  receives  cash  to  reim- 
burse him  for  all  or  part  of  his  hospital  and 
surgical  bills.  In  contrast,  most  prepayment 
plans  provide  service  rather  than  cash. 

Plans  Providing  Cash  Indemnities 

During  the  past  ten  years  there  has  been 
a  rapidly  increasing  growth  in  group  in- 
surance under  which  policyholders  are  re- 
imbursed for  hospital  and  surgical  fees. 
Originally,  hospitalization  benefits  were 
provided  in  combination  with  group  life 
or  accident  and  sickness  policies;  at  present 
such  benefits,  as  well  as  surgical  benefits, 
are  provided  by  commercial  companies 
under  separate  policies. 

The  policies  formerly  covered  only  the 
employe  but  recently  the  coverage  has  been 
extended  to  employes'  dependents.  At  the 
end  of  1944,  some  4,900,000  employes  were 
eligible  for  hospital  benefits  under  this  form 
of  group  insurance.  About  1,400,000  of 
them  enrolled  their  dependents,  making 
approximately  8,000,000  persons  eligible  for 
hospitalization  indemnities.  About  4,300,000 
employes  and  their  dependents,  or  approx- 
imately 6,000,000  persons,  were  eligible  for 
surgical  indemnities  under  such  group  in- 
surance plans.  The  large  majority  of  those 
eligible  for  surgical  care  were  also  among 
the  groups  enrolled  for  hospital  care;  in  fact 
some  commercial  plans  required  hospital 
enrollment  before  surgical  benefits  could  be 
obtained. 

Employes  covered  by  group  hospital  in- 
surance are  entitled  to  a  specified  allowance, 

DECEMBER    1945 


MARGARET  C.  KLEM 

— By  a  staff  member  of  the  Bureau  of 
Research  and  Statistics  of  the  Social 
Security  Board;  chief  of  its  medical  eco- 
nomics section,  division  of  health  and 
disability  studies.  The  opinions  ex- 
pressed in  this  article  are  her  own  and 
do  not  necessarily  represent  those  of  the 
Board. 

Miss  Klem  was  formerly  with  the 
Committee  on  the  Costs  of  Medical 
Care. 

usually  |4  or  $5  a  day,  for  hospital  room 
and  board  and  an  allowance  toward  in- 
cidental hospital  expenses.  In  general,  the 
same  benefits  are  provided  for  all  covered 
employes  in  a  company,  regardless  of  their 
income.  Reimbursement  usually  covers  a 
maximum  period  of  31  days  during  a 
continuing  illness,  except  for  maternity 
cases,  and  there  is  no  limit  to  the  number 
of  periods  for  which  benefits  will  be  paid 
if  illnesses  are  due  to  different  causes  or 
are  separated  by  a  certain  period  of  time. 

Hospitalization  for  dependents  also  varies 
with  the  plan,  some  providing  the  same 
benefits  to  employes  and  dependents  and 
others  giving  less  to  dependents.  Hospital- 
ization for  maternity  cases  is  usually  in- 
cluded for  employes;  wives  of  employes 
also  may  receive  this  protection  if  an  extra 
premium  is  paid. 

For  employes,  group  insurance  giving 
surgical  benefits  provides  cash  remunera- 
tion on  the  bas'is  of  a  fixed  schedule  of 
payments,  according  to  type  «f  operation. 
Payments  usually  vary  from  £10  to  a  max- 
imum of  $150.  The  employe  is  reimbursed 
for  the  actual  surgical  fee  charged,  up  to 
the  maximum  listed  in  the  contract  sched- 
ule for  the  type  of  operation  performed. 
If  two  or  more  operations  are  performed 


at  the  same  time,  the  patient  is  reimbursed 
for  the  largest  fee.  Surgical  benefits  arc 
sometimes  provided  to  dependents  at  the 
same  rate  as  for  employes,  but  in  other 
instances  they  are  less.  Obstetrical  benefits 
are  usually  available  to  employes'  wives  at 
an  additional  premium  charge. 

Until  recently,  reimbursement  for  medi- 
cal expenses  under  commercial  group  in- 
surance policies  was  restricted  almost  en- 
tirely to  payments  toward  hospital  and 
surgical  bills,  and  included  no  provision 
for  physicians'  care  in  the  office  or  home, 
or  for  care  of  hospitalized  medical  cases. 
A  few  policies  now  include  cash  reimburse- 
ment for  certain  physicians'  calls,  but  the 
patient  pays  the  costs  of  the  first,  the  first 
two,  or  the  first  three  calls  in  each  illness. 

Hospitalization  Only 

Blue  Cross — On  July  1,  1945,  membership 
in  Blue  Cross  hospitalization  plans  totaled 
18,800,000.  This  recent  growth  is  greater 
than  ever  before,  amounting  to  a  gain  of 
17,000  new  members  daily  during  the  first 
six  months  of  the  current  year.  During 
1944,  new  members  had  been  added  at  the 
rate  of  12,000  daily,  making  the  net  growth 
for  the  year  3,500,000,  total  membership  at 
the  beginning  of  1945—16,500,000.  These 
persons  were  affiliated  with  the  86  plans 
in  the  United  States  and  Canada. 

The  precursor  of  all  Blue  Cross  hospital 
plans  is  considered  to  be  an  experiment  in 
1929  by  some,  school  teachers  in  Dallas, 
Tex.  Fifteen  hundred  of  them  obtained 
group  protection  against  hospital  bills  for 
the  sum  of  $3  each  a  semester.  Their  ex- 
periment was  successful  and  similar  plans 
were  adopted  in  Dallas  and  elsewhere.  On 
January  1,  1937,  more  than  500,000  people 
were  participants  in  Blue  Cross  hospital 
plans,  and  by  the  following  January  1,  more 


MEMBERSHIP  IN  PREPAYMENT  PLANS 

Commercial  insurance  company  group  plans  providing  cash  indemnities 

Number  of  persons  insured  for  hospital  care  indemnity,  about  8,000,000;  of  these 
about  6,000,000  are  insured  for  surgical  indemnities. 

Plans  providing  hospitalization  only 
Blue  Cross — 19,000,000 
Others — 2,000,000 

Plans  providing  physicians'  services  with  or  without  hospitalization 
Total  membership  about  5,282,000 
Industrial  plans— 1 ,500,000 
Medical  society  plans 

Washington  and  Oregon — 954,000 
Michigan — 777,000 
Other  states — 863,000 

Private  group  clinic  plans — 406,000 
Consumer-sponsored  plans — 350,000 
Governmental  plans — 113,000 
Farm  Security  Administration  plans — 319.000 


483 


than  1,300,000  had  been  enrolled.  Member- 
ship two  years  later  was  about  4,500,000 
and  has  more  than  quadrupled  since  then. 

Other  hospital  plans —  An  estimate  made 
by  the  Northwestern  National  Life  Insur- 
ance Company  indicates  that  probably 
another  2,000,000  people  belong  to  other 
hospital  service  prepayment  plans  set  up  by 
individual  hospitals,  by  labor  unions,  credit 
unions,  cooperatives,  and  other  groups. 
This  figure  may  not  refer  exclusively  to 
membership  in  plans  providing  hospital 
care  only  but  may  include  coverage  in  some 
that  also  provide  medical  care. 

Physicians'  Services 

The  5,280,000  people  who  are  members 
of  prepayment  medical  care  plans  belong  to 
one  of  several  types,  which  may  be  classi- 
fied according  to  sponsorship  as  follows: 

Industrial  plans — those  organized  for  the 
employes  of  an  industrial  establishment, 
and  financed  either  by  the  employer,  the 
employes,  or  jointly. 

Medical  society  plans — those  organized 
by  state  or  county  medical  societies  on  a 
statewide  or  county  basis. 

Private  group  dinics  —  organizations 
owned  and  managed  by  one  or  more 
physicians  who  usually  do  not  engage  in 
individual  private  practice. 

Consumer-sponsored  plans — organized  by 
the  subscribers  themselves,  who  make  ar- 
rangements with  a  group  of  physicians  to 
provide  service. 

Governmental  plans — usually  established 
for  the  employes  or  "clients"  of  certain  gov- 
ernmental agencies. 

Farm  Security  plans — organized  and  fin- 
anced by  Farm  Security  Administration 
clients. 

All  these  plans  are  similar  in  certain 
respects.  Almost  all  impose  some  eligibility 
requirements  for  enrollment.  These  restric- 
tions vary  not  only  with  the  type  of  plan 
but  also  with  the  individual  plans.  Some 
limit  enrollment  to  groups,  while  many 
enroll  both  groups  and  individuals,  usually 
giving  groups  the  benefit  of  lower  member- 
ship dues.  The  majority  of  the  plans  in- 
clude both  subscribers  and  dependents  in 
their  enrollment,  and  the  five  and  a  quarter 
million  people  covered  are  about  evenly 
divided  between  these. 

Many  plans  restrict  the  volume  of  service 
given — that  is,  limit  the  number  of  physi- 
cians' calls,  the  days  of  hospital  service,  the 
amount  of  service  during  a  yearly  period. 
Others  limit  the  amount  allowed  for  serv- 
ices: a  specified  sum  is  allowed  for  each 
call,  a  maximum  is  stipulated  for  surgery, 
a  maximum  is  fixed  for  all  services  to  an 
individual  or  a  family  during  the  year. 
Membership  is  usually  required  for  a  speci- 
fied period  before  a  woman  is  eligible  for 
maternity  care,  and  frequently  her  husband 
is  also  required  to  have  been  a  member  for 
a  fixed  period.  A  specified  period  of  mem- 
bership is  also  required  in  many  plans  be- 
fore persons  are  eligible  for  surgery  or 
some  other  type  of  service.  A  few  plans  re- 
quire a  waiting  period  before  a  member 
is  eligible  for  any  type  of  service. 


Often  services  provided  subscribers  differ 
from  those  given  their  dependents;  the 
latter  frequently  are  eligible  for  less  com- 
prehensive care  or  only  for  services  at  re- 
duced fees.  In  some  cases,  both  subscribers 
and  dependents  are  entitled  to  additional 
services  at  reduced  fees. 

Most  prepayment  medical  care  organiza- 
tions offer  services  rather  than  cash  reim- 
bursement for  medical  expenses.  Generally, 
the  members  are  eligible  for  hospital  care. 
In  1945,  about  3,420,000  of  the  total  of 
5,280,000  members  were  entitled  to  hos- 
pitalization  as  one  of  the  benefits  provided 
by  the  plan  itself,  while  the  remaining 
number  probably  also  had  hospitalization 
coverage  under  a  separate  contract  with  the 
Blue  Cross  or  other  agency.  The  medical 
society  plans  in  states  other  than  Washing- 
ton and  Oregon  provide  little  hospital  cov- 
erage under  their  own  contracts,  but  their 
members  usually  belong  also  to  Blue  Cross 
hospital  plans. 

More  than  30  percent  of  the  persons  be- 
longing to  these  prepayment  plans  were  en- 
titled to  some  type  of  dental  service,  chiefly 
diagnostic  X-ray  and  extractions,  while 
about  40  percent  were  eligible  for  special 
duty  nursing,  visiting  nurse  service,  or  both. 

The  outstanding  differences  between  the 
various  types  of  prepayment  organizations 
are  in  the  extent  of  physicians'  services  pro- 
vided, and  the  extent  to  which  they  make 
provision  for  dental  service  and  nursing 
care. 

Industrial  plans—  These  plans,  regardless 
of  how  they  are  financed,  almost  always 
provide  relatively  complete  physicians'  care 
in  the  office,  home,  and  hospital. 

Members  of  industrial  plans  financed 
jointly  by  employer  and  employe  are  most 
often  eligible  for  dental  and  nursing  serv- 
ices, 78  percent  being  entitled  to  one  or 
more  types  of  dental  service  and  71  percent 
to  some  type  of  nursing  service.  Plans  fin- 
anced by  the  employes  made  some  type  of 
nursing  service  available  to  77  percent  of 
their  members  and  almost  45  percent  were 
also  eligible  for  some  form  of  dental  care. 

Medical  society  plans  — These  plans  in 
Washington  offer  physicians'  care  in  the 
office,  home,  and  hospital  to  their  subscrib- 
ers and  dependents.  Plans  in  Oregon  offer 
similar  services  to  subscribers  but  do  not 
provide  care  to  dependents.  In  these  states, 
85  percent  of  the  members  are  eligible  for 
some  form  of  nursing  service,  but  less  than 
30  percent  can  receive  dental  services  of  any 
kind. 

Medical  society  plans  in  other  states  al- 
most always  limit  their  care  to  physicians' 
services  for  hospitalized  cases.  Of  the  total 
of  1,600,000  persons  eligible  for  care  in 
these  plans,  1,100,000  are  entitled  only  to 
care  for  hospitalized  surgical  cases,  while 
400,000  are  entitled  to  care  for  all  types  of 
hospitalized  cases.  Only  100,000,  about  6 
percent  of  their  total  membership,  are 
eligible  for  physicians'  care  in  the  office, 
home,  and  hospital. 

Another  difference  between  these  plans 
and  other  types  of  prepaid  medical  care  is 


their  combination  of  a  service  and  a  cash 
indemnity  plan.  They  have  a  fee  schedule 
which  limits  the  amount  to  be  paid  for 
each  service.  Customarily,  if  the  family  in- 
come is  below  a  certain  figure  the  physician 
receives  only  the  amount  set  in  the  schedule, 
but  if  the  family  income  exceeds  the  level 
specified  he  may  make  an  extra  charge. 
Usually  the  total  value  of  services  for  any 
one  illness  or  during  a  year's  period  is  lim- 
ited, and  the  family  is  liable  for  any  addi- 
tional amounts. 

Many  of  these  medical  society  plans  have 
under  consideration  the  extension  of  their 
service  'to  include  physicians'  home  and 
office  calls,  but  they  are  following  the  pro- 
visions in  commercial  group  insurance  by 
requiring  the  patient  to  pay  for  the  first 
calls  (one,  two,  or  three)  in  each  illness, 
and  by  limiting  the  total  value  of  services 
for  home  and  office  visits  during  the  year. 

Since  the  medical  services  are  provided 
by  physicians  in  individual  private  practice, 
these  plans  provide  neither  dental  nor  nurs- 
ing service. 

Private  group  clinics  and  consumer-spun- 
sored  plans — A  majority  of  the  members 
of  both  these  types  of  plans  are  entitled  to 
relatively  complete  physicians'  care  and  hos- 
pitalization. Private  group  clinics  provide 
some  form  of  nursing  service  to  40  percent 
of  their  members  and  dental  service  to  al- 
most 60  percent.  Nursing  service  is  seldom 
provided  under  any  types  of  consumer 
sponsored  plan.  Such  plans,  financed  partly 
by  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  provide 
some  form  of  dentistry  to  all  members;  in 
other  consumer  sponsored  plans  only  a 
small  percent  of  the  members  are  entitled 
to  any  type  of  dental  care. 

Government  plans—  Approximately  85  pe 
cent  of  the  members  belong  to  associatio 
for  seasonal    farm   workers,   domestic  an 
foreign,   recruited,   transported,   housed 
placed  by  the  War  Food  Administration 
a  cooperating  agency.  These  organizations 
are  government  financed  and  members  re 
ceive  relatively  complete  medical  care. 
addition,  they  are  also  entitled  to  some  fon 
of  dental  and  nursing  service. 


| 

I 


Farm   Security   Administration   plans — 

At  the  beginning  of  1945,  these  plans  were 
in  operation  in  37  states.  Approximately  75 
percent  of  the  families  enrolled  are  entitled 
to  general  medical  care.  Surgeons'  service  in 
addition  to  general  medical  care  was  avail- 
able to  44  percent  of  the  families.  Hos- 
pitalization could  be  received  by  33  percent 
of  them  through  separate  hospital  plans  and 
by  39  percent  through  plans  offering  a  com- 
bination of  hospital  and  medical  services. 
Dental  care  was  available  to  24  percent  of 
the  families  under  separate  dental  plans 
and  to  10  percent  through  plans  offering 
combined  services. 

Expected  Developments 

.  Although   a  substantial   number  of  per- 
sons thus  have  protection  against  the  costs 
of  medical  or  hospital  care  either  through 
(Continued  on  page  490) 


484 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


A  Milestone  in  Health  Progress 


PRESIDENT  TRUMAN'S  PROGRAM 


IN  JANUARY  1945,  IN  HIS  ANNUAL  MESSAGE 
on  the  state  of  the  Union,  President  Roose- 
velt declared  "adequate  medical  care"  to 
be  one  of  the  "basic  human  rights."  Ten 
months  later,  in  a  special  message  to  Con- 
gress, President  Truman  recommended  that 
this  right  be  made  effective  through  na- 
tional health  insurance  and  related  mea- 
sures. It  is  the  first  full-length  Presidential 
message  in  American  history  dealing  solely 
with  health.  It's  a  milestone. 

On  the  morning  this  message  was  in  the 
newspapers,  I  sat  just  in  front  of  two  well- 
dressed  commuters  who  were  discussing  it 
as  our  train  sped  toward  New  York. 

"Did  you  see,"  said  one,  "that  Truman 
is  proposing  socialized  medicine?" 

"I  haven't  read  all  the  article  yet,"  an- 
swered the  other.  "What  he  says  is  health 
insurance.  It  can't  be  awfully  socialized  if 
Truman  wants  it." 

"My  brother-in-law  thinks  it's  terrible," 
the  first  went  on.  Bill's  a  big  shot  in  the 
medical  society  and  he  shouted  at  me: 
'What's  the  matter  with  that  Truman? 
You  always  said  he  was  a  safe  man.'  " 

Returned  his  friend:  "Well,  we've  had 
experience  with  the  Blue  Cross  among 
some  of  our  work  people.  It's  made  me 
think  it  would  be  a  good  thing  if  all  of 
them  could  have  a  doctor  whenever  they 
needed  him,  as  well  as  get  into  a  hospital. 
But,  of  course,  we  would  have  to  give 
the  doctors  a  fair  deal,  too." 

Bill  and  his  colleagues  would  find  things 
easier  if  they  would  trust  the  sense  of  fair 
play  of  their  fellow-Americans.  And  those 
people  and  organizations  that  are  working 
for  national  health  insurance,  as  a  means 
of  paying  doctors,  wouldn't  be  interested 
if  they  hadn't  confidence  in  doctors. 

Said  the  President's  message:  "Apprecia- 
tion of  modern  achievements  in  medicine 
and  public  health  has  created  widespread 
demand  that  they  be  fully  applied  and 
universally  available." 

What  the  Message  Proposes 

The  President  made  five  recommenda- 
tions: 

1.  National  Health   Insurance,   covering 
most  of  the  population  providing  for  com- 
prehensive physicians'  services  and  hospital- 
ization;      with     supplementary     provision 
(through  federal  grants  to  the  states)  for 
medical  care  of  needy  persons  who  cannot 
for  lack  of  income  be  brought  directly  into 
a  health  insurance  system. 

2.  Federal  grants,  through  the  states,  to 
aid  in  the  construction  and  improvement 
of  hospitals,  clinics  and  health  centers. 

3.  Federal  grants,  through  the  states,  so 
that    public    health,    maternal    and    child 
health  services  can  be  expanded  to  reach 
every  part  of  the  country  and  all  the  people 
who  need  them. 

4.  Federal  aid  for  medical  education  and 
research. 

5.  Cash    benefits   covering   some   of   the 


HEALTH— TODAY  di  TOMORROW 

— A  series  by  the  chairman,  Committee 
on  Research  in  Medical  Economics;  asso- 
ciate editor,  Survey  Graphic. 


wage  loss  due  to  temporary  sickness  among 
employed  persons.  This  is  not  part  of  the 
health  program  as  such.  It  should  be  dealt 
with  as  one  of  the  needed  extensions  of 
the  Social  Security  Act. 

None  of  these  proposals  is  novel.  Bills 
incorporating  all  of  them,  singly  or  in 
combination,  have  already  been  introduced 
in  Congress.  The  Wagner-Murray-Dingell 
bill  is  an  omnibus  measure  covering  the 
whole  field  of  social  security;  health  insur- 
ance and  the  other  health  programs  are  a 
part  of  it.  A  new  bill,  introduced  by  Sen- 
ators Wagner  and  Murray  (S.1606),  follows 
the  President's  health  message;  thus  enab- 
ling a  National  Health  Program  to  be  dealt 
with  by  Congress  on  its  own  merits.  This 
bill  has  been  referred  to  the  Education  and 
Labor  Committee  which  will  hold  hearings 
on  it  early  next  year. 

The  President's  message  does  not  pre- 
scribe how  the  health  program  is  to  be 
administered.  A  few  broad  policies  are 
stated,  such  as  local  responsibility  in  the 
administration  of  physicians  and  hospital 
services  and  the  maintenance  of  freedom 
for  both  patients  and  doctors.  Non-govern- 
mental agencies,  including  voluntary  health 
insurance  plans,  are  given  a  definite  place 
within  the  framework  of  the  national  sys- 
tem. All  of  these  points  are  familiar  parts 
of  proposed  legislation. 

Establishing  Paying  Power 

So  are  the  financial  provisions.  Health 
insurance,  says  the  message,  should  be  sup- 
ported by  payroll  deductions  from  em- 
ployed persons  and  their  employers  and  by 
payments  from  self-employed  persons,  and 
should  be  supplemented  by  general  taxa- 
tion if  necessary  to  obtain  the  broadest 
coverage.  General  taxation  would  supply 
the  funds  for  preventive  services,  hospital 
and  health  center  facilities. 

The  most  fundamental  health  proposal 
is  assurance  of  purchasing  power  for  medi- 
cal service.  The  people  need  this  assurance. 
Physicians  and  hospitals,  dentists  and 
nurses  need  it.  National  health  insurance 
would  pool  most  existing  expenditures  for 
medical  care,  and  thus  establish  purchasing 
power  for  low  income  groups  and  in  low 
income  areas.  Consequently,  it  would  as- 
sure better  income  for  the  average  doctor. 
For  the  first  time  in  this  country's  history, 
there  would  be  an  economic  incentive  for 
physicians  to  live  and  for  hospitals  to  op- 
erate in  many  rural  sections  where  health 
personnel  and  facilities  have  been  absent 
or  gravely  insufficient. 


By  MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS 

The  President  stresses  the  dependence  of 
the  special  health  proposals  upon  this  basic 
one.  Thus,  he  recommends  expansion  of 
federal  aid  for  maternal  and  child  health 
services.  He  states  that  "the  health  of 
American  children,  like  their  education, 
should  be  recognized  as  a  definite  public 
responsibility."  This  is  the  principle  on 
which  Senator  Pepper  and  others  based  the 
ambitious  maternal  and  child  health  bill 
which  they  introduced  last  summer  (S. 
1318).  But  the  President  insists  that  special 
federal  aid  to  the  states  for  the  health  of 
women  and  children  shall  be  geared  into 
national  health  insurance  financially  and 
administratively.  Federal  grants  for  public 
health,  maternal  and  child  health  purposes, 
he  goes  on  to  say,  "should  be  in  proportion 
to  state  and  local  expenditures  and  should 
also  vary  [inversely]  in  accordance  with 
the  financial  ability  of  the  respective  states." 

Congressional  hearings  have  recently 
been  held  on  several  bills  which  would  set 
up  a  National  Research  Foundation.  The 
President  recommends  special  grants  to 
medical  research  and  education,  but  again 
emphasizes  coordination.  This  special  as- 
sistance should  be  correlated  with  any  gen- 
eral aid  which  Congress  may  authorize  for 
scientific  research  as  a  whole. 

Still  again,  after  proposing  grants  for 
hospital  construction,  he  states:  "Federal 
aid  in  providing  hospital  facilities  will  be 
futile  unless  there  is  current  paying  power 
to  maintain  these  hospitals  upon  a  good 
standard."  Here  he  puts  his  finger  on  the 
major  deficiency  of  another  special  mea- 
sure, the  Hill-Burton  bill  (S.191).  This 
bill's  laudable  provisions  for  surveying 
needs  and  granting  aid  to  build  or  improve 
hospitals  would,  if  enacted  separately,  ben- 
efit only  those  places  which  could  give  as- 
surance, in  advance,  that  they  could  main- 
tain the  facilities  after  these  had  been 
provided.  As  Senator  James  E.  Murray 
wrote,  "The  poorest  and  neediest  com- 
munities will  generally  get  little  or  no  help 
under  S.191." 

There  are  often  many  miles  between 
Presidential  recommendations  and  congres- 
sional enactment.  There  are  educational 
hills,  organizational  swamps,  and  political 
rivers  to  cross.  But  a  Presidential  message 
is  a  milestone  nevertheless,  from  which  past 
progress  may  be  scanned  and  future  prog- 
ress will  be  measured.  An  article  written 
immediately  after  the  message  appeared 
cannot,  of  course,  interpret  the  comments 
of  individuals,  of  agencies,  and  of  the  press. 
It  may,  however,  be  helpful  to  put  opposi- 
tion and  support  in  perspective. 

The  AMA  Fights 

For  nearly  thirty  years  the  American 
Medical  Association  has  been  officially 
against  the  President's  basic  proposal.  In 
its  long  delaying  action  it  has  won  some 
battles  but  has  given  ground  again  and 
again  before  a  steadily  broadening  front. 


DECEMBER     1943 


485 


In  1932,  it  faced  a  handful  of  experts  in 
the  Committee  on  the  Costs  of  Medical 
Care  and  condemned  their  report  propos- 
ing voluntary  health  insurance  as  "social- 
ism and  communism,  inciting  to  revolu- 
tion." In  1938,  in  the  National  Health  Con- 
ference recommending  compulsory  health 
insurance,  it  faced  a  representative  gather- 
ing of  lay  and  professional  people.  In  1945, 
confronted  with  this  Presidential  message, 
it  faces  the  American  people. 

The  AMA  opposed  the  Blue  Cross  hos- 
pitalization  plans  during  their  infancy  a 
decade  ago;  it  has  accepted  them.  It  op- 
posed voluntary  health  insurance  except  on 
the  cash  indemnity  principle,  but  has  had 
to  accept  it  on  the  service  principle.  It  has 
opposed  federal  action,  but  now  accepts 
the  Hill-Burton  bill. 

Weapons  Employed 

The  instruments  of  opposition  deserve 
some  study.  They  include  persons,  pens, 
paint  brushes,  poison  gas,  and  velvet 
gloves.  The  personal  touch  of  fully  misin- 
formed physicians  with  their  Rotary  Clubs, 
state  legislators,  congressmen  and  senators 
has  been  developed  into  a  system.  Official 
medical  pens  have  for  a  generation  dis- 
seminated biased  information  about  health 
insurance.  Paint  brushes  loaded  with  pink 
pigment  are  utilized  to  smear  opponents, 
particularly  physicians  who  speak  openly 
against  AMA  policies  on  these  matters. 

When  national  legislation  became  a  po- 
litical issue,  as  it  has  during  the  last  few 
years,  the  AMA  organized  against  the 
threat  on  a  broader  front,  enlisting  allies 
and  using  new  weapons.  The  "National 
Physicians  Committee  for  the  Extension  of 
Medical  Service"  is  technically  independent 
of  the  AMA,  although  the  AMA  has  offi- 
cially approved  it.  It  is  nominally  gov- 
erned by  its  doctor-members — all  prominent 
in  the  AMA  hierarchy — but  really  repre- 
sents an  alliance  of  "organized  medicine," 
some  drug  manufacturers  and  retailers,  and 
certain  insurance  companies.  It  has  been 
spending  at  least  $250,000  a  year  since 
1942  and  may  have  achieved  its  goal  of 
raising  $500,000  a  year.  About  half  of  the 
money  is  from  doctors.  Its  millions  of 
pamphlets,  its  weekly  releases  to  12,000 
newspapers,  its  speakers'  bureaus  and 
canned  advertisements  are  engineered  by 
well-trained  salesmen. 

Are  you  a  practicing  physician?  If  you 
are,  ask  the  National  Physicians  Commit- 
tee for  copies  of  its  "Political  Medicine" 
pamphlet,  to  distribute,  from  a  neat  con- 
tainer, to  patients  in  your  waiting  room. 
In  the  pamphlet  they  will  be  told  that  if 
the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  were  made 
law,  the  practice  of  medicine  would  be 
run  by  bureaucrats  under  an  autocrat,  a 
Gauleiter — the  Surgeon-General  of  the 
U.  S.  Public  Health  Service. 

You  will  learn  furthermore  how  the  op- 
position has  broadened  its  base  of  attack 
as  well  as  its  sources  of  support.  "Com- 
pulsory health  insurance"  would  not  mere- 
ly deteriorate  medicine,  it  would  "establish 
a  core  of  collectivist  control  that  surely 
will  be  extended  and  under  which  Free 
Enterprise  in  any  field  could  not  long  sur- 
vive." Thus,  a  typical  broadside  displays 


"Trojan  Horse  Tactics  in  America."  A 
proud  steed  wearing  a  bridle  marked  "Com- 
pulsory Health  Insurance"  reveals  his  in- 
ternal organs  to  be  a  band  of  people  labeled 
"Collectivists."  The  prospective  socializa- 
tion of  the  drug  business  is  frequently 
played  up. 

The  methods  of  the  National  Physicians 
Committee  threaten  to  identify  medicine 
with  commercialism.  A  generation  ago  the 
users  of  poison  gas  won  battles  but  lost  a 
war. 

"If  You  Must  Accept"— 

The  velvet  glove  is  something  else  again. 
Its  use  springs  from  the  policy:  Delay  as 
much  as  you  can,  accept  what  you  must, 
grasp  what  you  must  accept.  If,  for  ex- 
ample, you  have  to  take  up  the  health 
insurance  idea,  insert  a  velvet  glove,  filled 
with  a  firm,  sensitive  hand,  into  any  aper- 
ture, and  seize  the  works.  Pass  a  law  (as 
in  New  Jersey  and  Ohio),  or  organize  the 
plan  without  a  special  law,  so  that  the 
medical  society  will  control  it.  Support  the 
Hill-Burton  bill  so  long  as  your  allies  in 
the  hospital  world  have  the  controlling 
voice  in  the  National  Hospital  Council  and 
so  long  as  this  council  has  a  final,  not 
merely  an  advisory,  say  over  the  adminis- 
trative regulations  and  the  approval  of 
state  plans. 

William  Green  recently  criticized  this 
part  of  the  Hill-Burton  bill,  writing  Sen- 
ator Wagner: 

"The  American  Federation  of  Labor 
vigorously  advocates  the  use  of  representa- 
tive advisory  bodies  but  it  has  never  asked 
and  does  not  believe  in  any  proposal  to 
place  final  public  control  of  public  funds 
anywhere  except  in  the  hands  of  responsible 
public  officials." 

Infiltration  toward  control  is  of  course 
the  common  policy  of  those  who  wage 
rear-guard  actions.  At  the  national  meeting 
of  Blue  Cross  plans,  last  October,  the  fol- 
lowing resolution  was  passed: 

"If  the  federal  government  decides  to 
use  government  funds  for  the  payment  for 
hospital  service  to  those  unable  to  pay  for 
such  service,  that  the  Committee  express  to 
the  proper  authorities  the  willingness  of 
Blue  Cross  to  participate  with  such  auth- 
orities in  working  out  practical  methods  of 
cooperation." 

In  plain  words,  let  Blue  Cross  plans  be 
the  administrative  agents  in  spending  some 
public  money.  Many  sincere  and  fine- 
spirited  men  in  the  medical,  the  Blue  Cross, 
and  the  hospital  fields  do  not  know,  or 
have  not  considered,  the  long  and  doleful 
history  of  public  payments  without  public 
control.  They  have  not  taken  home  to  them- 
selves the  tested  principle  that  other  peo- 
ple's money  should  not  be  controlled  by 
those  who  will  pay  it  to  themselves  or 
their  own  agencies. 

How  will  the  President's  message  affect 
the  opposition?  Probably  it  will  magnify 
both  opposition  and  support.  It  will  make 
it  harder  to  use  pink  paint  brushes  and 
poison  gas.  It  will  compel  political  leaders, 
medical  and  lay,  towards  more  realistic 
dealing  with  the  issues.  It  will  stimulate 
conservatives  and  middle-of-the-roaders  to 
unite  behind  temporizing  and  partial  leg- 


islation, despite  the  President's  warnings. 
It  will  encourage  fuller  employment  of 
velvet  gloves.  It  will — but  wait  and  see. 

Backing  the  Program 

To  analyze  past,  present,  and  potential 
support  is  for  another  issue  of  this  mag- 
azine. There  can  be  only  a  few  words  here. 

Until  less  than  a  decade  ago,  compulsory 
health  insurance  was  backed  by  only  a 
few  small  "reform  organizations,"  like  the 
American  Association  for  Social  Security 
and  the  American  Association  for  Labor 
Legislation,  both  defunct  now.  By  1938, 
there  had  developed  the  idea  of  a  national 
health  program  which  included  much  more 
than  health  insurance,  having  medical  as 
well  as  economic  objectives,  and  covering 
preventive  as  well  as  curative  medicine. 
United  backing  by  organized  labor  dates 
from  about  that  time. 

There  is  now  official  support  from  the 
Farmers'  Union,  and  active  interest  among 
some  Farm  Bureaus  and  Granges,  though 
the  American  Farm  Bureau  Federation  and 
the  National  Grange  still  hold  off. 

During  the  last  few  years  the  principles 
of  this  program  have  been  endorsed  by 
many  agencies,  including  among  others  the 
National  Lawyers  Guild,  the  American 
Association  of  Social  Workers,  the  Inde- 
pendent Citizens  Committee  of  the  Arts, 
Sciences  and  Professions,  the  American 
Public  Health  Association,  and  two  bodies 
of  doctors — the  Physicians  Forum  and  the 
Committee  of  Physicians  for  the  Improve- 
ment of  Medical  Care.  The  strategic  weight 
of  this  medical  support  rates  far  above  the 
relatively  small  proportion  of  doctors  con- 
cerned. The  President's  health  program 
would  make  such  important  contributions 
to  productivity,  such  large  savings  of  eco- 
nomic wastes  and  at  such  small  cost,  that 
for  these  reasons  alone  it  should  and  will 
enlist  strong  support  from  many  business 
men. 

An  active  organization  is  now  needed, 
including  all  these  and  other  elements  of 
support  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  Such 
an  organization  should  conduct  an  aggres- 
sive campaign  without  taking  responsibility 
from,  but  instead  stimulating,  the  much 
more  potent  agencies  of  labor,  business, 
agriculture,  women's,  church,  civic  and 
professional  groups. 

Such  an  organization  will  not  have  to 
duplicate  the  budget  of  the  National  Physi- 
cians Committee,  any  more  than  it  would 
ape  that  committee's  methods.  On  its  side 
it  would  have  two  fortifications  which  the 
National  Physicians  Committee  cannot  pur- 
chase with  all  its  money — a  mass  of  truth 
and  a  mountain  of  human  need. 

It  is  the  fact  of  widespread,  unmet  medi- 
cal needs;  it  is  the  realization  of  unsatisfied 
human  demands  for  health  service,  that 
have  advanced  the  front,  on  one  salient 
after  another,  during  the  last  thirty  years. 
These  needs,  gradually  becoming  appreci- 
ated, and  these  demands,  slowly  growing 
vocal,  have  just  called  forth  a  message  to 
Congress  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  the  pressure  of  these  needs  and 
demands — not  bombardment  with  epithets 
— which  before  long  will  make  the  pro- 
gram a  legislative  reality. 


486 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


LETTERS  AND  LIFE 


White  of  Emporia 


WILLIAM  ALLEN  WHITE  LIVED  HIS  LIFE  IN 
the  open,  as  a  Kansas  editor,  a  political 
writer  of  national  scope  and  a  backer  of 
policies  and  movements  that  furthered 
democratic  principles.  For  forty-nine  years 
he  was  able  to  comment  in  public  on  local 
and  national  affairs  in  the  pages  of  his  own 
newspaper,  which,  by  its  influence  on  other 
editors  and  political  leaders,  affected  Amer- 
ican life  wholly  out  of  proportion  to  its 
circulation. 

White  began  with  a  sense  of  responsi- 
bility to  the  community  and  an  independent 
mind.  These  two  traits  put  him  on  the 
side  of  the  insurgent  movement  in  the  Re- 
publican party  of  the  1900s  and  the  inter- 
ests of  the  farmer  and  laborer  as  against 
the  great  organizations  that  controlled  the 
markets.  To  trace  the  high  spots  of  this 
career  should  be  a  salutary  lesson  in  the 
social  usefulness  of  the  individual  who 
works  for  the  betterment  of  conditions  in 
his  time. 

Deep  Roots  in  Kansas 

David  Hinshaw  has  given  opportunity 
for  another  look  at  the  career  of  William 
Allen  White  in  his  book,  "A  Man  from 
Kansas"  (Putnam;  |3).  It  is  a  personal 
record,  illuminated,  but  not  distorted,  by 
long  years  of  association.  Mr.  Hinshaw 
writes  that  when  he  was  a  farm  boy  near 
Emporia,  forty-eight  years  ago,  he  became 
the  Quaker  Valley  correspondent  of  the 
Emporia  Gazette  in  order  to  receive  that  . 
newspaper  as  compensation.  Long  after, 
when  the  Progressive  movement  split  the 
Republican  party  in  Kansas,  he  joined 
White  to  promote  the  fortunes  of  the  new 
group  and  the  two  became  "captain  and 
crew  of  the  good  ship  Bull  Moose  of 
Kansas." 

Mr.  Hinshaw  knew  White  intimately  and 
he  understands  Kansas.  He  should  be  able, 
therefore,  to  portray  White  as  he  was  in 
his  own  homeland  and  to  trace  the  influ- 
ence of  Kansas  air,  and  Kansas  fighting 
spirit,  on  this  practical  liberal. 

William  Allen  White  was  an  individual 
who  did  not  allow  himself  to  become  sub- 
merged in  a  large  organization.  Far  from 
remaining  a  back  number  because  he  chose 
to  run  a  small  town  newspaper,  he  made 
Emporia  a  terminal  on  the  line  that  had 
New  York  and  Washington  at  its  eastern 
end. 

In  his  first  statement  of  principles  he 
said:  "This  world  is  made  better  by  every 
man  improving  his  own  conduct — no  re- 
form is  accomplished  wholesale."  With 
this  confidence  in  the  individual,  he  also 
retained  confidence  in  the  homely  sur- 
roundings in  which  he  did  most  of  his 
work  and  lived  with  his  family.  It  would 

(All  books 


HARRY   HANSEN 

have  been  easy,  says  Mr.  Hinshaw,  for 
White  to  have  moved  to  Chicago  or  New 
York,  taking  advantage  of  opportunities  to 
enter  large  newspapers  there.  But  he  saw 
his  association  with  the  Gazette  as  an  op- 
portunity; to  suggestions  that  he  delegate 
much  of  this  work  he  replied  that  "with- 
out it  he  would  be  separated  from  the 
people — get  lost."  „ 

The  Human  Equation 

Such  an  attitude  is  not  unique,  but  it  is 
rare  in  America,  and  no  one  knows  what 
the  midlands  have  lost  by  the  steady  proces- 
sion of  able  minds  to  the  political  and  lit- 
erary capitals.  Some  writers  have  realized 
how  much  simple  and  wholesome  living  in 
small  communities  means  to  their  art.  Sin- 
clair Lewis  is  an  example  of  a  metropoli- 
tan writer  who  time  and  again  has  been 
making  an  attempt  to  strike  roots  far  from 
literary  markets — at  present  in  Duluth. 
White  saw  beyond  the  veneer,  the  man- 
nerisms that  people  put  on;  he  esteemed 
character,  and  Emporia  gave  him  as  many 
genuine  examples  of  that  as  any  other  com- 
munity. 

White  was  obviously  affected  by  the  in- 
dependent spirit  in  Kansas  politics,  al- 
though he  had  nothing  but  contempt  for 
Populism.  He  had  already  shown  his  lib- 
eral leanings  when  he  wrote  for  McClure's 
Magazine  in  the  late  1890s,  and  .we  are 
told  that  he  was  wholly  sympathetic  with 
Ida  M.  Tarbell's  study  of  the  Standard  Oil 
Co.  But  it  was  Theodore  Roosevelt,  more 
than  any  other  leader,  who  won  William 
Allen  White's  allegiance. 

Mr.  Hinshaw's  comment  on  this  relation- 
ship gives  readers  an  opportunity  for  re- 
valuing the  services  of  Theodore  Roosevelt 
to  the  emerging  protest  against  stand- 
patism  and  reaction  and  to  understand  the 
extent  of  the  disappointment  with  William 
H.  Taft.  In  these  days  T.  R.  appears  as 
one  of  a  line  of  movers  and  shakers;  in  the 
early  part  of  this  century  he  was  the  su- 
preme representative  of  the  movement 
against  privilege.  As  White  said,  he  "dram- 
atized a  new  phase  of  the  truth  about  free- 
dom, its  economic  implications." 

Only  a  man  like  David  Hinshaw,  who 
grew  up  in  the  Middle  West  and  shared 
its  attempt  to  break  economic  barriers  that 
were  rigidly  clamped  on  by  the  Republican 
party,  can  properly  estimate  the  importance 
of  T.  R.'s  leadership  in  the  West.  When 
White  spoke  of  "that  exuberant  personality, 
that  joyous,  burning  flame  that  was  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt"  he  was  not  indulging  in 
oratory;  he  was  recording  the  impression 
that  T.  R.  made  on  western  men.  This 
spirit  later  supported  some  of  the  reforms 
of  Woodrow  Wilson  and  it  was  the  Repub- 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be 


lican  party's  inability  to  adopt  its  principles 
that  led  the  party  to  defeat. 

White,  always  aware  how  much  the  human 
equation  meant  to  issues,  saw  how  many 
different  men  worked  for  democracy.  He 
believed  in  constant  repetition  of  the  simple 
truths  of  living,  kindliness,  neighborly  help, 
fair  dealing,  honesty,  generosity — "continu- 
ous interpretations  and  preachings."  He 
wrote:  "Until  an  idea  commands  the  re- 
spect of  highclass,  stable,  conscientious,  un- 
selfish men,  it  gets  nowhere."  He  wrote 
of  democracy: 

"In  a  democracy  the  best  statesmanship 
is  patience;  it  is  willing  to  take  licking  after 
licking,  not  caring  for  majorities,  but  caring 
chiefly  for  convincing  the  people,  trusting 
the  people  when  [they  become]  convinced 
to  use  such  weapons  as  the  movement  pro- 
vides to  achieve  their  desire.  We  must 
learn  to  labor  and  to  wait." 

A  Stabilizing  Influence 

Although  William  Allen  White's  political 
ideas  moved  forward  with  the  years,  he 
never  was  able  to  break  with  precedent  and 
tradition  as  completely  as  Franklin  D. 
Roosevelt.  Rather,  his  hope  was  in  Wen- 
dell Willkie,  who  had  something  of  the 
breezy,  open,  western  challenge,  without 
advocating  changes  too  radical  for  the 
American  middle  class.  But  he  had  gone 
a  long  way  from  his  editorial  of  1896, 
"What's  the  Matter  with  Kansas?"  and  his 
ridicule  of  the  judge  who  declared  that  pro- 
duction should  be  for  use,  not  profit. 

A  few  years  ago  White  explained  to  Mr. 
Hinshaw  why  he  so  frequently  gave  his 
name  to  organizations  that  often  went  far- 
ther than  he  could: 

"It  is  so  easy  for  men  of  some  standing 
and  some  property  to  line  up  on  the  right. 
Lining  there  they  convince  those  who  do 
not  have  standing  and  property  that  society 
in  its  privileged  strata  is  aligned  against 
them.  It  inclines  to  make  class  feeling. 
So,  as  you  know,  I  have  always  lent  my 
name  to  organizations  that  went  a  little 
farther  to  the  left  than  I  would  be  willing 
to  go  if  I  had  any  executive  responsibility 
in  government  or  any  administrative  or- 
ganization. .  .  . 

"It  seems  to  me  the  emphasis  of  our 
politics  in  this  century  will  be  largely  upon 
that  readjustment  of  income  and,  perhaps 
to  an  extent  incidental  thereto,  a  readjust- 
ment of  title  in  property,  not  all  property, 
but  certain  property  affected  by  public 
use.  .  .  . 

"I  do  want  to  be  an  influence  for  the 
stabilization  of  the  social  conflict,  which  I 
feel  will  take  nearly  a  century  to  achieve." 

Mr.  Hinshaw  says  White's  strength  lay 
in    interpretation,    and    there    he    puts    his 
postpaid) 


DECEMBER     1945 


497 


Two  new  books 
in  the  public 
health  field  .   .   . 

PUBLIC 

MEDICAL 

CARE 

Franz  Goldmann,  M.D. 

The  first  attempt  ever  made 
to  give  a  composite  picture 
of  public  medical  care  as  a. 
social  movement. 

"Dr.  Goldmann  writes  clearly 
and  out  of  a  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  his  subject.  .  .  .  His 
book  represents  an  impor- 
tant contribution  to  sounder 
thinking  and  doing  with  re- 
gard to  public  medical  care. 
The  general  public,  whose 
care  is  in  question,  should  be 
fully  aware  of  the  facts  con- 
tained in  this  authoritative 
book."  -  New  York  Times. 

"Excellent  analysis,  interpre- 
tation and  appraisal . . .  Inter- 
esting, readable,  and  highly 
recommended."  Library 

Journal.  $2.75 

RADIO 

in  HEALTH 

EDUCATION 

Prepared  under  the  Auspices 
of  (he  New  York  Academy  ol  Medicine. 

A  basic  and  critical  evalua- 
tion of  objectives  and  tech- 
niques in  radio  health  educa- 
tion. First  in  a  new  series 
—Frontiers  in  Public  Health 
Education  —  it  is  addressed 
to  health  educators,  social 
workers,  radio  personnel,  and 
health  organizations'.  $1.60 

COLUMBIA 

UNIVERSITY 

PRESS 

2960  BROADWAY 
NEW  YORK  27,  N.  Y. 


hnger  on  one  of  the  great  functions  of 
journalism.  When  we  ask  why  the  news- 
papers of  so  many  smaller  cities  have  lost 
all  editorial  influence,  we  can  find  the  an- 
swer in  studying  a  newspaper  like  the 
Emporia  Gazette,  which  did  not. 

White  was  not  the  slave  of  money- 
making.  He  did  not  have  to  make  his 
newspaper  a  bigger  and  better  money- 
maker, all  his  days.  It  sufficed  that  it  was 
a  going  concern,  and  that  he  was  under 
no  obligations  to  flatter  the  prejudices  of 
local  business  and  industry.  If  he  was  a 
booster,  it  was  in  the  intelligent  sense  of 
being  proud  of  his  town  and  glad  to  see 
its  progress. 

The  reason  many  newspapers  are  in- 
nocuous is  because  they  are  neutral.  They 
move  with  business.  Few  of  them  express 
and  interpret  the  ground  swell  in  American 
politics,  as  White  did.  But  the  ground 
swell  is  there,  nevertheless.  And  when  it 
sweeps  new  men  into  office,  it  brings  with 
it  its  own  interpreters. 

THE  GERMAN  TALKS  BACK,  by  Heinrich 
Mauser.  Holt.  $2.50. 

THE    FREE    STATE,    by    D.    W.    Brogan. 
Knopf.  $2. 

THE    APPEARANCE    OF    THESE    TWO    BOOKS    AT 

the  same  time  is  coincidental  but  their 
subject  matter  leads  quite  naturally  to  joint 
consideration.  Mr.  Hauser  has  as  his  aim 
to  interpret  Germany  to  the  American  peo- 
ple and  to  explain  why  the  Germans  loathe 
our  particular  brand  of  democracy.  Mr. 
Brogan,  a  Scotsman,  says  that  he  is  ad- 
dressing "those  intelligent  Germans  (who 
must  exist)  who  may  now  be  pondering 
the  problem  of  why  twice  in  a  generation 
Germany  has  been  involved  in  catastrophe 
— and  has  involved  her  neighbors."  He  ex- 
plains Anglo-Saxon  democracy  and  the 
German  inability  to  understand  its  under- 
lying principles. 

Mr.  Hauser  is  fluent,  readable,  journal- 
istic. His  premises  are  broad  and  hastily 
brushed  over.  He  understands  the  tech- 
nique of  propaganda  and  by  shock  treat- 
ment keeps  his  audience  under  control.  He 
recognizes  his  precarious  position  in  claim- 
ing to  understand  America  while  he  pre- 
fers Germany.  He  professes  good  will  in 
undertaking  his  difficult  task  but  is  not 
convincing  either  in  his  logic  or  intention. 

Mr.  Brogan  is  a  scholar,  not  easy  to 
read,  and  an  honest  advocate  of  democ- 
racy. As  a  historian  he  draws  from  a  rich 
background  in  discussing  Western  democ- 
racy. He  is  temperate  and  effective  in  trac- 
ing Germany's  evolution  from  a  congeries 
of  disunited  nations  to  a  united  tyranny. 
He  portrays  Germany  as  immature,  with 
hereditary  defects — a  country  which  "ex- 
alts the  irrational"  and  "elects  to  return 
to  barbarism." 

The  publishers  of  "The  German  Talks 
Back"  have  gone  to  considerable  pains  to 
justify  the  publication  of  a  book  which 
they  as  well  as  the  author  know  will  be 
distasteful  to  American  readers  both  be- 
cause of  content  and  manner  of  presenta- 
tion. The  assumption  is  that  the  book 
represents  the  attitude  of  a  majority  of  Ger- 
mans and  therefore  must  be  taken  seriously. 


Footnotes  throughout  by  Hans  J.  Morgen- 
thau  point  out  certain  inaccuracies  ot 
statement,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  American 
readers  would  be  led  astray  by  Mr.  Hauser. 

Whatever  importance  the  book  has — and 
I  for  one  hope  that  the  publishers  have 
exaggerated  Mr.  Hauser's  claim  to  speak 
for  Germany — derives  not  from  the  merit 
of  the  argument  but  simply  from  the  num- 
ber who  think  that  way.  He  disdains  to 
discuss  Germany's  case  from  the  standpoint 
of  moral  principle;  in  fact  he  appears  so 
lacking  in  understanding  of  the  part  princi- 
ple can  play  that  the  reader  is  ready  to 
take  issue  with  him  at  times  and  protest 
that  there  are  Germans  actuated  by  other 
than  selfish  and  materialistic  motives.  He 
goes  so  far  in  showing  the  base  character 
of  both  Germans  and  Americans  that  the 
human  race  becomes  despicable  and  its 
future  unimportant.  His  purpose  is  ap- 
parently to  frighten  the  democracies  into 
strengthening  Germany  as  a  .  bulwark 
against  communism.  Yes,  this,  which  is 
certainly  hackneyed,  is  the  main  conclusion 
of  the  book. 

Mr.  Brogan's  dissertation  upon  the  char- 
acteristics of  Western  democracy,  the  con- 
ditions necessary  to  its  growth,  its  capacity 
for  self-analysis  and  criticism,  its  sturdy 
adherence  to  individual  and  impersonal 
standards  of  value,  provides  ample  material 
for  the  refutation  of  much  of  Mr.  Hauser's 
special  pleading.  "The  Free  State"  is  also 
suited  to  more  constructive  purpose,  since 
here  is  real  understanding  of  how  both 
Germany  and  the  Anglo-American  democ- 
racies came  to  be  as  they  are. 
New  Yor^  City  SYDNOR  H.  WALKER 

PUBLIC  MEDICAL  CARE,  by  Franz  Gold- 
mann,  M.D.  Columbia  University  Press. 
#2.75. 

"IF    WE    COULD    FIRST    KNOW    WHERE    WE    ARE 

•and  whither  we  are  tending,  we  could 
better  judge  what  to  do  and  how  to  do 
it."  With  this  quotation  from  Abraham 
Lincoln,  Dr.  Goldmann  introduces  his 
book.  It  is  a  fitting  motto  for  what  is 
unquestionably  the  most  comprehensive  and 
most  penetrating  study  that  has  ever  ap- 
peared of  the  development  of  public  re- 
sponsibility for  medical  care  in  the  United 
States. 

Much  has  been  written  about  the  gen- 
eral topic  of  health  needs  in  this  country, 
and  much  also  about  ways  and  means  of 
meeting  these  needs.  But  in  most  of  these 
writings,  little  attention  has  been  paid  to 
the  numerous  and  complex  programs  al- 
ready in  existence,  with  all  their  virtues 
and  faults,  for  the  provision  of  medical 
services  paid  for  from  taxes  and  admin- 
istered by  governmental  agencies.  Obvious- 
ly we  can  leam  much  from  a  serious 
appraisal  of  our  present  programs  and 
practices  and  from  the  lines  of  their  his- 
torical development.  This  book  presents 
such  an  opportunity. 

The  main  chapter  headings  give  a  good 
indication  of  the  author's  skillful  approach 
to  the  mass  of  historical  and  current  ma 
terial  on  the  subject:  "The  Pattern  ol 
Progress",  "The  Growth  of  Public  Hospi 
tals",  "From  'Free  Dispensary'  to  Publii 


488 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC^ 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


Medical  Center",  "The  Development  of 
Programs  of  Public  Medical  Care  for  'Per- 
sons in  Need'  ",  "Administration  of  Public 
Medical  Care:  its  Present  Framework",  and 
"Planning  for  Medical  Care."  In  each  chap- 
ter historical  developments  are  traced,  pres- 
ent patterns  described,  general  trends  an- 
alyzed. The  hodge-podge  of  financial,  ad- 
ministrative, and  professional  responsibility 
for  the  public  medical  programs  of  today 
receives  a  much  needed  emphasis. 

The  section  on  planning  is  short  and  is 
largely  confined  to  presenting,  in  an  orderly 
and  incisive  manner,  the  issues  which  must 
be  faced  and  the  questions  which  must  be 
answered  if  we  are  to  proceed  in  any  logical 
fashion  with  improving  .  the  organization 
and  distribution  of  medical  service  in  this 
country. 

Dr.  Goldmann  writes  with  clarity  and 
grace;  it  is  a  delight  to  encounter  a  serious 
professional  study  which  is  also  highly 
readable. 

Not  all  readers  will  agree  with  the  an- 
alysis made  in  this  book  nor  with  the 
conclusions  reached.  Some  will  wish  for 
more  tables,  graphs,  statistics.  Others  may 
feel  that  some  programs  with  which  they 
are  familiar  should  have  received  greater 
attention.  A  number  may  not  accept  easily 
Dr.  Goldmann's  forthright  treatment  of 
taboo  subjects,  like  "socialized  medicine", 
"free  choice  of  physician",  and  so  on, 
which  often  are  handled  by  other  authors 
with  great  delicacy,  not  to  say  aloofness. 

But  there  will  be  few  indeed  who  will 
not  agree  that  this  is  an  exceedingly  in- 
formative and  provocative  book,  well  worth 
careful  study.  It  should  be  required  reading 
for  all  public  administrators  in  the  fields 
of  health  and  welfare,  for  social  workers, 
public  health  nurses,  and,  indeed,  for  all 
physicians,  hospital  administrators  and 
others  in  the  health  professions  who  are 
aware  of  the  public's  interest  in  better 
medical  care  and  are  searching  for  the 
means  to  provide  it. 

DEAN  A.  CLARK,  M.  D. 
Medical  Director 
Health    Insurance    Plan    of    Greater   New 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  AMERICAN 
HISTORY,  2  vols.,  by  Morris  Zucker.  The 
Arnold-Howard  Publishing  Co.  Inc.  Each 
volume,  $4.50,  set,  #8.50. 

IN   THESE   TWO   STOUT  VOLUMES    MR.   ZuCKER 

ambitiously  attempts  to  discover  history's 
laws  and  to  transform  the  historian's  craft 
from  a  humanistic  art  to  science.  History 
in  the  era  of  civilization,  Mr.  Zucker  argues, 
is  the  product  of  ineluctable  social  laws, 
casual  in  nature.  These  laws,  variously 
called  social  forces,  the  laws  of  social  mo- 
tion, arise  from  the  interactions  of  the 
three  most  important  "dependent  variables" 
in  society  operating  in  a  given  time:  the 
state,  the  economy,  and  the  ideology.  These 
three  elements  are  in  constant  flux,  but 
their  relationship  in  a  particular  historical 
era  always  produces  definite  social  forces. 
In  any  era,  according  to  Mr.  Zucker,  the 
laws  of  social  motion  are  all  derived  from 
the  social  relations  arising  from  the  char- 
acter of  private  property  in  the  means  of 
production.  In  the  era  of  capitalism  those 


forces  stem  from  the  nature  of  capitalist 
production. 

Upon  applying  his  mechanistic  "Histori- 
cal Field  Theory"  to  the  American  scene, 
Mr.  Zucker  claims  to  have  discovered  a 
special  corollary — the  "Theory  of  the  Con- 
tinuing American  Revolution."  According 
to  the  latter,  the  War  for  Independence  was 
an  inevitable  social,  people's  revolution. 
And  the  democratic  forces  that  it  let  loose 
have  continued  to  operate  and  are  working 
today,  together  with  the  inexorable  decay 
of  capitalism,  to  usher  in  a  coming  era  of 
Social  Democracy. 

Fundamentally,  the  "Historical  Field 
Theory"  is  a  Marxian,  materialist  interpre- 
tation of  history  dressed  up  in  the  language 


of  modern  science.  Mr.  Zucker  credits  Ein- 
stein's theory  of  relativity  with  having  in- 
spired his  own  concept  of  the  "Historical 
Field."  But  his  major  assumptions  are  taken 
from  Marx.  Thus,  the  state  and  the  "ideo- 
logical superstructure"  appear  as  familiar 
Marxian  categories.  The  state  is  defined  as 
the  instrument  of  the  dominant  class  "to 
preserve  the  basis  of  property  relations," 
while  all  ethical,  moral,  political,  and  jural 
concepts  become  nothing  more  than  deriva- 
tives of  the  "relations  of  production  which 
dominate  a  given  society." 

Readers  of  these  provocative  volumes  will 
find  them  written  forcefully,  and  with 
great  human  sympathy,  which  is  much 
more  than  one  might  expect  in  a  work  that 


Earning  Two  Salaries  in  Spare  Time 
Sold  Articles  and  Stories,  Thanks  to  N.I.A. 

"Since  having  received  my  certificate  from  the  N.I.A.,  I  have  been 
receiving  regular  monthly  salaries  from  a  weekly  and  city  daily 
newspaper.  Besides,  I  have  sold  several  short  articles  and  feature 
stories.  I  have  worked  under  great  difficulties,  as  I  have  had  the  care 
of  an  invalid.  Anvone  who  has  an  aptitude  (or  writing,  ooulil  do  no 
better  than  to  take  the  N.I.A.  Course." — Mrs.  Frances  E.  Brown, 
Box  161,  Arcadia,  La. 

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If  the  latter  course  is  the  one  of  your  choosing,  you  probably  never  mill  write. 
Lawyers  must  be  law  clerks.  Doctors  must  be  internes.  Engineers  must  be  draftsmen. 
We  all  know  that,  in  our  time,  the  egg  does  come  before  the  chicken. 

It  is  seldom  that  anyone  becomes  a  writer  until  he  (or  she)  has  been  writing  for  some 
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489 


How  CAN  THERE  BE  PEACE 
BETWEEN  LABOR  and  MANAGEMENT? 

Helpfully  discussed  for  executives  of  today  and  tomorrow  in — 

HUMAN  LEADERSHIP 
IN  INDUSTRY 

THE  CHALLENGE  OF  TOMORROW 

By  Sam  A.  Lewisohn 

President,  Miami  Copper  Company 

A  challenge,  a  warning  and  a  guide  to  executive  leaders  to  assume  the  full  responsi- 
bility which  is  theirs  for  improved  human  relations  in  industry.  Its  timely  message 
throws  helpful  light  on  current  labor  controversies  and  strikes  which  require  a  high 
order  of  leadership  to  settle. 

A.  M.  ROCHLEN,  Director  of  Industrial  and  Public  Relations,  Douglas  Aircraft  Com- 
pany: "A  brilliant  analysis  of  industrial  relations  by  an  eminent  authority.  Both 
Labor  and  Management  can  profit  immeasurably  by  it ..." 

ALVIN  E.  DODD,  American  Management  Association:  "Mr.  Lewisohn  has  written  with 
great  clarity  and  characteristic  simplicity  about  matters  that  are  of  enormous  impor- 
tance to  American  management  and  labor." 

GEORGE  W.  TAYLOR,  Chairman,  N+ 
ttonal  War  Labor  Board:  "All  those  who 
are  vitally  concerned  with  the  need  for 
improved  labor  relations,  and  that  in- 
cludes most  of  us,  will  secure  a  better 
understanding  about  how  to  achieve  the 
goal  from  a  reading  of  this  book." 

at  all  bookstores 


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denies  that  history  has  anything  to  do  with 
abstract  morality.  Scholars  working  in  the 
social  sciences  will  either  be  amused  or  out- 
raged by  the  numerous  acrid  references  to 
the  "professorial."  But  what  is  much  more 
important,  they  will  question  Mr.  Zucker's 
assumptions  and  find  very  serious  weak- 
nesses in  his  methods  and  conclusions.  For 
in  these  volumes,  as  in  almost  every  other 
philosophy  of  history,  the  facts  are  tailored, 
when  necessary,  to  fit  the  theory.  This  fre- 
quently results  in  extremely  doubtful  and, 
at  times,  absurd  generalizations  and  start- 
ling contradictions. 

In  the  final  analysis,  Mr.  Zucker  asks 
that  he  be  judged  not  only  by  the  validity 
of  his  analysis  of  the  past  but  by  the  suc- 
cess of  his  predictions  about  the  history  of 
the  next  two  decades.  That  is  a  fair  re- 
quest. But  I  do  not  think  that  it  will  be 
necessary  to  wait  twenty  years  to  say  that 
his  theories  have  not  quite  revolutionized 
historical  thought  as  Copernicus  did  "in 
astronomy,  Darwin  in  biology,  and  Ein- 
stein in  physics." 

OSCAR  ZEICHNER 
Instructor  in  History 
City  College,  New  Yor{ 

THE  PATTERN  OF  SOVIET  POWER,  by 
Edgar  Snow.  Random  House.  #2.75. 

If    YOU    ARE    INTERESTED    IN    THE    DIRECTION 

of  Soviet  power  in  Russian-occupied  Eu- 
rope, including  its  impact  on  postwar  Ger- 
many; if  you  have  questions  about  Soviet 
influence  in  the  Polish  settlement,  and  in 
the  "two  Chinas"  of  today,  then  you  should 


read  Edgar  Snow's  new  book,  "The  Pat- 
tern of  Soviet  Power." 

The  range  of  vital  world  questions  about 
Soviet  foreign  policy  covered  in  this  book 
is  tremendous.  I'n  addition  to  the  foregoing 
you  will  find  new  answers  to  related  issues 
of  Soviet  internal  affairs.  For  example,  how 
soon  can  the  Russians  surpass  their  pre- 
war levels  of  industrial  output?  What  hap- 
pened to  the  Communist  Party  machine 
under  the  German  occupation  of  the 
Ukraine?  What  is  being  done  in  Russia 
to  the  German  war  prisoners?  How  do 
the  Russians  feel  about  the  new  strict 
divorce  laws  designed  to  strengthen  the 
family  and  raise  the  birthrate,  the  one  sure 
means  of  replacing  the  war  dead  and  peo- 
pling the  Soviet  land's  great  empty  spaces? 

To  get  his  answers  Edgar  Snow  again 
took  a  swing  around  Soviet  Russia  in  1944. 
He  reports  on  life  under  the  Soviets  as 
they  look  forward  to  the  tomorrow  of 
peace.  And  in  looking  to  the  future,  he 
has  more  thoroughly  than  any  previous 
writer  gone  into  a  new  question  that  may 
be  asked  with  increasing  frequency  as 
Premier  Stalin  climbs  up  in  years:  Who 
among  the  high  ranking  Soviet  leaders  is 
likely  to  succeed  Stalin?  Snow's  informa- 
tion and  speculations  about  the  members  of 
the  all-powerful  Politburo  make  interesting 
and  instructive  reading. 

In  his  best-seller  "The  People  on  Our 
Side,"  Mr.  Snow  dealt  with  how  our  Rus- 
sian allies  mobilized  for  the  supreme  effort 
in  the  trying  days  of  retreat.  In  his  new 
book  he  gives  a  comprehensive  presentation 


of  what  they  think  and  of  why  they  move 
as  they  do,  facing  the  complexities  of  re- 
construction in  Europe,  and  of  allied  vic- 
tory in  the  Pacific.  There  is  much  of  value 
in  this  book,  not  the  least  of  which  is  the 
author's  inimitable  style  and  his  firm  grasp 
of  reality.  ANDREW  J.  STEIGER 

Co-author  of  "Soviet-Asia" 


SICKNESS  INSURANCE 

(Continued  from  page  484) 


cash  or  service  benefits,  the  amount  of  cash 
payments  and  the  types  and  amount  of 
medical  care  available  are  limited.  More- 
over, enrollment  restrictions  and  the  costs 
of  membership  prohibit  many  people  from 
participating  in  prepayment  plans.  Com- 
mercial companies  are  increasing  the  bene- 
fits provided  through  their  group  policies 
and  it  can  be  anticipated  that  they  will  con- 
tinue to  do  so.  The  financial  barrier  may 
be  lowered,  if  employers  continue  to  pay 
all  or  part  of  the  premiums  for  group  pol- 
icies, as  many  did  while  they  had  federal 
war  contracts. 

Further  developments  may  also  be  ex- 
pected in  prepayment  medical  care  organ- 
izations. Members  of  the  professions  pro- 
viding medical  service,  and  the  public,  have 
indicated  their  desire  for  greater  availability 
of  medical  services  and  for  arrangements  to 
protect  people  against  unexpected  medical 
bills  while  assuring  adequate  remuneration 
to  the  professions  and  institutions  providing 
the  service.  There  are  differences  of  opinion 
only  on  the  methods  to  be  used  in  pro- 
viding the  protection,  and  these  are  chiefly 
centered  on  whether  it  should  be  done  on 
a  voluntary  or  compulsory  basis. 

A  recent  "Constructive  Program  for 
Medical  Care,"  adopted  by  the  American 
Medical  Association,  recommends  that  hos- 
pital and  medical  care  insurance  should  be 
extended  on  a  voluntary  basis. 

The  nursing  profession,  through  joint 
action  of  the  American  Nursing  Association 
and  the  National  Organization  for  Public 
Health  Nursing,  has  gone  on  record  as 
favoring  the  expansion  of  prepayment 
health  insurance  plans  with  provision  for 
nursing  service,  including  nursing  care  in 
the  home.  It  has  also  expressed  the  belief 
that  in  addition  to  voluntary  effort,  govern- 
ment assistance  is  necessary  for  attaining 
adequate  distribution  of  health  services. 

Early  in  1945,  the  Council  on  Dental 
Health  of  the  American  Dental  Association 
recommended  the  inauguration  of  experi- 
mental dental  service  prepayment  plans 
under  the  direction  or  supervision  of  com- 
ponent dental  societies. 

The  American  people  themselves,  through 
public  opinion  polls,  have  also  expressed 
their  opinion  on  health  insurance.  Accord- 
ing to  George  Gallup,  59  percent  of  the 
people  polled  wanted  an  extension  of  social 
security  laws  to  cover  medical  care  and  75 
to  85  percent  wanted  an  easier  method  of 
paying  doctors'  bills.  Surveys  sponsored  by 
opponents  of  federal  health  insurance  as 
well  as  by  persons  favorable  to  a  national 
plan  have  both  indicated  that  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  public  is  interested  in  health 
insurance. 


490 


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FROM  THE  RUBBLE  UP 

(Continued  from  page  479) 


You  will  notice  the  Number  1  item  listed 
for  production  by  the  Berlin  Metal  Work- 
ers is  a  light  plough  "which  if  necessary 
could  be  drawn  by  human  power."  Or  you 
will  come  upon  a  report  describing  how 
one  of  the  several  overland  power  lines, 
formerly  supplying  Berlin,  is  in  process  of 
being  pieced  out  by  lengths  of  insulated 
cables  from  other  lines  which  are  beyond 
repair.  The  chairman  of  this  conference, 
Leo  Skrzypcsinski,  is  chief  German  Eco- 
nomic Administrator  in  the  Russian  zone 
and  likely  to  be  a  key  man  in  any  central 
administration  of  Occupied  Germany. 

It  has  been  said  that  German  industries 
grew  under  the  bombardments,  that  their 
present  potential  is  higher  than  before  the 
war,  that  one  after  another  chimneys  are 
beginning  to  smoke.  But  this  is  irrespons- 
,  ible  talk.  The  real  balance  sheet  as  I  have 
analyzed  and  compared  diverse  sources 
looks  more  like  this: — 

— At  least  25  percent  of  industrial  ca- 
pacity was  irreparably  destroyed  by 
bombing. 

—There  has  been  much  wartime  deteri- 
oration of  machinery  in  the  remaining 
75  percent. 

— Perhaps  half  of  this  remainder  has 
since  been  "removed"  by  occupying 
powers. 

—Technical  capacity  has  been  diminished 
through  the  "removal"  of  scientific  in- 
stitutes coupled  with  confiscation  of  in- 
ventions and  technological  processes. 
— There  is  the  coal  deficit. 
— Air  losses  among  civilians  were  high- 
est for  industrial  workers. 
— Vast  numbers  of  skilled  German  crafts- 
men, war  prisoners  in  France,  Belgium 
and  Russia,  are  now  working  at  en- 
forced labor. 

—The  surviving  population  has  been  in- 
creased by  evacuees,  but  its  productiv- 
ity  has   deteriorated — through   malnu- 
trition, lack  of  shelter,  and  the  dislo- 
cation   of    normal    living.    There    are 
unnumbered  crippled  and  sick. 
The  acute  temporary  problem  of  under- 
production thus  merges  into  a  serious  long 
run  problem  of  under-capacity  to  feed  60 
odd  million  people,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  meet  occupational  costs  for  an  indefinite 
period  and  reparations  in  kind  in  the  West 
in  addition  to  those  exacted  in  the  East. 

Unsettled  Requests 

This,  then,  is  the  background  of  the 
difficulties  confronting  the  Allies  in  imple- 
menting the  hope-charged  Potsdam  prom- 
ise to  the  German  people  of  "opportunity 
to  prepare  for  the  eventual  reconstruction 
of  their  life  on  a  democratic  and  peaceful 
basis."  I  am  convinced  that  the  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  British,  American,  and 
Russian  people  intend  to  fulfill  this  inten- 
tion of  their  leaders.  But  there  is  no  deny- 
ing the  tremendous  difficulties  in  the  way. 

No  one  knows  them  better  than  Russell 


alities  in  the  New  Yor^  Herald  Tribune. 
Of  three  choices  open  to  the  Allies,  he 
essentially  discards  the  second  as  outrage- 
ous; th«  third  as  stupid.  Is  he  over-optimis- 
tic in  feeling  that  the  first  and  remaining 
choice  is  still  open  to  the  Allies — that  is, 
to  leave  Germany  with  enough  industries 
to  assure  self-support?  [See  page  478.] 

In  addition  to  the  massive  Russian  in- 
dustrial "removals"  in  the  East,  there  are 
what  are  termed  "unsettled  requests" — 
which  may  balk  even  emergency  moves. 
First  among  them  comes  the  list  of  forty 
of  the  biggest  industrial  plants  in  the  West 
which  the  Soviet  Union  has  repeatedly  pre- 
sented.* The  AMG  has  announced  the 
release  of  the  first  of  twelve  factories  by 
the  Americans;  the  British  MG,  the  first 
of  fourteen.  The  American  list  includes  two 
machine  tool  and  two  automotive  plants, 
and  the  British  list  includes  not  only  the 
world  famous  Krupp  Works  in  Essen  but 
the  Blohm  and  Voss  Shipyards  in  Ham- 
burg, largest  in  Germany'  and  Europe,  and 
also  some  of  the  chief  chemical  plants,  ma- 
chinery works  and  machine  tool  plants. 
'  All  of  these  establishments  were  con- 
verted by  the  Hitler  regime  into  war  in- 
dustries. All  of  them  are  reconvertible  now 
to  peace  industries.  Even  the  Krupp  Works 
(standard  war  factory  of  Germany  in  1918) 
was  employed  throughout  the  first  decade 
of  the  Weimar  Republic  in  civilian  pro- 
duction. Blohm  and  Voss  was  a  shipyard 
for  rebuilding  the  German  merchant  ma- 
rine. Convertibility,  therefore,  cannot  be 
the  sole  criterion.  Even  the  clock  industries 
in  the  Black  Forest,  says  Lord  Vansittart, 
produced  fuses  during  World  War  II. 
Toothbrush  factories  turned  out  machine 
gun  shells. 

Through  it  all,  the  Allied  experts,  on 
the  one  hand,  have  to  weigh  security  fac- 
tors in  the  claims  of  victorious  and  liber- 
ated nations  for  reparations  in  kind;  on 
the  other  hand,  they  confront  the  need  of 
the  defeated  to  make  a  living. 

Rhine-land  and  Ruhr 

To  my  mind,  the  most  serious  threat  to 
any  "eventual  reconstruction"  of  a  self- 
sustaining  German  economy  on  a  "demo- 
cratic and  peaceful  basis"  is  the  pressure 
to  match  in  the  West  'the  dismemberment 
already  carried  out  in  the  East. 

Twice  invaded  from  the  Reich  since  the 
turn  of  the  century,  the  French  naturally 
fear  future  aggression  from  that  same  quar- 
ter— all  the  more  because  in  this  war  Ger- 
many has  been  so  overwhelmingly  balked 
in  the  opposite  direction  by  Soviet  Russia. 
"No  French  government  could  survive  if 
it  agreed  to  a  German  government  em- 
powered to  give  orders  in  the  West  in 
towns  that  were  never  Prussian,  while  it 


*  The  recent  three-day  conference  in  the  Russian 
zone,  mentioned  earlier,  may  prove  a  turning  point 
of  great  importance.  To  quote  Russell  Hill's  report 
in  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune:  "One  of  the  most 
important  subjects  discussed  was  industrial  produc- 
tion. Zhukov  announced  that  the  Soviet  Union  has 
now  removed  all  the  capital  equipment  it  wants  for 
reparations  from  this  zone  and  that  whatever  is  left 
will  remain.  He  said  further  that  some  of  the  dis- 
mantled plants  will  be  restored,  although  production 
from  these  factories  will  go  to  Russia  as  repara- 
tions." Judgment  as  to  these  announced  changes,  as 
well  as  more  favorable  present  production  figures  in 
Saxony  and  Thuringia  must  await  further  reports. 


OCIALISM 


achieved  by  the 
people  banding 
together  in  the 
trade  unions,  cooperative  so- 
cieties, and  a  political  party," 
writes  John  Strachey. 

Here  are  the  ideas  and  aims 
of  the  British  Labor  Move- 
ment presented  by  the  new 
Assistant  Secretary  of  Avia- 
tion in  the  Atlee  Cabinet. 


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could  not  do  so  in  towns  that  are  Prussian 
— Koenigsberg,  Stettin,  Danzig,  Breslau." 
The  words  are  those  of  Foreign  Minister 
George  Bidault  on  November  4,  immediate- 
ly after  the  French  elections,  outlining  the 
program  of  the  Movement  Republican 
Populaire,  the  strongest  party  in  the  new 
Constituent  Assembly. 

The  consistent  demand  of  the  French 
government  ever  since  Potsdam  for  the 
detachment  of  the  Rhineland  and  the  Ruhr 
has  been  one  of  the  chief  obstacles  to 
quadripartite  cooperation  in  Germany.  Be- 
cause of  their  "unwillingness,"  General 
Eisenhower's  last  report  said,  "no  real 
progress  was  made  towards  the  creation  of 
the  five  central  German  agencies  proposed." 
He  was  seconded  by  Marshal  Montgomery. 

The  situation  has  been  made  even  more 
complicated  by  the  Russians.  They  had  sys- 
tematically opposed  internationalization  of 
the  Ruhr  (controlled  by  the  French  bloc), 
but  were  reported  by  John  Reston  in  The 
New  Yort^  Times  (October  28)  as  favoring 
it  now — with  Germany  and  Russia  partici- 
pating in  the  control.  Marshal  Stalin  told 
Senator  Pepper  on  September  30:  "We 
must  take  away  from  Germany  the  power 
to  wage  war  in  the  future.  If  that  is  to  be 
done,  the  Ruhr  must  be  taken  away  from 
Germany,  because  it  was  the  Ruhr  that 
furnished  Germany  a  major-  part  of  its 
power  to  wage  war." 

In  his  recent  book,  former  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  Morgenthau  put  it  thus:  "The 
coal  cannot  be  taken  away  from  the  Ruhr 
...  so  the  Ruhr  should  be  taken  away 
from  Germany  ...  in  fact  no  German 
should  be  left  in  the  Ruhr  at  all."  There 
have  been  other  American  spokesmen  who 
rejected  the  proposal.  Thus,  Alfred  M.  Lan- 
don,  Republican  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1936,  called  it  "vindictive  and 
imperialistic  .  .  .  ghastly  and  insane."* 

There  are  further-  territorial  demands 
which  would  involve  more  industrial  set- 
backs for  a  new  Germany — those  of  the 


ir- 

I 


to  the  western  border,  as  to  the  "industrial 
level"  that  is  to  be  left  to  Germany  in 
terms  of  plants  and  tools,  fuel  and  raw 
materials,  and  as  to  the  minimum  stand- 
ards of  living  envisaged  by  the  Potsdam 
agreement.  It  is  reported  that  there  is  still 
a  wide  gulf  between  British,  American, 
and  Russian  figures. 

Thus,  in  steel  capacity  to  be  left  intact, 
the  Russians  are  said  to  prescribe  three 
million  tons,  the  Americans  seven  million, 
the  British  ten — the  average  after  the  last 
war  and  before  Hitler  lifted  it  to  twenty- 
three  in  the  Nazi  rearmament  drive.  Clear- 
ly, there  will  be  emergent  need  for  steel  i 
reconstruction  is  to  get  under  way.  WhiL 
it  may  be  disputed  how  many  industri 
are  irreparably  lost,  there  cannot  be  dii 
pute  about  the  centers  of  German  cities 
and  towns  that  are  rubble  heaps. 

AMG  plans — as  conceived  last  summer 
before  the  extent  of  industrial  removals  in 
the  Eastern  zone  were  fully  known — were 
based,  we  are  told,  on  cutting  down  iron 
and  steel  production  to  some  50  percent  of 
prewar  use,  and  eliminating  the  greater 
part  of  the  synthetic  industries  (except  for 
the  production  of  fibers).  A  report  from 
Frankfurt-am-Main  carried  by  The  New 
Yor^  Times  in  August,  listed  plants  slated 
for  complete  dismantling  and  removal  in 
the  production  of  "locomotives,  except  for 
minimum  •  domestic  requirements;  heavy 
steel  forgings  and  castings;  machine  tools 
weighing  more  than  20  tons;  large  central 
station  power  generating  and  distributing 
units;  heavy  tractors,  trucks  and  passenger 
cars;  all  high  temperature  and  high  pres- 
sure equipment  essential  to  the  manufac- 
ture of  synthetic  material."  In  addition— 
"facilities  beyond  those  necessary  for  mini- 
mum German  requirement  in  the  non- 
ferrous  metals,  mining  and  electrical  power 
industries." 

There  are  indications  that  production 
difficulties  have  modified  American  atti- 
tudes since.  Witness  the  Calvin  Hoover  re- 


Dutch  for  a  border  district  in  compensa-  port  to  the  AMG  (see  my  earlier  article, 
tion  for  areas  flooded  by  Nazi  armies;  those  Survey  Graphic  tor  October).  Debates  going 
of  the  French  for  the  left  bank  of  the  forward  about  the  "level  of  industry"  :- 


Rhine  and  the  Saar;  additional  claims  by 
the  Czechs. 

Reparations  and  Revival 

These  are  distinct  from  demands  for 
reparations  in  kind  put  before  the  Paris 
Reparations  Conference — those  of  Norway 
for  example,  as  high  as  four  billion  dollars; 
France,  80  billion.  The  total,  East  and 
West,  runs  above  the  trillion  mark — a  bill 
far  beyond  anything  postwar  Germany  can 
meet  in  any  calculable  period.  While  the 
U.S.A.  and  Great  Britain  may  be  satisfied 
with  the  confiscation  of  German  assets  and 
patents  abroad,  the  smaller  countries  can- 
not and  will  not  be  magnanimous  in  the 
light  of  the  war  damages  inflicted  on  them 
by  the  Nazi  campaigns  and  occupations. 

This  gives  outside  as  well  as  inside 
urgency  to  early  and  definite  decisions  as 

*  Returning  in  raid-November  from  an  eight-week 
personal  investigation  in  Germany  for  President  Tru- 
man, Byron  Price,  wartime  director  of  censorship, 
was  outspoken  against  further  dismemberments.  He 
backed  the  plan  to  set  up  a  central  German  admin- 
istration, recommending  the  fullest  exercise  of  diplo- 
matic means  to  break  the  deadlock. 


in 

general,  about  "export  and  import  plans," 
and  so  on,  are  of  tremendous  importance 
for  the  future  but  largely  academic  for  the 
present.  "No  matter  what  policy  decisions 
are  taken,"  to  Russell  Hill's  mind,  condi- 
tions in  Germany  are  such  that  maximum 
standards  of  living  envisaged  at  Potsdam 
"could  not  in  any  case  be  reached  for  many 
years."  From  an  opposite  angle  have  coi 
accusations  of  failure  of  the  Western  gov 
ernments  to  abide  by  Potsdam  decisions — 
in  Russian  propaganda,  statements  by  Lord 
Vansittart  and  by  an  emotional  section  of 
the  American  press. 

To  help  readers  clarify  their  minds  in 
the  face  of  the  daily  barrage  of  discussion, 
let  me  quote  from  three  sources  that,  to 
my  mind  have  insight  and  competence: 

From  the  editorial  page  of  The  Times, 
London,  October  25:  "The  extreme  gravity 
of  the  situation  is  that  Germany  even  with- 
in the  more  favorable  limits  likely  to  be 
assigned  to  her  cannot  possibly  be  self- 
supporting  in  food.  In  order  to  purchase 


492 


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tood  from  abroad  and  cease  to  be  a  burden 
on  chanty,  she  must  have  a  substantial 
volume  of  exports;  and  therefore  a  large 
and  productive  industry.  Germany  cannot 
maintain  anything  like  the  whole  even  of 
her  reduced  population  from  the  land,  and 
must  find  industrial  employment  for  a 
large  number  ...  if  they  are  not  to  starve. 

"In  this  light  the  greatest  shortcoming 
of  Allied  policy  in  Germany  is  revealed  in 
General  Eisenhower's  report  as  the  absence 
of  any  concerted  measures  to  encourage  the 
reestablishment  in  Germany  of  a  peacetime 
industry  to  replace  the  war  production 
which  had  played  so  prominent  and  so 
pernicious  a  part  in  modern  German  econ- 
omy. That  Germany  should  produce  is  not 
purely  a  German  interest  .  .  .  the  point 
can  be  reached  and  perhaps  has  already 
been  reached  where  such  a  policy  may  ap- 
proximate closely  to  cutting  off  one's  nose 
to  spite  one's  face." 

"...  the  breakdown  is  already  a  fact. 
A  policy  of  confiscating  the  tools  of  Ger- 
many and  further  transfers  may  endanger 
the  whole  of  Europe." 

From  General  Eisenhower:  (The  state- 
ment to  which  the  London  Times  refers 
is  to  be  found  in  the  section  on  "General 
Economic  Conditions"  of  his  September 
report  released  on  October  15.)  "The  final 
determination  of  an  allowable  standard  of 
living  for  the  German  people  has  not  been 
made;  but  it  is  apparent  that  what  will  be 
available  to  them  in  the  near  future  will 
remain  below  any  standard  we  would  wish 
to  impose. 

"Therefore,  our  short  term  objective  is  to 
remove  unnecessary  restrictions  and  to  stim- 
ulate the  Germany  economy  so  that  it  will 
not  be  necessary  for  more  than  the  mini- 
mum assistance  to  be  given  from  outside 
Germany. 

"On  a  somewhat  longer  term  view,  the 
removal  of  German  productive  potential 
by  reason  of  reparations  will  be  sufficient 
to  prevent  any  resurgence  of  the  German 
economy  for  a  long  time  to  come." 

From  a  Memorandum  of  the  National 
Engineers  Committee  (representing  Amer- 
can  societies  of  civil,  mining,  metallurgical, 
mechanical,  electrical  and  chemical  engi- 
neers): "Elimination  of  German  industries, 
leaving  agriculture  as  the  sole  occupation, 
would  produce  an  economic  dislocation  and 
social  chaos  of  destructive  magnitude  not 
only  in  Germany  but  throughout  Europe. 
Furthermore,  severe  restrictions  of  this  na- 
ture probably  would  be  repudiated  by 
world  public  opinion  in  a  relatively  short 
time  resulting  in  a  repetition  of  the  after- 
math of  World  War  I." 

"The  present  danger  is  not  a  revival  of 
German  power  of  aggression,"  says  the 
'London  Times,  "but  a  splitting  up  of  Ger- 
many into  sectors  which  will  become  pawns 
in  a  game  of  rivalry  between  the  victorious 
powers." 

What  assurance  is  there  of  a  constructive 
alternative?  What  is  the  democratic  po- 
tential of  the  German  people  which  the 
American  public  has  been  told,  again  and 
again,  hardly  exists?  I  will  try  to  answer 
these  questions  in  a  third  and  concluding 
article. 


COUNSELING  METHODS 
FOR  PERSONNEL  WORKERS 

By  Annette  Garrett 

Smith  College  School  for  Social  Work 

Counseling  and  Human  Behavior.  Basic  Counseling  Methods.  Specific  Counseling  Prob- 
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49 « 


FIGHTING  AGAINST  TIME 

(Continued  from  page  475) 


BY   FRENCH  BOOTSTRAPS 

(Continued  from  page  476)  ' 


American  army  and  navy  surpluses  which 
are  immediately  available  for  use  both  here 
and  overseas. 

Now  the  American  taxpayer  has  already 
bought  these  military  stocks  as  part  of  the 
war  effort.  With  their  repurchase  by 
UNRRA,  the  United  States  government's 
account  will  be  credited  accordingly.  That 
is,  purchases  which  the  American  taxpayer 
has  already  made  in  any  case  will  be  used 
to  meet  our  UNRRA  commitment.  And 
may  I  also  point  out  that  it  is  better  for 
the  domestic  economy  of  the  United  States 
if  UNRRA  buys  up  large  amounts  of  mili- 
tary surpluses,  rather  than  have  them 
dumped  in  American  laps  at  the  very  time 
when  our  manufacturers  are  busy  making 
plans  for  postwar  production. 

What  We  Are  Fighting  For 

Through  it  all,  UNRRA  fights  against 
more  than  starvation  and  epidemic.  There 
are  other  grim  dangers  which  follow  in  the 
wake  of  famine  and  pestilence.  Hungry 
men  are  desperate  men,  especially  when 
their  children  are  also  hungry.  The  men  of 
Europe  and  the  Far  East  have  fought 
against  the  enemy — in  armies  and  in  the 
underground.  They  did  not  make  such 
sacrifices,  during  the  war,  to  die  by  star- 
vation in  peacetime.  Let  us  remember  that 
it  was  we  in  the  United  Nations  who  asked 
them  to  blow  up  their  bridges,  to  wreck 
their  railroad  tracks  and  rolling  stock,  to 
burn  their  crops  and  sabotage  their  factory 
machinery.  For  by  this  means  they  could 
hasten  victory  for  us  and  shorten  the  war 
for  all. 

If  hunger  and  epidemic  continue  in 
Europe  and  the-  Far  East,  no  one  can  fore- 
see the  political  and  economic  reaction. 
The  international  scene  is  already  compli- 
cated enough  without  courting  a  new  tide 
of  social  disaster. 

More — in  his  recent  Navy  Day  speech  on 
foreign  policy — President  Truman  warned 
against  "a  loss  of  faith  in  the  effectiveness 
of  international  cooperation"  and  added 
that  in  an  atomic  age  this  "would  be 
nothing  short  of  disaster."  UNRRA  is  the 
first  concrete  example  of  United  Nations 
cooperation;  the  only  one  equipped  at  pres- 
ent for  practical  action.  If  it  were  now 
abandoned,  this  would  register  more  dra- 
matically than  anything  else  that  loss  of 
faith  of  which  President  Truman  warned. 

In  short,  UNRRA  not  only  represents 
the  finest  practical  expression  of  humani- 
tarianism  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  and  the  other  United  Na- 
tions. It  not  only  represents,  at  the  same 
time,  enlightened  self-interest  on  our  part — 
in  overcoming  famine,  epidemic,  and  so- 
cial unrest  in  war  stricken  Europe  and 
Asia  so  that  they  may  again  stand  on  their 
own  feet.  UNRRA  today  represents  a  chal- 
lenge— to  decide  whether  that  same  spirit 
of  international  cooperation,  which  made 
military  victory  possible,  will  continue  to 
bind  the  nations  together  to  meet  and  mas- 
ter the  problems  of  peace. 


clothes  in  the  freezing  rain  and  wind,  are 
putting  in  on  the  farms  and  in  the  beet 
fields — these  things  just  do  something  to 
you. 

ILO's  New  World  Committees 

During  the  opening  days  of  the  Paris 
meeting,  I  asked  various  delegates  what 
they  considered  the  most  important  issue 
to  be  brought  before  the  Conference.  Re- 
plies varied  from  "Adopting  the  Children's 
Charter"  to  "Amending  the  Constitution  to 
make  sure  Russia  will  come  in."  Cutting 
across  every  special  field  of  interest,  how- 
ever, was  the  common  concern  over  restor- 
ing to  activity  the  paralyzed  industrial  and 
economic  functions  of  Europe.  Production, 
and  more  production,  of  food,  clothing, 
coal,  shelter — this  was  the  subject  to  which 
everyone  quickly  turned. 

The  ILO's  newly  established  worldwide 
industrial  committees  were  therefore  hailed 
as  a  vitally  significant  step  toward  this  end. 
One  delegate,  who  is  a  member  of  the  .Gov- 
erning Body,  told  me  they  had  never  had 
such  thorough  agreement  on  a  course  of 
action.  M.  Parodi,  the  French  Minister  of 
Labor,  made  special  reference  to  their  po- 
tentialities in  his  presidential  address.  He 
said:  "Your  conference,  the  first  to  be  held 
since  the  peace  and  in  a  peace  which  we 
have  barely  won — has  an  immense  task  but 
also  certain  solid  bases. . . .  Thanks  to  its  long 
technical  experience  and  using  to  the  best 
advantage  the  international  industrial  com- 
mittees which  the  Organization  has  re- 
cently created  and  which  can  be,  if  we 
wish,  efficient  tools  to  examine  with  clarity 
a  difficult  and  new  situation,  the  ILO  can 
contribute  in  a  large  measure  to  showing 
the  peoples  the  way  of  organized  peace." 

To  M.  Parodi's  mind,  the  tripartite  struc- 
ture of  the  Conference,  composed  as  it  is  of 
representatives  of  government,  employers 
and  labor,  constitutes  its  "originality  and 
vitality."  The  new  committees,  which  also 
are  tripartite,  will  move  into  action  in  the 
near  future.  They  cover  coal  mining, 
inland  transport,  textiles,  iron  and  steel,  the 
metal  trades,  petroleum  products,  civil  en- 
gineering, and  public  works.  Two  of  them, 
on  coal  mining  and  inland  transport,  are 
meeting  in  London  in  December. 

At  the  close  of  the  session,  as  at  the  be- 
ginning, my  feeling  was  that  no  other  meet- 
ing place  could  have  better  contributed  to 
the  success  of  the  conference  than  Paris. 
Those  who  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
know  and  love  the  Sorbonne  in  other  days 
must  have  felt  that  to  gather  there  was  the 
rarest  of  homecomings.  Those  who,  like 
myself,  were  experiencing  its  inimitable 
quality  for  the  first  time,  felt  increasingly 
each  day  that  all  the  best  of  its  great  past 
was  silently  but  powerfully  present.  That 
seemed  to  enfold  our  efforts  to  bring  nearer 
to  realization  those  freedoms  and  human 
equalities  which  the  "immortals"  of  the 
Sorbonne  had  long  since  visioned  and  de- 
fined with  a  clarity  unsurpassed  by  the  pro- 
nouncements or  programs  of  today. 


THE  BOOKSHELF 


•*V»v 

•i  .i*\m  i 

iiikvill! 


!Kii-wii!i  f 


CREATIVE  CROUP  EDUCATION 
S.   R.  Slavson 


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Official  Journal  of  tile  American  Sociological  Society. 
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FOREIGN  BOOKS 

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"POWHATAN"  INDIAN  PIPE 

SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO..  Richmond,  Virginia. 

FROM  AN  ADVERTISER 


October  5,  1945 

" You  rmght  be  interested  to 

know  that  from  an  advertisement  we  inserted 
in  the  July  issues  of  the  Survey,  we  secured 
cne  children's  case  worker  and  stand  a  fair 
chance  to  get  another.  Any  device  that 
yields  even  one  worker  these  days  is  some- 
thing to  write  about." 

An    Advertiser 


(In  answering  advertisements  please   mention   SURVEY   GRAPHIC,) 


494 


SURVEY     GRAPHIC 


WORKERS    WANTED 


POSITIONS  OPEN  IN  ALASKA 
ALASKA  DEPARTMENT   OF   PUBLIC 

WELFARE 

DISTRICT  WORKERS- 
SOCIAL  SERVICE  WORKERS 


pply:    Alaska    Merit    System,    Box    201,    Juneau, 
laska,    via    airmail,    supplying    minimum    qualifica- 
ions. 


A 

A 
tions. 

There  are  positions  open  at  the  present  time  for  two 
District  Workers  and  two  Social  Service  Workers. 

District  Worker:  salary  range—  $250  to  $280  per 
month  ;  appointments  at  the  minimum  ;  minimum  re- 
quirements —  college,  4  years)  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Public 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare;  experience  —  three  years  in 
the  past  six  years  of  social  work,  one  year  of  which 
must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare,  one  year  in  Public 
Assistance  and  one  year  in  a  supervisory  capacity. 

Social  Service  Worker:  salary  range  —  $225  to  $255 
per  month;  appointments  at  the  minimum;  minimum 
requirements  —  college,  4  years;  graduate  study,  1 
year  at  recognized  school  of  social  work  which  must 
have  included  courses  in  Child  Welfare  and  Public 
Welfare  administration  and  supervised  field  work  in 
child  and  family  welfare  ;  experience  —  two  years  in 
the  past  five  years  in  social  work,  one  year  of 
which  must  have  been  in  Child  Welfare  and  one 
year  in  Public  Assistance. 


MANAGING  EDITOR.  Distinguished  magazine 
specializing  in  social-economic  articles.  8236 
Survey. 


SUPERVISOR,  professionally  trained  and  experi- 
enced, to  have  charge  of  a  family  service  depart- 
ment in  multiple  service  Jewish  case  work  agency. 
Responsibilities  include  supervision  of  workers  and 
students,  administration  of  unit  and  community 
committee  work.  Salary  range  $2700  to  $3800. 
8215  Survey. 


CASE  WORKERS.  Two,  professionally  qualified, 
by  Jewish  Family  and  Children's  Agency  offering 
good  supervision  and  special  interest  assignments. 
Classifications  Case  Worker  I  and  Case  Worker 
II  provide  excellent  salary  range.  8210  Survey. 

CATHOLIC  Family  and  Child  Care  Casework 
Agency  needs  graduate  social  worker.  Oppor- 
tunity for  advancement.  Good  salary,  according 
to  training  and  experience.  Catholic  Charities, 
418  N.  Twenty-fifth  St.,  Omaha,  Nebraska. 

HEADWORKER  wanted,  man  preferred,  for  small 
settlement  house  in  Philadelphia,  operated  by  a 
Protestant  Church.  Enrollment  approximately  300. 
Applicant  should  have  experience  in  operating 
summer  camp.  Address  Karl  Rtigart,  26  S.  20th 
Street.  Philadelphia  3. 

WANTED:  Case  Worker  with  training  for  Family 
and  Child  Care  Agency.  To  do  boarding  home  and 
adoption  work.  Catholic  Charitable  Bureau,  224 
Washington  Avenue,  Bridgeport,  Connecticut. 

WANTED:  Trained  Social  Worker  with  institu- 
tional experience.  Write  to  Mrs.  Thomas  Lynch, 
Westmoreland  Children's  Aid  Society,  Greensburg, 
Pa. 

NATIONAL  SECRETARY  FOR  DEPARTMENT 
OF  ORGANIZATION.  Leading  Jewish  liberal 
organization  seeks  highly  qualified  man  to  execute 
present  plans  for  expanded  chapter  activity 
throughout  the  country.  Background  in  organiza- 
tional work  and  Jewish  life,  desirable.  Excellent 
salary.  Full  details  in  first  letter.  8256  Survey. 

EXPERIENCED  PROGRAM  DIRECTOR  for 
Adult  Activities  in  association  developing  new  and 
different  adult  program.  Challenging  joh,  inter- 
esting colleagues,  salary  $2.000.  Write  Executive 
Director,  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  Ninth  &  High  Streets, 
Des  Moines  9,  Iowa. 

TRAINED,  experienced  children's  caseworker 
Yakima  branch,  Washington  Children's  Home  So- 
ciety, serving  five  scenic,  central  counties.  Agency 
provides  automobile.  Starting  salary  $2280  to 
$2520,  depending  on  qualifications.  Travel  ex- 
penses will  be  paid  to  Yakima.  Opportunity  for 
worker  with  initiative  in  a  progressive  private 
children's  placement  agency.  Address  inquiries  to 
Box  90,  University  Station,  Seattle  5,  Washington. 

CASE  WORKER  for  Private  Agency.  Suburb  of 
Chicago.  Excellent  opportunity.  Good  salary. 
Educational  possibilities.  Lutheran  Child  Welfare 
Association,  Addison,  Illinois. 

TRAINED  CASE  WORKER  for  well  established 
agency  with  progressive  standards  in  Central  New 
York  city  of  100,000.  Excellent  opportunity  _  for 
intensive  case  work  in  general  family  relation- 
ships, youth  problems  ana  with  unmarried  moth- 
ers. Permanent  position,  immediate  opening.  Ref- 
erences exchanged.  8255  Survey. 

WANTED:  ASSISTANT  DIRECTOR  in  large 
Hospital  Social  Service  Department.  Give  full 
details  including  background  of  training  and  ex- 
perience. 8260  Survey. 


WORKERS    WANTED 


WANTED 
TOP   FLIGHT  CAMP   EXECUTIVE 

With    proven    successful    experience    to    serve    as 
Operational   Director  of  a  group  of 

ORGANIZATION   CAMPS 
(or  Boys  and  Girls  In  New  England 
Must  have  highest  type  of  character,  experience  and 
ability.     Year    round    direction    of    business,    opera- 
tions, program  and  expansion. 

Apply   8252   SURVEY. 


BOYS'  CLUB  MANAGER 

Man  of  excellent  character  and 

Proven  Executive  Ability 

in  Boys'  Club  Field  for  large  established  Boys' 
Club  in  New  England.  Must  have  complete 
technical  knowledge  of  program  and  operation. 
Write  Box  82S4  Survey. 


Opportunities  Available 

WANTED — (a)  Intake  worker  to  join  social  work 
staff  in  new  position  created  by  development  of 
clinic  specializing  in  neurological  and  psychiatric 
cases;  organization  has  teaching  affiliations;  $200 
to  $300 ;  Middle  West,  (b)  Social  worker  to  es- 
tablish and  direct  department;  200-bed  hospital, 
Pennsylvania.  (c)  Health  educator  or  social 
worker  to  take  charge  of  family  relations  depart- 
ment ;  Department  of  Health  large  city  in  the 
Southwest;  would  work  closely  with  the  school 
board;  immediately,  (d)  Psychiatric  social  worker 
experienced  in  psychiatry  or  child  guidance  work; 
new  clinic  operated  by  university ;  duties  include 
serving  as  admission  officer;  beach  resort  city  of 
the  West;  $2100-$2400.  SGI  1-1,  The  Medical 
Bureau  (Burneice  Larson,  Director),  Palmolive 
Building,  Chicago,  III. 


WANTED 
pa 


NTED  by  the  Children's  Division  of  the  De- 
artment of  Welfare  of  Baltimore  —  Case  Workers 
ith  professional  training  or  experience  in  child 
placing.  Unusual  opportunity  to  work  under 
well  qualified  supervisors  in  an  agency  with  good 
standards  in  child  care.  Reply  to  Miss  Esther 
Lazarus,  Assistant  Director,  327  St.  Paul  Place, 
Baltimore  2,  Maryland. 


CASE  WORKER  Catholic  Agency  with  broad 
family  and  Children's  program.  Salary  commen- 
surate with  training  and  experience.  8251  Survey. 


CHILD  PLACING  AGENCY  wants  professionally 
trained  child  welfare  caseworker.  Salary  range 
$1,950.  to  $2,450.  Write  Miss  Marie  Jester, 
Executive  Secretary,  Hampden  County  Children's 
Aid  Association,  Springfield,  Massachusetts. 


IMMEDIATELY  NEEDED  in  connection  with 
Southeastern  Branch  of  the  Children's  Home  So- 
ciety of  Florida  at  Miami,  2  trained,  experienced, 
capable  Senior  Case  Workers  and  1  Junior  Case 
Worker.  Must  be  persons  of  unquestioned  good 
health,  character  and  habits,  and  able  to  furnish 
references.  Good  salary,  permanent  employment 
and  an  opportunity  to  do  a  real  Case  Work  job 
with  a  State-wide,  non-sectarian  Child  Placing 
Agency.  Apply  to:  403  Consolidated  Building, 
Jacksonville,  Florida. 


TWO  TRAINED  CASEWORKERS,  experienced 
in  the  child  placing  field ;  one  replacement  for 
homefinding  and  supervision  of  children  in  board- 
ing homes  and  one  for  new  position  in  state  wide 
adoption  program.  Iowa  Children's  Home  Society, 
209  Davidson  Building,  Des  Moines  9,  Iowa. 


QUALIFIED  CASE  WORKERS  with'  or  without 
experience  for  day  nursery  and  family  work. 
Forty-five  minutes  from  New  York  City.  Pre- 
vailing salaries.  Psychiatric  consultation  service. 
The  Bureau  of  Family  Service,  439  Main  Street, 
Orange,  N.  J. 


CASE  WORKER  for  position  with  child  placing 
agency  offering  boarding  care  and  placements  for 
adoption.  Liberal  salary.  Apply-^-Children's  Bu- 
reau, 400  West  Hill  Avenue,  Knoxville  42,  Tenn 


WANTED:  Home  Service  Case  Workers  with 
training  and  experience  for  work  with  the  Armed 
Forces,  ex-servicemen  and  their  dependents.  Apply 
Fresno  County  Chapter,  American  Red  Cross, 
2823  Fresno,  Fresno  1,  California. 


PSYCHIATRIC  CASE  WORKER  in  a  small  child 
guidance  agency  within  the  metropolitan  area  of 
New  York.  Opportunity  for  intensive  psycho- 
therapeutic  work  with  children  under  direction  of 
an  outstanding  nationally  known  psychiatrist. 
Apply  Jewish  Child  Guidance  Bureau,  682  High 
Street,  Newark,  N.  J. 


EXECUTIVE  SECRETARY  with  extensive  social 
service  case  work  experience  for  social  agency  in 
southern  Jersey  resort.  8253  Survey. 


HOSPITAL  ADMITTING  WORKER  for  large 
hospital  in  Northern  New  Jersey.  Experience  in 
public  welfare  or  other  social  work  desirable. 
8245  Survey. 


BOOKPLATES 


FREE  CATALOG,   showing  several  hundred  beau- 
tiful  desitrin 
ANTIOCH    BOOKPLATES.   Box  218,  Yllltw   Sprints,   Okb 

HOBBY 

PROFITABLE  HOBBY  painting  textiles,  neckties, 
lampshades,  leather,  oilcloth.  Complete  illustrated 
instruction  book  $1.50.  ALBY  STUDIO,  1374  E. 
8th,  Brooklyn  30,  N.  Y. 

REAL  ESTATE 

FOR  SALE:  An  ideal  home  or  resort  on  Rio 
Grande  River.  Paved  road;  18  miles  from  Albu- 
querque ;  surrounded  by  government  land ;  excep- 
tional romantic  setting  in  corner  of  desert  where 
the  trees  begin;  excellent  view;  wonderful  year 
around  climate;  extra  well  built,  roomy,  modern 
house;  495  acres,  or  less  if  desired.  A  bargain. 
Perry  Robb,  Bernalillo,  New  Mexico. 

PRINTING 

PERSONAL  NAME  STICKERS  printed  with 
your  name  and  address.  500  for  SI.  Box  24, 
Richmond  Hill,  N.  Y. 

PROFESSIONAL    SERVICES 


SPECIAL  ARTICLES,  THESES,  SPEECHES. 
PAPERS.  Research,  revision,  bibliographies,  etc. 
Over  twenty  years'  experience  serving  busy  pro- 
fessional persons.  Prompt  service  extended. 
AUTHO.RS  RESEARCH  BUREAU,  516  Fifth 
Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


RESEARCH :  Congressional  Library,  Government 
Bureaus,  etc.  Questions,  literary  or  scientific  in- 
vestigations, genealogy,  business  errands,  attended 
by  experts.  Circular  free.  CREHORE,  Box 
2329-G,  Washington  13,  D.  C. 


BOOK  REVIEW  drudgery  done  for  you  by  expert- 
enced  lecturer,  newspaper  and  SRL  reviewer. 
Henrietta  Hardman,  Central  Village,  Connecticut. 


EMPLOYMENT  AGENCY 


GERTRUDE  R.  STEIN,  INC. 
AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  medi- 
cal social  work  positions. 


SITUATIONS  WANTED 


MALE  CASE  WORKER,  brief  professional  experi- 
ence delinquent  boys,  seeks  post  where  lengthy 
newspaper  publicity  background  can  help  offset 
inexperience.  8230  Survey. 


SUPERVISOR,  now  employed,  wishes  position  in 
Arizona.  Interested  in  Casework  Supervision,  but 
will  consider  allied  fields.  MSW  Degree  ac- 
credited school.  8258  Survey. 


WOMAN  SUPERINTENDENT;  small  institution; 
20  years'  experience.  Can  carry  complete  admin- 
istration and  simple  effective  case  work  program. 
Interested  in  dependent  children.  8259  Survey. 


VOCATIONAL  COUNSELING  SUPERVISOR, 
Female,  10  years'  experience  in  both  counseling 
.and  placement  of  "normal"  and  handicapped,  in- 
cluding veterans  in  both  categories.  Social  work 
background  with  experience  in  Medical,  Chil- 
dren's and  Family  Welfare  agencies.  Member 
AASW.  Want  administrative  assistant  or  super- 
visory job  with  case  work  or  vocational  agency  in 
New  York  City.  8261  Survey. 


RATES 

Classified  Advertising 


Noo.di.pl.r 
Minimum    Oiarg. 
Dlxonnu       .      . 


SSe    por    Un. 
8e    per    word 

p.r    In.erUon 
.      .      .     10%    „„    ,|,    In.ertlon. 

15%   on    twelv*    Insertion* 
CASH    WITH   ORDER 


SURVEY  GRAPHIC 
112  E.  I9th  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


DECEMBER     1945 


(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention   SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 


495 


DIRECTORY  OF  NATIONAL  ORGANIZATIONS 

Social,  Economic  and  international  Planning 


AMERICAN  FRIENDS  SERVICE  COMMITTEE 
(QUAKERS)— 20  South  12th  Street,  Philadel- 
phia 7,  Pennsylvania;  Clarence  E.  Pickett, 
Executive  Secretary.  "Whatever  concerns 
human  beings  in  distress,  whatever  may  help 
free  individuals,  groups  and  nations  from 
fear,  hate  or  narrowness — these  are  subjects 
for  the  Committee's  consideration." 
Principal  activities  include  RELIEF:  in  Fin- 
land. France,  elsewhere  in  Europe,  China, 
India:  REFUGEE  AID:  in  United  States 
and  abroad;  RACE  RELATIONS:  resettle- 
ment of  Japanese  Americans,  improvement 
of  housing  and  employment  for  Negroes; 
WORK  CAMPS:  for  students  in  Mexico  and 
United  States;  EDUCATION:  Institutes  of 
International  Relations  to  promote  study  of 
religious  and  economic  bases  for  peace  and 
postwar  reconstruction.  The  Committee  also 
has  administered  Civilian  Public  Service 
Camps  for  conscientious  objectors. 


Since   1917    AMERICAN  JEWISH   CONGRESS   has 

concerned  itself  with  protection  of  rights  of 
Jews.  Activities  now  embrace  situation  in 
United  States,  Latin  America,  and  Europe. 
Its  program  includes  defense  against  'anti- 
Semitic  propaganda,  combating  economic  dis- 
crimination, law  and  legislation  with  a  view 
to  strengthening  democracy,  political  repre- 
sentation on  behalf  of  rights  of  Jews,  and 
amelioration'  of  conditions  for  refugees. 
Maintains  the  INSTITUTE  OF  JEWISH  AFFAIRS, 
a  research  body  to  gather  and  publish  the 
facts  of  Jewish  life;  publishes  CONGRESS 
WEEKLY,  a  Jewish  review.  Is  American 
branch  of  the  WORLD  JEWISH  CONGRESS. 
1834  Broadway,  New  York  23,  New  York. 


AMERICAN   RUSSIAN   CULTURAL   ASSOCIATION 

— Devoted  to  strengthening  cultural  ties 
between  U.  S.  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  Lectures, 
Public  Events  Exhibitions,  Classes,  Private 
and  Group  Lessons  in  Russian  given  by 
graduates  of  Russian  Universities.  For  full 
information  address  American  Russian  Cul- 
tural Association,  200  West  57th  St.,  New 
York  19,  N.  Y. 


AMERICAN  SOCIETY  FOR  PUBLIC  ADMINIS- 
TRATION,  1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago  37A, 
Illinois.  A  national  organization  to  advance 
the  science  of  public  administration.  All 
members  receive  official  quarterly  journal 
Public  Administration  Review,  which  presents 
articles  on  current  administrative  practices. 
Discussion  groups  for  members  in  metro- 
politan areas.  Membership  $5. 


BTVAI  B*RITH — Oldest  and  largest  national  Jew- 
ish service  and  fraternal  organization  whose 
program  embraces  manifold  activities  in  war 
service,  Americanism,  youth  welfare,  war  re- 
lief, education,  community  and  social  service, 
inter-faith  good  will,  defense  of  Jewish  rights 
and  philanthropy.  Membership  200.000  in- 
cluding women's  auxiliaries  and  junior  units 
—1003  K  Street,  N.W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


BUREAU    OF    INTERCULTURAL    EDUCATION  — 

1*97  Broadway,  New  York  19,  N.  Y.  H.  H. 
Giles,  Executive  Director.  A  non-profit 
agency  committed  to  long-term  educational 
work  with  schools  so  that  Americans  who  are 
of  many  different  religious  beliefs,  racial 
strains,  and  ethnic  origins  will  live  together 
in  harmony  and  with  mutual  respect. 
The  Bureau  (1)  works  with  school  adminis- 
trators and  teachers  to  develop  local  and 
city-wide  programs  of  intercultural  educa- 
tion; (2)  promotes  intensive  experimentation 
and  study  of  methods;  (3)  publishes  books 
for  teachers  and  children;  (4)  reprints  and 
distributes  materials  and  audio-visual  aids 
suitable  for  school  and  community  groups; 
(5)  serves  as  a  center  for  consultation;  (6) 
offers  teachers  in-service  courses  in  intercul- 
tural education;  (7)  sponsors  leadership  train- 
ing and  intercultural  education  workshops. 
Information  concerning  publications  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  CITY  MANAGERS'  ASSO- 
CIATION, 1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago.  To 
aid  in  improving  municipal  administration  (1) 
annually  issues  The  Municipal  Year  Book, 
an  encyclopedia  of  information  about  munici- 
pal activities  in  the  2.042  United  States 
cities  over  5,000;  (2)  publishes  Public  Man- 
agement, a  monthly  journal  devoted  to  local 
government;  (3)  issues  special  research  re- 
ports such  as  Planning  for  Postwar  Munici- 
pal Services,  and  The  Police  and  Minority 
Groups,  etc.;  (4)  provides  a  series  of  eight 
practical  correspondence  courses  in  municipal 
government.  Write  for  a  complete  list  of 
publications  and  a  catalogue  on  training 
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NATIONAL      CONGRESS       OF       PARENTS       AND 

TEACHERS— An  educational  organization  of 
over  three  million  men  and  women,  working 
together  in  28.000  local  associations  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  children  and  youth. 
Conduct  a  nation-wide  program  devoted  to 
home  and  school  education,  parent  education, 
health  and  social  services.  One  of  its  major 
projects  is  the  preparation  and  distribution 
of  Parent-Teacher  publications,  among  which 
are  the  "National  Parent-Teacher,"  official 
magazine,  and  a  monthly  Bulletin,  both  issued 
on  a  subscription  basis;  Proceedings  of  An- 
nual Meetings;  Community  Life  in  a  Democ- 
racy; The  Parent-Teacher  Organisation.  Its 
Origin  and  Development.  Write:  Mrs.  William 
A.  Hastings.  President,  600  South  Michigan 
Boulevard,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 


NATIONAL  CONSUMERS  LEAGUE,  348  Engineers' 
Building,  Cleveland  14,  Ohio.  A  voluntary 
organization  founded  in  1899  to  awaken 
consumers'  responsibility  for  conditions  under 
which  goods  are  made  and  distributed,  and 
through  investigation,  education,  and  legis- 
lation to  promote  fair  labor  standards.  Mini- 
mum membership  fee  including  quarterly 
bulletin.  $2.00.  Elizabeth  S.  Magee,  General 
Secretary. 


NATIONAL  COUNCIL  OF  JEWISH  WOMEN.  1819 
Broadway,  New  York  23,  N.  Y.  FIFTY 
YEARS'  SERVICE  TO  FAITH  AND 
HUMANITY.  SERVICE  TO  FOREIGN 
BORN — Immigrant  aid,  port  and  dock  work, 
naturalization  aid.  Americanization  classes, 
location  of  relatives  in  war-separated  families. 
SOCIAL  WELFARE  AND  WAR  ACTIVI- 
TIES— Council  houses  and  clubs,  nurseries, 
clinics;  scholarships,  camps,  teen-age  can- 
teens; work  with  handicapped.  Participation 
.  in  national  wartime  programs  through  educa- 
tional protects  and  community  activities. 
EDUCATION  DIVISION  —  Contemporary 
Jewish  affairs,  international  relations  and 
peace,  social  legislation.  Study  groups  under 
national  direction  keep  Jewish  women  through- 
out country  alert  to  vital  current  issues.  215 
Senior  Sections  in  United  States.  100  Junior 
and  Councilette  Sections.  65,000  members. 


NATIONAL  FEDERATION  FOR  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL  LIBERTIES—  205  East  42  St.,  Room 
1613,  New  York  17,  N.  Y.  A  national 
federation  through  which  labor,  church,  civic, 
fraternal  and  farm  organizations,  as  well  as 
individual  citizens,  work  to  protect  and  ex- 
tend civil  rights  in  the  tradition  of  the 
American  Constitution. 

Maintains  a  national  office  in  New  York, 
and  a  Washington  Bureau  to  provide  accurate 
and  timely  information  on  civil  rights  issues 
— through  publications,  meetings,  and  special 
legislative  assistance. 

NFCL  Subscription  Service:  $3  per  year  for 
individuals';  $5  for  organizations. 


NATIONAL       INFORMATION       BUREAU.       INC., 

205  East  42nd  Street.  New  York  17, 
N.  Y.  A  non-profit  Bureau,  established  in 
1918,  to  improve  standards  in  the  field  of 
philanthropy,  national  and  international,  and 
to  advise  contributors  in  their  giving.  It 
was  asked  about  750  different  philanthropic 
organizations  during  1944.  The  Bureau  in- 
vestigates agencies  and  reports  whether 
eleven  essential  standards  as  to  reliability 
and  effectiveness  are  met.  Bureau  mem- 
bers who  are  eligible  for  its  confidential 
reports,  on  approved  and  non-approved 
agencies,  include  individuals,  corporations, 
chambers  of  commerce,  700  local  community 
chests  and  councils,  and  29  foundations. 
Publishes  annually  "Giver's  Guide  to  Na- 
tional Philanthropy,"  price  10ct  and  periodic 
newsletters  to  members.  Inquiries  welcomed. 


NATIONAL  PEACE  CONFERENCE,  8  West  40  St., 
New  York  City  18,  is  composed  of  repre- 
sentatives of  National  men  and  women's  or- 
ganizations whose  programs  include  in  whole 
or  in  part  an  interest  in  world  affairs. 
Through  monthly  meetings,  special  institutes 
and  popular  pamphlets,  the  Conference  con- 
tributes to  education  of  public  opinion  for  an 
organized  world.  Publication  list  upon  re- 
quest. Dr.  Walter  W.  Van  Kirk,  Hon. 
President;  Dr.  John  Paul  Jones,  President; 
Miss  Jane  Evans,  Administrative  Vice  Presi- 
dent. 


THE  NATIONAL  VOCATIONAL  GUIDANCE 
ASSOCIATION,  Christine  Melcher,  Executive 
Secretary,  82  Beaver  Street,  Room  510,  New 
York  5,  is  the  professional  organization  for 
counselors  and  others  engaged  and  interested 
in  vocational  guidance  and  the  publishers  of 
OCCUPATIONS,  the  Vocational  Guidance 
Journal. 


THE  POST  WAR  WORLD  COUNCIL,  a  non-parti- 
.  san,  non-profit  organization,  was  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  focusing  the  attention  of  the 
liberal  opinion-forming  public  upon  major 
political  and  social  issues  which  are  vital  to 
lasting  peace. 

The  PWWC  issues  news  releases  and  pub- 
lishes pamphlets  and  a  monthly  News  Bul- 
letin on  vital  issues  contributing  something 
positive  to  buttress  the  hope  and  sanity  of 
this  postwar  world  and  to  combat  the  con- 
fusion it  is  in. 

If  interested  in  further  details  or  member- 
ship, send  your  name  and  address  to :  POST 
WAR  WORLD  COUNCIL,  112  East  19th 
Street,  New  York  3,  New  York. 


PUBLIC    OWNERSHIP    LEAGUE    OF    AMERICA — 

Facts  about  America's  10,000  publicly  owned 
projects— Bi-monthly,  illustrated  Magazine 
and  News  Letter — Extensive  Bulletin  and 
leaflet  service.  "Studies  in  Public  Power" — 
25  chapters — latest  data  on  Bonneville,  Grand 
Coulee,  TVA  and  other  federal  and  munici- 
pal projects— ^For  individuals,  study  groups 
and  organizations.  Send  lOc  for  descriptive 
booklet  and  samples.  Full  service  $5.00  per 
year.  Address:  127  N.  Dearborn  St.,  Chi- 
cago 2,  Illinois. 


SURVEY  ASSOCIATES.  INC.—  112  East  19th  St., 
New  York  3.  A  cooperative  educational 
society  built  around  a  periodical  rather  than 
a  campus,  and  carrying  forward  swift  re- 
search and  interpretation  in  the  fields  of 
family  and  child  welfare,  health,  education, 
civics,  industrial  and  race  relations,  and  the 
commori  welfare.  Publishes  monthly  Survey 
Graphic,  Magazine  of  Social  Interpretation 
without  counterpart,  and  Survey  Midmonthly, 
Journal  of  Social  Work.  Membership,  $10, 
and  upwards. 


WORLD  PEACE  FOUNDATION—  A  non-profit  or- 
ganization founded  in  1910  by  Edwin  Ginn 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace,  justice 
and  good  will  among  nations.  This  purpose 
is  accomplished  through  the  objective  presen- 
tation and  interpretation  of  the  facts  of 
American  foreign  relations  through  publica- 
tions, study  groups  and  a  Reference  Service. 
Publications:  Documents  on  American  For- 
eign Relations,  1938 — (annual);  America 
Looks  Ahead  (a  pamphlet  series) ;  and  other 
titles. 

The  Foundation  has  available  a  pamphlet 
series  entitled  Problem  Analyses  (I-XX, 
$1.00),  published  by  the  Universities  Com- 
mittee on  Post-War  International  Problems. 
Information  concerning  publications  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request.  40  Mt.  Vernon 
Street,  Boston  8,  Massachusetts. 


This  DIRECTORY  appears  In  Survey 
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of  Social  Science. 

Plan  A  covers  three  summer  sessions  of  academic 
study  and  two  winter  field  placements  in  qualified 
case  work  agencies  in  various  cities.  This  program 
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or  experience  in  social  work. 

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or  adequate  graduate  work. 

Plan  C  admits  students  for  the  first  summer  session 
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gram may  reapply  to  complete  the  course  pro- 
vided a  period  of  not  more  than  two  years  has 
intervened. 

Academic  Year  Opens  June  25,  1946 

For  further  information  write  to 

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